For most of my years, Yom HaZikaron (Israel’s Memorial Day) has had special significance. In 1948, my father’s younger brother (one of three survivors of a large Warsaw family) was killed in the Battle of Mishmar Hayarden. From 1950 until my father’s passing in 1990, he visited his brother’s grave, the only grave he was able to visit (his parents, sister, older brother, and baby brother were slaughtered in Auschwitz/Treblinka). I often joined him on this sad, but important, visit.

The atmosphere at the military part of the ancient cemetery in Safed was always mournful but serene and peaceful. Even after wars such as 1967, 1973 or the Lebanon campaign in 1982, it was mostly one or two family members standing by the graves of their family members. They would cry a little, listen to the memorial prayer El Moleh Rachamim, but celebrate the individuals buried in the kvarim and then go home.

This year was different. With tens of thousands of victims of the October 7 war and the wars initiated by Israel’s other enemies, every military cemetery in Israel was packed and turned into family gatherings. Noticeably, there was an upsurge of the number of children crying at graves of their parents or siblings. All I could think of was this is not the way it should be.

This war was a war for Israel’s survival. It involved the entire country from north to south, east to west. Thousands came back home to Israel to fight for the country’s existence. And the losses reflected this massive effort. Looking around the cemetery you saw every breed of Jew — religious, secular, Ashkenazi, Sephardi, Russian, Black. But as always, the saddest part was the children.

My friend Jackie Schimmel writes about the thousands of small stickers lining lampposts and bus stops, petrol stations, and kitchen fridges all across the country. Words that soldiers had as their mottos or themes of life:

“Love thy neighbor as thyself.”

“He fought out of love of those behind him rather than hatred of those in front of him.”

“It’s very good to live for our country.”

They are fragments of philosophy that stayed behind.

Rachel Goldberg-Polin quoted her son Hersh — who was quoting Holocaust survivor Viktor Frankl citing German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche — “He who has a why to live can bear almost any how.”

Schimmel compares these sayings to Pirkei Avot (Ethics of Our Fathers), our sayings from famous rishonim, each beginning with “Hu haya omer” — “he used to say.”

So, with the large increase of children and teens that now have to visit graves and mourn their losses, perhaps we can look at these stickers and these sayings as a way for the young to mourn. These notes, the fragments of themselves that people have left behind, can be a way to pay tribute to the bravest of the brave — our soldiers and victims of terror. And even more so, a way for adults to reconnect to all of the young fighting or who fought.

“I go in search of my brothers.”

J. Philip Rosen is currently Chairman of the American Section of the World Jewish Congress and Board Member of Yeshiva University, as well as several other Jewish causes. He was Vice-Chair of Birthright Israel for many years. 

Britain on Thursday raised its national terrorism threat level to “severe,” signaling that a terrorist attack was considered “highly likely,” following an antisemitic stabbing in north London.

Interior minister Shabana Mahmood said the level had been increased from “substantial” after the attack in the Golders Green area on Wednesday, adding that the decision reflected a broader and rising threat environment rather than a single event.

“I know this will be a source of concern to many, particularly amongst our Jewish community, who have suffered so much,” the minister said in a statement. “As the threat level rises, I urge everyone to be vigilant as they go about their daily lives and report any concerns they have to the police. And I can assure everyone that our world-class security services and the police are working day and night to keep our country safe.”

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Keir Starmer vowed to take action to protect the Jewish community in Britain, acknowledging that Jews were scared a day after the stabbing left two Jewish men, one in his 70s and one in his 30s, hospitalized in stable condition.

The attacked followed a spate of antisemitic attacks in the British capital.

Starmer, who has faced severe criticism from some in the Jewish community for the government’s response, promised more police in Jewish areas, a crackdown on those spreading antisemitism, and new legislation to deal with state-sponsored threats from the likes of Iran.

He had earlier been jeered and heckled by a small crowd waving banners reading “Keir Starmer Jew Harmer” when he visited Golders Green where the two Jewish men were stabbed on Wednesday.

‘PEOPLE ARE SCARED’

“People are scared, scared to show who they are in their community, scared to go to synagogue and practice their religion, scared to go to university as a Jew, to send their children to school as a Jew, to tell their colleagues that they are Jewish,” Starmer said in a televised statement.

The suspect in the Golders Green attack, a 45-year-old British national who was born in Somalia, had a history of serious violence and mental health issues, police said.

