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A scholar sees a common root for antisemitism and racism: ‘Christian supremacy’ 

(JTA) — Magda Teter’s new book, “Christian Supremacy,” begins in Charlottesville, Virginia, on Aug. 11, 2017. Hundreds of white nationalist neo-Nazis who ostensibly gathered to protest the removal of a statue of Confederate general Robert E. Lee from a local park broke into a chant: “Jews will not replace us.”

Other writers and scholars would note how antisemitism shaped white nationalism. But Teter, professor of history and the Shvidler Chair of Judaic Studies at Fordham University, saw something else: how centuries of Christian thought and practice fed the twin evils of antisemitism and racism.

“The ideology espoused by white supremacists in the US and in Europe is rooted in Christian ideas of social and religious hierarchy,” she writes. “These ideas developed, gradually, first in the Mediterranean and Europe in respect to Jews and then in respect to people of color in European colonies and in the US, before returning transformed back to Europe.”

In the book, subtitled “Reckoning with the Roots of Antisemitism and Racism,” she traces this idea from the writings of the early church fathers like Paul the Apostle, though centuries of Catholic and Protestant debates over the status of Jews in Europe, to the hardening of racist attitudes with the rise of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. 

Antisemitic laws and theology, she argues, developed within Christianity a “mental habit” of exclusion and dominance that would eventually be applied to people of color up to and including modern times.

Teter is careful to acknowledge the different forms antisemitism and racism have taken, distinguishing between the Jews’ experience of social and legal exclusion and near annihilation, and the enslavement, displacement and ongoing persecution of Black people. And yet, she writes, “that story began with Christianity’s theological relation with Jews and Judaism.”

Teter is previously the author of Blood Libel: On The Trail of an Antisemitic Myth,” winner of the 2020 National Jewish Book Award. At Fordham, the Catholic university in the Bronx, she is helping assemble what may be the largest repository of artifacts and literature dedicated to the Jewish history of the borough.

We spoke Thursday about how groups like the Proud Boys embrace centuries-old notions of Christian superiority, how “whiteness” became a thing and how she, as a non-Jew raised in Poland, became a Jewish studies scholar.

Our conversation was edited for length and clarity. 

Your book was conceived and written during the COVID lockdown. Where did the idea for the book come from? 

It’s an accidental project. I’ve been teaching the history of antisemitism for years, and I live in Harlem so questions of race and racism are very stark in my daily life. And since I grew up in Poland, and American history was not something we were taught or studied, I’ve never been satisfied with the various explanations for the strength of antisemitism and history of racism. And as I mentioned in my prologue, I watched the Raoul Peck documentary, “I Am Not Your Negro,” which has a clip with James Baldwin saying that white people have to figure out why they invented the idea of the N-word and must “embrace this stranger that they have maligned so long.” You could also say that the European Christians created the idea of “the Jew” and that sort of caricature had absolutely nothing to do with flesh and blood Jews. I kept noticing these parallels, as an outsider, reading American and African-American history. 

I was also thinking about this idea of servitude that was attached to Jews in Christian theology, and then in law. 

You write in your book that “Over time, white European Christians branded both Jews and people of color with ‘badges of servitude’ and inferiority.” What do you mean by servitude in this context?

In Christian theology, from the earliest Christian texts, the idea of servitude and slavery is attached to the concept of Jews and Judaism. Paul does it in his Epistles. He uses this quote from the book of Genesis that “the elder shall serve the younger,” which becomes really embedded in Christian theology. It is the Jews, the elder people, who should serve the Christians, the younger people. Later on in medieval theology and canon law, Jews are in a servile position, consigned for their sin of rejecting Jesus to perpetual servitude. So even though Jews were free people and could live mostly where they wanted to live, marry whoever they wanted to marry — nobody was sold and some even had slaves — that idea of Jews as confined to perpetual servitude to Christians created a habit of thinking of Jews as having an inferior social status. 

That language became secularized in modern times, and we see the development of the [antisemitic] trope of Jewish power: that they are in places where they shouldn’t be. I worked on fleshing out the parallels between the idea and then legal status of Jewish servitude and the conceptual perception of Black people in servile and inferior positions.

