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‘Married to the Mob,’ but under a chuppah: A new memoir details a Jewish family’s crime ties
(New York Jewish Week) — The Geiks weren’t your typical Bronx working-class Jewish family.
One brother ran a mob-protected trucking company in Manhattan’s Garment District. Another brother, an NYPD detective, chauffeured organized crime couriers around the city with illicit cash. Their kid sister visited a Las Vegas casino where the tween was set up with a couple of slot machines in a private room.
And a close family friend was sent up the river for killing a notorious Jewish gangster.
Meet the family whose close ties to Jewish gangsters are chronicled in “Uncle Charlie Killed Dutch Schultz,” a memoir just published by Alan Geik.
Dutch Schultz was the mob name of Arthur Flegenheimer, the Jewish bootlegger and numbers racket kingpin who left this mortal coil in October 1935 at the Palace Chop House in Newark. The triggermen were two Jews, members of the organized crime group Murder Inc. Mendy Weiss and Charles “Bug” Workman, the Uncle Charlie of the memoir’s title, did the hit.
Workman, who reportedly killed more than 20 people before pleading guilty to the murder of Dutch Schultz, was not a blood relative of author Alan Geik. But Workman grew up with Geik’s father on the Lower East Side and was so close to the Geik family he was considered an uncle. The author was in his 20s when he first met Workman, after the hitman was released from a New Jersey prison in 1964.
“I would never think of calling him anything but Uncle Charlie,” said Geik, 80, a retired TV producer and radio host who lives in Las Vegas.
In addition to diving deep into Workman’s story, the book also explores how Jewish mobsters and their hangers-on fought antisemitism, beat up Nazis and helped a fledgling Israel acquire arms for its War of Independence.
“These were people, from the first generation of Jews in America, who fought back against antisemitism in the streets,” Geik said. “Their parents fled the pogroms of Eastern Europe. They were not going to let it happen again and they didn’t.”
Geik’s book joins a crowded shelf of histories and memoirs of the Jewish mob, including “But He Was Good to His Mother: The Lives and Crimes of Jewish Gangsters,” by Robert A. Rockaway, and “Tough Jews: Fathers, Sons, and Gangster Dreams,” by Rich Cohen. Like those books, Geik’s family history provides a sort of reverse image of typical Jewish immigrant stories: Instead of scrapping their way up from New York’s Jewish enclaves into retail and the professions, Geik’s family joined a criminal counterculture.
Alan Geik’s family’s close ties to Jewish gangsters are chronicled in a just-published memoir, “Uncle Charlie Killed Dutch Schultz.” (Sonador Publishing)
Books such as Geik’s “really put a personal experience to this whole world that we all know about, the world of New York mobsters,” said Larry Henry, author of a monthly column for the Mob Museum in Las Vegas. “The public’s appetite for mob stories is insatiable.”
“Uncle Charlie Killed Dutch Schultz” describes a tangled family tree ripe with, well, rotten apples. Geik’s father, Lou, was not actually in the mob but did reap benefits from his ties with organized crime, Alan concedes. Lou Geik was one of several individuals who delivered mob cash to Workman’s family over 23 years.
“Uncle Charlie felt indebted to my father,” said Geik.
The author’s father is cited as a source for many of the anecdotes included in the memoir. Geik said that while his father’s business relied on mob protection, Lou Geik didn’t have “that extra whatever-it-took to be a really hardened criminal” — a trait, he said, his own older brother Bernard also lacked.
“My brother always wanted to be a gangland figure,” said Alan Geik. “So, instead my brother became a policeman.”
An ultimately very corrupt policeman. Bernard Geik joined the force in 1962 and resigned in 1971 after serving in the notorious Special Investigative Unit, which, as depicted in the book and the motion picture “Prince of the City,” devolved into an extortion ring. After resigning from the NYPD, Bernard Geik was arrested for bribery and bribe-taking in 1974. He reportedly pleaded guilty but served no time.
The disgraced detective went to work at his father’s trucking company. According to the author, his brother was one of the detectives provided by a supervisor to drive their Uncle George and other mobsters around town when they were transporting mob money in New York.