They also confirmed he had previously been referred to the counter radicalization scheme Prevent in 2020, while local media reported he had served time in prison for an incident in 2008 when he stabbed an officer and a police dog.

Amid widespread calls for more to be done to protect the about 290,000 Jews living in Britain, Starmer said the government would do “everything in our power to stamp this hatred out,” with stronger powers to shut down charities promoting extremism and a clampdown on “hate preachers.”

The government has also said it would fast-track legislation allowing the prosecution of people acting as proxies of a state-sponsored group, so they can be dealt with in the same way as spies for foreign intelligence services.

“We need stronger powers to tackle the malign threat posed by states like Iran, because we know for a fact that they want to harm British Jews,” Starmer said.

A pro-Iranian government group has claimed responsibility for several recent attacks while last month, two men were charged under Britain’s existing National Security Act with being tasked by Iran to carry out hostile surveillance.

Tehran has rejected such accusations.

PROTEST PROBLEM

One of the major issues which has caused anger amongst the Jewish community in Britain has been anti-Israel marches, which have become commonplace since the October 2023 Hamas assault on the Jewish state that triggered the war in Gaza. Critics say the protests have generated hostility and become a hotbed of antisemitism.

“If you stand alongside people who say, ‘Globalize the Intifada,’ you are calling for terrorism against Jews, and people who use that phrase should be prosecuted,” Starmer said. “It is racism, extreme racism, and it has left a minority community in this country, scared, intimidated, wondering if they belong.”

The recent incidents in London are part of a rising number of antisemitic attacks.

Last October, two people were killed after an attack at a synagogue in the northern English city of Manchester. A week later, two men went on trial over a plot to kill hundreds in an Islamic State-inspired gun rampage against the Jewish community.

They were found guilty in December, just over a week after a mass shooting at a Jewish Hanukkah celebration on Australia’s Bondi Beach.

Britain’s independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, Jonathan Hall, told the BBC the British attacks had become “the biggest national security emergency” since 2017, when there was a string of high-profile attacks.

Mahmood said additional funding would pay ​for more protective ⁠security for the country’s synagogues, schools, places of worship, and community centers, boosting police numbers in areas with a large Jewish community.

According to the British government, an additional £25 million ($34 million) will be invested to increase security for Jewish communities.

“We are seeing a huge increase in antisemitism, and that’s why the government’s work on education and stamping out antisemitism across other parts of the public ⁠sector is ​also an incredibly important part of this picture,” Mahmood said.

She did not say ​the legislation would be used against Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) but told Sky News: “I expect to be making decisions in the very near future about the ​groups that we will be designating as state-linked.”

Several countries have designated the IRGC as a foreign terrorist organization.

Amid the war in Iran, one Iranian Jewish woman who lives in the United States, but whose family remains in Iran, has been wracked with fear. Before the ceasefire, she spoke with her parents once a week for exactly one minute — both because of the exorbitant cost, about $50 per minute, and because of the fear of surveillance.

During one call a few days into the war, she said, something felt off.

“I could see that something is so wrong. It’s as if someone was there,” the woman, who moved to the U.S. in 2008, said in an interview with the Forward. “It seemed like my mom was actually reading from a note.”

She later learned that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps had come to her parents’ home, questioning why they frequently called an American number. They instructed her parents to download Bale, an Iranian messaging app widely believed to be monitored by authorities, before making any further calls.

“It’s a spy app, and everyone knows that,” the woman said with a wry laugh. Her parents refused. Instead, they were told to call their daughter and read from a script while IRGC members watched.

“Basically, they said to prove that you are with us and not with Israel, read this when you call her,” the woman said. “After that day, they didn’t call for a long time.”

Eventually, she learned that her parents had fled to a safer part of the country to escape bombardment.

Her family are among the estimated 10,000 Jews who still live in Iran, in the largest Jewish community in the Middle East outside of Israel. Once numbering around 120,000, the community has dwindled significantly since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when life for religious minorities fundamentally changed. Today, Jews who remain in Iran must carefully navigate life under the regime, publicly expressing loyalty to avoid being falsely accused of Zionist espionage.

Amid Iran’s war with the U.S. and Israel, that pressure has intensified.

With an ongoing internet blackout, communication is limited and closely monitored. To understand what life is like for Iranian Jews today, I spoke with several people in the U.S. who remain in sporadic contact with family members inside Iran. Everyone interviewed requested that they not be identified, fearing repercussions for either themselves or their families.