Magda Teter’s new book explores how “white European Christians branded both Jews and people of color with ‘badges of servitude’ and inferiority.” (Chuck Fishman)

What other kinds of parallels did you find between racism and antisemitism?

In the Christian theology, Black people, like Jews, will be seen as cursed by God. Jews were [portrayed as] lazy because they didn’t work physically — they made money and exploited Christians. Black people were [portrayed as] lazy because they were trying to avoid physical labor at the expense of white men. Both people were seen as carnal, both as sexually dangerous, and so on.

I was struck by the fact that the racist turn of Christian supremacy — justifying the enslavement of Black people on theological grounds — is a fairly late development, taking hold in the early modern period when Europeans established slaveholding empires. 

That’s right. In the summer of 2020, the summer of George Floyd and Black Lives Matter, we were all thinking about these issues of race and racism and America. And as I was in the middle of writing the article that became the book, I felt that there was a deeper history that needed to be told, and that slavery is not bound by color until the enslavement of Black Africans by Europeans during the colonial expansion of Europe.

After the French Revolution, when Jews were offered “emancipation” in much of Europe, there were deep debates about whether they could be citizens and be entitled to the same rights and protections as Christian citizens of France and England and other countries. How was that debate informed by Christianity?

In pre-modern Europe, there was obviously both a religious and legal framework under which Jews existed. They had their place in a social hierarchy. After the French Revolution, people are creating a new political reality. The idea of equality obviously challenged the social hierarchies that existed, including the idea that Christians were the superior religion. And that begins to play a role on two levels. One is the level of, well, “how can you be equal and be our judges and make decisions about us?” It’s fear of power — political power and political equality. That challenges the habit of thinking that sees Jews as inferior, in servitude and otherwise insolent and arrogant.

The other level comes from Enlightenment scholars who begin to place Jews in the Middle East and in the Holy Land, in Palestine. Jews are no longer seen as European. They are seen as “Oriental,” and they are compared to the non-European religions and practices that these Enlightenment scholars have been studying. Their differences are now also racialized. “They are not like us, they can’t assimilate. They can never be Frenchmen, they can never be Germans.”

And I guess it’s a short step from that to regarding people with dark skin as inferior and subordinate. 

That’s right. Enlightenment scholars are also trying to to understand why it is justified to enslave Black Africans and they do it through “scientific” and other means. They classify Africans as inferior intellectually and they create this idea of race.

I began to think about these European politicians and intellectuals in terms of creating their identities, and what I ended up arguing is what we saw in Charlottesville, what we’re seeing in Europe. It’s not necessarily just about hate, but it’s about exclusion and rejection of Jews and people of color from equality, from citizenship. 

And the common thread here is that whiteness and Christianity become inseparable. You write that “freedom and liberty now came to be linked not only to Christianity, but to whiteness, and servitude and enslavement to blackness.”

That’s right. White Christian “liberty” becomes embedded and embodied in law.

Did you see any pitfalls in drawing parallels between the Black and Jewish experiences? I am thinking of those in either community who might say, “How dare you compare our suffering to theirs!” 

Yes, I was tempered. I think what some call “comparative victimhood” has paralyzed conversations about this subject, and I kept it in my mind all the time. What I hope comes through is that there’s incredible value in a comparative approach. Coming from Jewish studies as my primary field, the comparison with the Black experience gave me clarity on the nature of antisemitism as well as on the nature of the Jewish experience, and vice versa: The Jewish experience can also give clarity to some of the aspects of anti-Black racism. 

What’s an example?

So, for instance, questions like, “Are Jews white? Are they not white? When did they become white?” That’s a whole genre of scholarship. And when you look at it through the lens of law and ideology, you begin to see that from a legal perspective, Jews were considered white in the United States because they could immigrate and they could be naturalized according to law. They did not have to go to court to become American. Their rights to vote were not challenged. There was discrimination, they couldn’t stay in hotels and in some places they couldn’t find employment, but by law, they were considered citizens. The debate about the whiteness of Jews is creating a fog of misunderstanding. 