Uncle George Gordon was a real uncle. Gordon is allegedly one of the gangsters the actor George Raft modeled himself after for his roles in 1930s and ’40s crime melodramas. For decades, beginning at a casino and speakeasy near the Hudson River in midtown Manhattan, Gordon had a big hand in organized crime’s gambling operations, supervising enterprises in Florida, the Midwest, Las Vegas and Havana.
Alan Geik isn’t the only keeper of his family’s convoluted story. His sister Iris has her own memories of growing up mob-adjacent, such as when she and her parents were Gordon’s guests at the Stardust Hotel in Vegas when the mob was running its casino and skimming cash from the profits. Gordon wanted Lou Geik to work there.
According to Iris, Gordon posted a guard outside a private room in which she had been ensconced with a couple of slot machines. The 13-year-old was “mesmerized” by the slot machines. Her mother was initially unaware of what was going on.
“Uncle Charlie” Workman, seen in 1941, pled guilty to the 1935 murder of mobster Dutch Schultz and was given a life sentence. (NYPD)
“I was having a blast,” Iris Geik said. “I’ll never forget when the door flung open and my itty-bitty mother came in with a big guard behind her. She immediately made me stop [playing with the slot machine] and give back the money I had won.”
Iris Geik, now a privacy lawyer in the Boston area, has written hundreds of pages of her own memoir about the wives and girlfriends of the Jewish gangsters, tentatively titled, “The View From the Women’s Table.”
“Their lives were complex but they were also heimische Jewish women,” she said, using the Yiddish word for cozy and familiar. She and her father eloped because they were a mixed couple: Her mother Reba was a Sephardic Jew and her father was Ashkenazi.
Geik remembered that as a child she noticed a newspaper article about a family friend being arrested. She said, “Mom! Mom! Look, we’re famous.” To which her mother replied, “That’s infamous, dear.”
Geik said that on several occasions her mother observed: “There are no second-generation Jewish mobsters. Jews don’t make gangsters out of their children.”
Reba Geik had been involved in caring for two of Iris’ aunts who lived in Brooklyn while they were dying. Those acts of kindness had a profound impact on Uncle George, the casino supervisor.
After the aunts passed away, Gordon always stood when Reba entered a room, Iris said. “My mother was very honored by that because he was such a big shot.”
Throughout her life, Reba Geik remained close to Sylvia Lorber, a friend from her teenage years. Lorber was the only mob mistress her mother would spend time with, said Iris. Lorber was the paramour of two Jewish gangsters: Benny Kassop, the brother of Murder, Inc. gunman Sammy Kassop, and Sam “Red” Levine, an observant Jew who wore a kippah under his fedora. Levine won the affection of Lorber while the Kassop brothers were in Sing Sing, the maximum-security prison in Ossining, New York.
“Sylvia was a hell of a lot of fun but my mother worried about her,” Iris said. “Sylvia told me her stories, which were kind of glamorous when she was young but sad when she was older.” After spending 20 years with Levine, Lorber couldn’t attend his funeral. Sylvia Lorber stopped talking to Reba Geik in her last years.
Jewish gangsters do, on occasion, display some altruism in Alan Geik’s memoir. Take Moe Dalitz, the head of the Cleveland Syndicate. He was a major bootlegger during Prohibition whose flotillas of illegal liquor on the Great Lakes came to be known as The Little Jewish Navy. His family ran legitimate laundry businesses in Boston and Detroit. Too old to be drafted during World War II, he enlisted at the age of 42 and was commissioned as a lieutenant. Dalitz ran the military laundry service on New York’s Governor’s Island — but declined to bunk in the island’s barracks, opting instead to stay at a swanky hotel overlooking Central Park.
Then there was Johnny Eder, a major source for Geik’s narrative. Eder was part of the Lower East Side teenage crime crew that included Uncle Charlie and Uncle George. As an adult he was a major fence for stolen jewelry and always had a bag of stolen rings on him. Eder also had many connections at City Hall and in the Brooklyn District Attorney’s office.