A synagogue vigil for the Supreme Leader 

On April 16, Tehran’s Yusef Abad synagogue held a memorial for Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed on the first day of the war. The event was attended and reported on by several state-affiliated media channels, filming as participants from Iran’s Jewish community shared their appreciation for the deceased Supreme Leader.

Inside and around the synagogue, posters featuring photos of Khamenei were displayed alongside Farsi slogans like “Unity of Iran’s faiths against aggression — condemnation of the attack on the Tehran synagogue by the child-killing Zionist regime and criminal America” and “The Jewish faith is separate from Zionism.”

Regime media pointed to the vigil as evidence of Jewish support for Iran’s theocratic government. But experts say that interpretation misses the reality.

Beni Sabti, an Iranian-born analyst at Tel Aviv’s Institute for National Security Studies, said displays like the synagogue vigil are often a matter of survival. Jews who remain in Iran are frequently compelled to demonstrate loyalty to the regime — and opposition to Israel — in order to avoid suspicion of having ties to Israel. Allegations of such ties have often led to imprisonment and executions following the Islamic Revolution in 1979.

To protect the community, Jewish leaders — especially rabbis — often participate in pro-regime events, including memorials for senior regime figures. In some cases, Iranian rabbis have even sat alongside members of Hamas and Hezbollah to pay their respects to senior IRGC commanders responsible for funding and training terror groups across the Middle East.

The regime exerts significant pressure to stage these displays, Sabti said, “because it’s good for them to show the world, ‘You see, we don’t oppress anyone.’”

Beyond public displays, much of Iran’s economy is tied to the state — what officials often describe as a “resistance economy.” In that system, some say, expressions of loyalty can become intertwined with economic survival.

The woman who left Iran in 2008 said one of her relatives was once pressured to confiscate land from dozens of people and transfer it to the government in order to keep his job — a loyalty test she says was especially harsh because of his Jewish identity. “In the job interview, they told him, you have a Jewish background, so you have to first prove how far you will go,” she explained.

Since the 12-Day War between Israel and Iran in June 2025, the situation has grown even more tense. More than 30 Jewish Iranians were reportedly detained during that conflict because of alleged contact with Israel. While some Jewish community members were arrested during the wave of anti-regime protests that occurred at the beginning of the year, Sabti said he has not heard of a similar wave of arrests during the current war.

Still, the fear remains.

Synagogues as shelter

Some Iranian Jews have managed to stay in touch with relatives via landline phones, although calls are expensive and likely monitored. Most avoid discussing politics, using their limited time simply to confirm they are alive.

​“After the 12-Day War, people really didn’t talk on the phone,” said the woman who moved to the U.S. in 2008. “We do talk, it’s not like they literally cannot, it’s just like they realized that the scrutiny was so high that no one has meaningful conversations.”

Even so, fragments of sentiment emerge.

One 25-year-old Iranian Jew from Los Angeles said his Jewish cousins in Iran cried tears of joy when they heard of the Ayatollah’s death.

​He said his great uncle and cousin told him over the phone, “I don’t care, whatever the cost. If you can eliminate Khamenei, if you can eliminate Mojtaba, his son, if you can eliminate any threat… do it.” He added, “Most Persian Jews in Iran are happy, is what I hear.”

Amid the current ceasefire, a 64-year-old Iranian Jewish woman from LA said her Jewish friends in Iran have expressed relief. “They are happy that the situation is calm, but on the other hand, nobody is happy. They all want it to get finished,” she said, adding that they hope for “regime change.”

For Nora, an Iranian Jew living in New York, the war has come at a time of crisis for her family in Iran. She says her aunt has been focused on caring for her son, who is suffering from bone marrow cancer. Because the family keeps kosher, her aunt has had to leave the house — even during bombardments — to ensure he has food and other necessities.

Around three weeks into the war, her house in Tehran was destroyed after a nearby police station was struck. She briefly moved into a local synagogue; now, she lives with another Jewish family who opened their home to her. Her son remains too sick to leave the hospital.

A synagogue destroyed

Nora’s aunt is not the only Iranian Jew to find shelter in a synagogue. Sabti heard from another Jewish family inside Iran that Jewish communities have been using synagogues as bomb shelters throughout the war. He recalled doing the same during his youth at the time of the Iran-Iraq war that began in 1980.