Black Americans were targeted by specific legal statutes from the very beginning in the Constitution and then in naturalization law and so on. And then there was the backlash even after the Civil War to the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments [aimed at establishing political equality for Americans of all races]. 

Statues at the Strasbourg Cathedral depict Ecclesia and Synagoga, representing the triumph of the church, at left, and the servitude of Judaism, which is represented by a blindfolded figure, drooping and carrying a broken lance. (Edelseider/Wikimedia Commons)

How much do modern-day white supremacists, like the Oath Keepers or the Proud Boys, see themselves as Christian? Or is this a kind of white supremacy that doesn’t name itself Christian but doesn’t even realize how many of its ideas are based in theology?

I think they might not be conscious of this legacy, but neo-Nazis take from the legacy of the Nazis who themselves were not thinking of themselves as Christian necessarily. But what I argue in the book is that white Christian supremacy becomes white supremacy. It never discards the Christian sense of domination and superiority that emerges from its early relationship with Jews and Judaism. 

In the United States, Black people serve as contrast figures to whiteness, in the law and in the culture. You cannot have whiteness without Blackness. For Christians, Jews serve as that contrast figure. Consciously or unconsciously, the Proud Boys are embracing that. They talk of “God-given” freedoms for white people. That is the Christian legacy.

You said that the Nazis didn’t necessarily see themselves as a Christian movement. But I must ask, even though it is not the scope of your book, was the Holocaust a culmination of white Christian supremacy? Because I think many Christian theologians would want to say that Nazism was godless, and a perversion of the true faith.

I’ll say that when exclusionary ideology is coupled with the power of the state, that’s where it can lead. 

In the years since the Holocaust especially, there have been many efforts by Christian leaders to address the ideological failings of the past. You write about Nostra Aetate, the 1965 declaration by the Catholic Church absolving Jews of collective guilt in the death of Jesus and some Protestant documents of contrition. But I got the feeling you were disappointed that many denominations haven’t gone far enough in reckoning with the past.

There was a sort of a moral sense that something needs to be addressed after the Holocaust. But then it is not fully addressed. I don’t think anybody has addressed the issue of power — the roots of hate, yes, but not the dynamics of power. We’ll see where the book goes, but maybe theologians will begin to grapple with this legacy of superiority and domination, and the way hierarchical habits of thinking have been developed through theology and through religious culture.

What other impact do you hope the book may have?

White supremacy is very much in the air. We need to speak up against it, and make connections and allyships. I hope that maybe because the book deals with law and power, it may create bridges among people who care about “We the People” as a vision of people who are diverse, respectful and equal, and not the exclusionary vision offered by white and Christian supremacy.

A cross burns at a Ku Klux Klan rally on Aug. 8, 1925. (National Photo Company Collection)

I’d love to talk about your background. You’re not Jewish but you are chair of Jewish Studies at Fordham, a Catholic university. What drew you to the study of Judaism and the Jews?

I grew up in Poland with a father who from the time I was a little girl would point out to me that there had been Jews in Poland. We would drive through the countryside, and he’d say, “This used to be a Jewish town and there used to be a synagogue and there was the Jewish cemetery.” I grew up being very conscious of the past’s presence and this kind of stark absence of Jews in Poland, where in the 1970s when I grew up Jewish history was taboo. 

As soon as Jewish books on Jewish subjects began to be published, including those that dealt with antisemitism, we would read it together. We would talk about it. He wouldn’t just shift the destruction and murder of Jews in Poland on to the Nazis.

There was no Jewish studies program in Poland when I was applying to universities, so I studied Hebrew in Israel, and then studied Yiddish in New York at YIVO. I came to Columbia University to get my PhD in Jewish history and my career went in the direction it did. I was a professor of history and director of the Jewish and Israel studies program at Wesleyan University. I came to Fordham eight years ago and created a program in Jewish studies.

Your previous book was about the blood libel, the historic canard that Jews murdered Christian children to use their blood. This one’s about antisemitism. I don’t want to presume, but is your interest in these subjects in any way an act of contrition?