According to Geik’s account, Eder was the mob’s representative to the Haganah, the Jewish paramilitary force in Palestine. Eder arranged meetings in the noisy kitchen of the Copacabana, a mob hangout, between Haganah agents and mobsters and others described as “former wartime U.S. intelligence agents” working to secure weapons for Israel’s War of Independence. (The late Teddy Kollek, Jerusalem’s longtime mayor, would tell a story about passing cash to an intermediary at the Copacabana, who brought the money to an Irish sea caption with a ship full of munitions bound for the Holy Land. The bagman, according to Kollek, was Frank Sinatra.)
Author Alan Geik’s father-in-law, Lou Lenart, left, and other fighter pilots in front of Avia-S-199 plane. Lenart was part of the group of men transporting surplus fighter planes and other weapons to the Holy Land for use in the War of Independence. (Courtesy of Boaz Dvir)
Alan Geik has a very personal connection to the creation of the Jewish state. His late wife Nina was the daughter of Lou Lenart, a World War II fighter pilot who served in the U.S. Marines. Geik’s memoir details how the elder Lenart was part of the group of men transporting surplus fighter planes and other weapons to Palestine for use in Israel’s War of Independence. Lenart’s story was featured in Nancy Spielberg’s 2014 documentary “Above and Beyond,” about the creation of the Israeli air force.
The story of how Jewish gangsters used some violent muscle against Nazi sympathizers in New York has been told before in historical accounts, but one episode in Geik’s memoir is particularly dramatic. A pair of Jews attended a Bund rally at Camp Siegfried on Long Island, a summer camp that taught Nazi ideology, and were offered a ride back to the city by a Nazi sympathizer who they ended up beating senseless in Brooklyn.
Alan Geik was not really hungry when he met Meyer Lansky at a Central Park hotel in the late 1950s. The gangster asked the 15-year-old nephew of George Gordon if he wanted a pastrami sandwich. Geik declined. Then Lansky, who struck Geik as an “older Jewish man who I knew was really powerful,” suggested that they split one. It was an offer that Geik did not refuse.
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Resignations Continue From Heritage Foundation’s Antisemitism Task Force Amid Carlson-Fuentes Controversy
Tucker Carlson speaks at Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana, Oct. 21, 2025. Photo: Gage Skidmore/ZUMA Press Wire via Reuters Connect
The Heritage Foundation, a prominent think tank that has been at the center of US conservative politics for decades, is continuing to receive intense backlash over President Kevin Roberts’ refusal to condemn his friend and right-wing podcaster Tucker Carlson’s platforming of neo-Nazi commentator Nick Fuentes in a recent two-hour long interview.
Two members of the Heritage Foundation’s National Task Force to Combat Antisemitism resigned this week while one suspended its participation.
Ian Speir, an attorney at Covenant Law and fellow at the Religious Freedom Institute, announced Tuesday on X that he had resigned from the group.
Rabbi Yaakov Menken, the executive vice President of the Coalition for Jewish Values, made the same decision, sharing a letter announcing the choice with the Washington Free Beacon.
Arie Lipnick, a member of the Board of Governors for the Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM), sent a letter to Roberts suspending further participation with Heritage pending a meeting with him.
“I cannot in good conscience stand with Heritage or continue on the task force under its current auspices,” Speir said in his resignation letter, which he shared on social media. “I have great respect for all of you, and I consider many of you personal friends. And at the urging of the co-chairs, I was prepared to defer this decision at least until we could get important questions answered about the future of Heritage and the conservative movement. But then Roberts made his statement at Hillsdale last night.”
On Monday, Roberts stated in a speech at Hillsdale College that he had made a “mistake.”
“Sometimes you can make a mistake with the best of intentions,” Roberts said, adding that “my mistake was not saying that we’re not going to participate in cancel culture — we’re not. My mistake was letting that, which we will never backtrack from, override the central motivation that I had in doing that.”
In his resignation letter, Speir described Roberts’ remarks as “strategic non-apology that doubles down on ‘loyalty’ to Tucker Carlson, muses about welcoming groypers and the groyper-curious into the movement, and continues to gaslight everyone about ‘cancelation’ when that clearly isn’t the issue.”
Groypers are part of a loose network of white nationalists and internet trolls who adhere to the racist and antisemitic views of Fuentes, who claims he seeks to preserve the white, European identity and culture of the US.