Beyond using the space for physical safety, synagogues have also become a place for Jews to be together during the difficult time. “They come just to gather there, passing the time, meeting and having a little bit better time together,” he said.

​For members of the Rafi’ Nia synagogue, a 150-year-old religious institution in Tehran, this sense of comfort has disappeared. On April 6, the community gathered there for Passover services. The next morning, they learned the building had been destroyed by an Israeli strike.

​The Israel Defense Forces said that the target of the strike was not the synagogue, but rather a top commander from Khatam al-Anbiya, Iran’s military emergency command. But Iranian media suggested that the IDF had intentionally targeted the building. The head of the synagogue made a statement condemning the attacks and wishing the Iranian regime success in the war.

​The woman who immigrated in 2008 had visited the Rafi’ Nia synagogue during Passover around 10 years ago. She described it as a beautiful old building. Seeing images of its destruction brought back painful memories of her family’s past.

She and her family were forcibly converted to Islam around 70 years ago, she said, with one uncle publicly hanged after he refused to convert. Her family continued practicing Judaism in secret — celebrating Shabbat behind locked doors and in her grandmother’s basement, always afraid.

She believes her family became a target for conversion after the synagogue in their area was destroyed, leaving them without formal affiliation to a recognized religious institution. On two occasions, she said, the IRGC raided their home during Jewish holidays, searching for evidence of religious practice. When they found a menorah, her father was detained. “When my dad came back, he was a ghost.” She fears that members of the destroyed synagogue could now face a similar vulnerability.

In Iran, certain religious minorities, including Jews, are constitutionally recognized. But she says that their protection is closely tied to existing institutions.

“When we talk about the lack of protection, it has a very nuanced meaning. In Iran, this doesn’t mean that the synagogues cannot exist, but it means that the existing synagogues are the only legal protection that Jews do have,” she said. “Good luck with rebuilding that place. Good luck with asking for a new synagogue.”

Sabti said the regime has already used the synagogue’s destruction as propaganda, publicly condemning the attack while reinforcing the state narrative of religious inclusion. “The head of the Islamic clerics condemned Israel and paid condolences to the Jews,” he said. “Everyone pays condolences and says, ‘Oh, sorry, we are in this together’ … but everyone knows that the other one also is lying.”

An American Jewish detainee

For one Iranian American Jew, the war has made a dire situation worse.

​Kamran Hekmati, a 70-year-old Iranian American from Great Neck, New York, traveled to Iran in June 2025 and was detained during the 12-Day War. According to advocates, his alleged crime was traveling to Israel 13 years earlier for his grandson’s bar mitzvah.

Kieran Ramsey of the Global Reach advocacy group, who represents Hekmati’s family, said in an interview that Kamran being the Iranian regime’s only Jewish American prisoner puts him in a particularly precarious position. “There can be risk of retribution or reprisals against him at any moment,” Ramsey said, “from prison guards or other prisoners…his identity certainly puts him at higher risk.”

On March 16, almost three weeks into the war, Secretary of State Marco Rubio designated Hekmati as wrongfully detained, a status that allows the federal government to deploy all possible levers — diplomatic, legal, and economic — to secure his release. Ramsey says that change in designation is helpful, but only goes so far.

His organization is now pushing for the release of all American prisoners in Iran to be an integral part of the U.S.-Iran negotiations to end the war.

“Our hope is that Kamran Hekmati and the other Americans that are being held are put to the front of the list in terms of issues to decide, and not as a deal sweetener,” he said adding, “We know the U.S. negotiators have a list of American names. We know Kamran is at the top of that list…. We also know there are some very rational actors inside the regime, and we are trying to convince them that you have a no-cost way to open doors. Use Kamran as that no-cost way.”

The last time the woman who emigrated in 2008 visited Iran was two years ago. Even then, she worried that photos taken of her in the U.S. wearing a Jewish star necklace might draw the regime’s suspicion.

Now, she believes whatever space existed for quiet concessions from the Iranian government to Jews may disappear. The regime’s efforts to retain a firm grip on the Iranian people following January’s massive anti-regime protest wave and the war pose new risks.

“Just because of everything that has happened… I’m sure that any type of like ‘OK, let this go,’ ‘Let this person go,’ will end,” she said.

“Now I know that I could not go back,” she added. “I really feel if the Islamic Republic stays — and they probably have a good chance of staying — I feel like I lost Iran.”

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