I grew up in a very secular household. I did not grow up Catholic. But I think growing up in Poland made me very, very aware of antisemitism and the history of antisemitism. I got my PhD from Columbia University in Jewish history, which did not emphasize Jewish suffering, but Jewish life, and I have studied Jewish life and teach about Jewish life — not just about Jewish suffering. 

However, in the last few years, antisemitism has certainly been on the minds of many of us. I also am committed to the idea of shared history, and therefore all my scholarship, as much as it is about Jews, it is also about the church and Poland and the law. Jews are an integral part of that history and culture. And, as such, I’m committed to that, to teaching about the vibrancy of Jewish life as much as the dynamics of what made that life difficult over the centuries.


The post A scholar sees a common root for antisemitism and racism: ‘Christian supremacy’  appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Police Chief in UK Retires After Facing Scrutiny for Banning Israeli Maccabi Tel Aviv Fans From Soccer Match

WMP Chief Constable Craig Guildford speaking before the Home Affairs Committee on Jan. 6, 2026. Photo: Screenshot

West Midlands Police (WMP) Chief Constable Craig Guildford retired on Friday effective immediately after increasing public scrutiny and revelations over his use of “exaggerated or simply untrue” intelligence to justify a ban prohibiting Maccabi Tel Aviv soccer fans from attending a match late last year.

Simon Foster, the police and crime commissioner of WMP, announced Guildford’s retirement in a formal statement delivered outside Birmingham’s Lloyd House, which is the headquarters of the West Midlands police force. Guildford will collect his full pension after three decades of service. Foster thanked Guildford for his service and said he welcomes the chief constable’s decision to retire. He added that Guildford’s stepping down is in the “best interest” of the police force and the local community.

Guildford’s retirement follows the decision of the Birmingham City Council Safety Advisory Group, based on the recommendation of West Midlands Police, to ban traveling Maccabi Tel Aviv soccer fans from attending the Europa League soccer match between Aston Villa and the Israeli team on Nov. 6, 2025, at Villa Park in Birmingham due to “public safety concerns.”

The announcement also comes just two days after British Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood told the British Parliament that she has lost confidence in Guildford. The minister said she came to the conclusion after receiving a “damning” and “devastating” report by Sir Andy Cooke, his Majesty’s chief inspector of constabulary, on Wednesday that revealed several failings by the WMP force in relation to its recommendation to ban Maccabi soccer fans, including “misleading” public statements and “misinformation” promoted by the police.

Foster acknowledged on Thursday that the police forced faced “understandable intense and significant oversight and scrutiny.”

“The findings of the chief inspector were damning. They set out a catalogue of failings that have harmed trust in West Midlands Police,” Mahmood said in a statement following Thursday’s announcement. “By stepping down, Craig Guildford has done the right thing today … Today marks a crucial first step to rebuilding trust and confidence in the force amongst all the communities they serve.”

However, Shadow Home Secretary Chris Philp said Guildford’s decision to retire “is simply not good enough.”

“Craig Guildford disgraced himself and his force,” Philp added. “He should now face gross misconduct proceedings through an Independent Office for Police Conduct investigation – which can continue even after retirement or resignation. I will now be writing to the IOPC to call for this.”

Reform UK’s Head of Policy Zia Yusuf similarly said Guildford should not be allowed to retire. The chief constable instead should have been fired and “held accountable for his actions,” Yusuf reportedly said.

Foster was the only person with power to fire the chief constable. Gideon Falter, chief executive of the Campaign Against Antisemitism, criticized Foster’s lack of action against the chief constable and called for him to step down.

“What of the only person with the power to hold Craig Guildford to account – the only one with the power to fire him? West Midlands Police and Crime Commissioner Simon Foster took the Government to court to remain in post, so he clearly has some fight in him, but where did that fight go as the only Chief Constable under his supervision became the national poster boy for appeasement and corrupt policing?” Falter asked in a post on X. “Why has he not lifted a finger, leaving Craig Guildford to determine if and how he should go? How can Mr. Foster allow the travesty of not sanctioning Mr. Guildford at all, allowing him to retire, with all the benefits that entails?”