“It is the elevation of blind loyalty and a thirst for power above principle — the very opposite of historical American conservatism,” Speir wrote. “I cannot tread this path with you. The stakes for our country and for our Jewish friends are simply too high, too existential. I welcome efforts, already underway, to reconstitute some part of this auspicious group and continue the important work of stewarding our American freedoms, combating antisemitism, and renewing the great Judeo-Christian spirit of our civilization.”
Menken’s letter began in anguish: “It is with pain and regret that I tender the resignation of the Coalition for Jewish Values (CJV) from the National Task Force to Combat Antisemitism (NTFCA). We cannot grant legitimacy to an effort to combat antisemitism operated by the Heritage Foundation while Heritage is validating antisemitism and giving it a platform.”
CJV explained the incompatibility of Carlson’s anti-Israel rhetoric and promotion of antisemitic conspiracy theories with the goals of the task force.
“When Carlson welcomes guests and reposts content calling Israel’s effort to subdue Hamas and rescue hostages a ‘genocide,’ he makes himself an integral part of the Hamas Support Network that Project Esther aims to fight,” Menken said. “So, it is not that we are leaving the NTFCA as much as that Mr. Roberts has declared that Heritage itself threatens to scuttle the NTFCA’s efforts.”
In CAM’s letter to Roberts, Lipnick wrote that the group “requests an immediate meeting with you to discuss our ongoing relationship with the Heritage Foundation. Until such time, CAM is suspending our participation as a member of the National Task Force to Combat Antisemitism, a project of the Heritage Foundation.”
Lipnick noted that CAM defended Carlson’s constitutionally protected right to feature Fuentes on his X podcast, and that “indeed, Mr. Carlson has the right to practice antisemitism himself — a right he appears to have greedily exercised in recent years.”
Lipnick described how CAM likewise possesses “the right to criticize Mr. Carlson for eagerly nodding along with comments that channel the literature of the Third Reich, for challenging the First Amendment rights of Christian Americans to practice their faith and for labeling them ‘heretics,’ and not least for allowing his show to become a welcome home for America’s adversaries.”
CAM saw Roberts’ Hillsdale speech as failing to correct the damage done from his previous advocacy of Carlson.
“Given the opportunity to apologize and retract your comments criticizing ‘a venomous coalition of globalists,’ ‘the globalist class,’ and ‘their mouthpieces in Washington,’ comments that feed into the very antisemitic tropes you claim to ‘abhor,’ your speech at Hillsdale College yesterday fell well short of the mark,” Lipnick wrote. “Taken together with your defense of Mr. Carlson’s decision to treat Holocaust denial as legitimate political discourse begs the question of whether Holocaust survivors, their families, and the American Jewish community at large have a home at Heritage.”
The letter from CAM to Roberts concluded, “Frankly, your comments leave us skeptical of whether the Heritage Foundation has the necessary moral leadership to house the Task Force to Combat Antisemitism.”
CJV ended its correspondence with the terms for its continued collaboration with Heritage.
“CJV cannot, in good conscience, remain affiliated with an institution that normalizes or excuses antisemitism under the guise of political commentary or free speech. The moral clarity required to fight Jew-hatred cannot coexist with public expressions of support for those who amplify it,” Menken wrote. “Until such time as there is a complete reversal of Mr. Roberts’ position, or, alternatively, his resignation is accepted by the Heritage Board of Directors, CJV cannot be part of a program, event, or effort claiming to combat antisemitism in which the Heritage Foundation is a sponsoring partner.”
The resignations began last week. On Sunday, Mark Goldfeder, CEO of the National Jewish Advocacy Center and an Orthodox rabbi, posted his own letter of resignation on X.
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Yesh Atid quits World Zionist Organization, citing corruption and political cronyism
In an unprecedented rebuke, Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid announced Wednesday that his centrist Yesh Atid party is withdrawing from the World Zionist Organization, accusing the 127-year-old quasi-governmental institution of being mired in corruption and political patronage.
Saying that corruption was pushing Diaspora Jews away from Israel, he also said he would push to nationalize Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael–Jewish National Fund, which controls over 13% of Israel’s land.
The move derailed weeks of delicate coalition talks at the World Zionist Congress, a global gathering in Jerusalem that happens once every five years, where delegates from around the world had been negotiating a power-sharing deal between Israel’s political parties and major Diaspora Jewish groups.
Under a draft agreement, Yesh Atid lawmaker Meir Cohen was expected to chair the KKL-JNF, but those plans collapsed after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s son, Yair, was reportedly offered a senior position at the WZO — a step that Lapid blasted as emblematic of nepotism and “a system to arrange jobs for the Netanyahu family.”
Lapid said his party would refuse all positions and funding tied to the Zionist institutions.
“We wanted to clean the National Institutions of the culture of corruption and political appointments — but it’s not possible. There’s no way to do it, and no one to do it with,” he said in a video statement.
Instead, Yesh Atid will introduce legislation to bring the KKL-JNF under state control, subjecting it to public audit and transparency laws.
A Yesh Atid spokesperson told eJewishPhilanthropy that the decision followed growing frustration over patronage and waste. “Every stone you pick up and look under, there’s more budgets, more jobs, more things you can’t explain,” the spokesperson said. “It’s all ridiculous.”
The World Zionist Organization, the Jewish Agency, KKL-JNF, and Keren Hayesod together oversee billions in assets and programs in Israel and abroad. Though nominally nonpartisan, they have long operated through political coalitions reflecting the Knesset. Lapid’s withdrawal throws the current round of appointments into turmoil, with no clear path to new leadership.
Lapid insisted his criticism was directed at institutional corruption, not the Diaspora Jews represented within them.
“They understand exactly what’s going on in these institutions. It pushes them even further away from the State of Israel and from Zionism,” he said. “We will fight it, not join it.”
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Jacob Frey, Jewish mayor of Minneapolis, defeats challenger who drew Mamdani comparisons
Jacob Frey, the Jewish incumbent mayor of Minneapolis, has won a third term against a Democratic Socialist opponent who had pledged not to affiliate with “Zionist lobby groups” and whose supporters compared him to New York City mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani.
Frey prevailed in the second round of ranked-choice voting Wednesday in unofficial tallies, a day after polls closed. His most prominent opponent, state Sen. Omar Fateh, finished more than five points behind him.
The results could offer hope for a national Jewish electorate worried that Mamdani’s victory portends broader Democratic willingness to back candidates who are openly critical of Israel. A mayoral election in Seattle on Tuesday played to similar dynamics, as an upstart challenger who had signaled support for divesting from Israel mounted a spirited bid against an incumbent; that race remains too close to call.
Like Mamdani, who first shocked the political establishment by winning New York’s Democratic primary, Fateh had successfully wrangled the official backing of his state’s Democratic Party analogue, the Democratic Farm and Labor Party, over the summer. But in his case, allegations of impropriety in the voting process led to the party rescinding its endorsement.
Fateh did earn another endorsement: that of the local Democratic Socialists of America chapter. In order to earn it, the Somali-American candidate had pledged to “refrain from any and all affiliation” with Israel and to avoid work with “Zionist lobby groups” — a list that included J Street and the local Jewish Community Relations Council, whose director publicly condemned Fateh. Members of the candidate’s staff had also defended the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, according to reports.
The Minneapolis election was different in other important respects. For one, Frey — though a target of criticism for his handling of some issues — was hardly tarnished with the same level of scandal that trailed Mamdani’s opponents Andrew Cuomo and Eric Adams. For another, the race barely mentioned Israel, instead pivoting on issues closer to home such as policing in the shadow of George Floyd’s 2020 killing. In addition, the race featured a bevy of candidates, hobbling Fateh’s ability to coalesce the anti-Frey vote around him.
Yet Israel dynamics and antisemitism were not entirely absent from the race. Frey entered his reelection campaign after having vetoed a February 2024 resolution, brought by his city council, calling for a ceasefire in Israel and Gaza; he also criticized an “Educators for Palestine” event held in the city last year.
While Frey had been endorsed by most of Minnesota’s Democratic heavy hitters, including Gov. Tim Walz, Fateh secured the endorsement of Rep. Ilhan Omar, one of Israel’s fiercest critics in the U.S. House.
Both Frey and Fateh also condemned antisemitism after a prominent Minneapolis synagogue was tagged with antisemitic and pro-Hamas graffiti last month. Frey has attended services there.
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