In his announcement on Thursday, Foster said it was important that the matter regarding Guildford’s position be resolved in a “balanced, calm, fair, measured, and respectful manner” to prevent what could have been “significant distraction, impact and cost to West Midlands Police and the wider West Midlands.” He also announced that Deputy Chief Constable Scott Green will be acting chief constable.

Foster has already met with Green “to discuss the actions that the force must take to re-build trust and confidence amongst all the people and communities of the West Midlands, including addressing the significant matters identified in the letter from HMIC.”

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EndJewHatred Hosts NYC Rally in Support of Iranian Protesters, Other Jewish Groups Express Solidarity

Protesters gathered outside the Iranian Mission to the United Nations in New York City on Jan. 15, 2026. Photo: #EndJewHatred

#EndJewHatred, the international grassroots civil rights movement, hosted a rally outside the office of the Iranian Mission to the United Nations in New York City on Thursday night to express solidarity with Iranians amid the crackdown on anti-government protesters in the Islamic Republic.

Demonstrators from various faiths held American, Iranian, and Israeli flags, while some others held signs that read “Free Iran” and “Jews for a Free Iran.” Rallygoers also chanted in English “Free Iran” and in Farsi, “This is our last fight, Pahlavi will return,” referring to Reza Pahlavi, the son of the last shah of Iran. Pahlavi is in exile in the US, but many Iranians support his return to become the leader of Iran. The exact level of support for Pahlavi is difficult to gauge.

Protesters on Thursday also chanted in Farsi “Long Live Shah. Welcome Reza Pahlavi,” as well as “Death to the dictator,” and “Khameni is a murderer,” in reference to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

The rally included a performance by Iranian Jewish Ghazal Mizrahi and speeches by several faith leaders, including Pakistani-American Muslim women’’ rights activist Anila Ali. Michelle Ahdoot, the director of programming and strategy at #EndJewHatred, is a first generation Iranian-American whose parents, husband, and in-laws were all born in Iran before the 1979 Islamic revolution and forced to flee the country.

“It was a flourishing democracy pre-1979,” Ahdoot said of Iran. “What is it now is not PL … We are here tonight, an interfaith showing, people from all different backgrounds, all of us here to restore democracy. All of us united with the same message: The ideology that is there [in Iran] kills, and we won’t stand for it anymore.”

“To speak up is our responsibility. It is time to raise our voices and stand with the people of this world. To stand with humanity. Enough is enough. Down with the Islamic regime,” said Mizrahi in a speech during the rally. “Bring back the beautiful Iran. The country of color, of lively spices, of rich cultural music. It’s time to bring back our country.”

The protests that erupted in Iran on Dec. 28 initially focused on economic issues – including inflation, unemployment, and low wages — but quickly morphed into demonstrations against the country’s Islamist, authoritarian regime, political corruption, and lack of freedom and human rights in the country. Two sources, including one inside Iran, told CBS News on Tuesday that at least 12,000, and possibly as many as 20,000 people have been killed by authorities in Iran during their crackdown to quell nearly three weeks of protests.

Several Jewish groups around the world have voiced support for the Iranian people amid the anti-regime protests. The American Jewish Committee urged “all people of conscience” to stand in solidarity with Iranians and called on the Iranian regime to be held accountable for its violence against protesters.

“Millions of Iranians are courageously demanding a better life, basic dignity, and a more peaceful future. These brave individuals are risking everything to confront a radical Islamist regime that has brought repression, suffering, and terror to its own people, the region, and across the globe,” the AJC said. “The international community has a moral responsibility to act in solidarity with the Iranian people and to advance a safer region and a more peaceful Middle East.”

“My thoughts are with the people of Iran who are protesting a brutal and repressive regime,” said Ronald Lauder, president of the World Jewish Congress. “May all those who have taken to the streets remain safe,”

Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM) CEO Sacha Roytman said the world “must not look away this time” at the Iranian government’s “brutal suppression of its own people.”

“What we are witnessing is not just an internal political crisis, it is a human rights catastrophe of a global magnitude,” he added, in a released statement. “We stand with the Iranian people fighting for their freedom … It menaces anyone who believes in human liberty, dignity, and the right to live without fear … We look forward to a future where the people of Iran enjoy the freedom that is their right and they so richly deserve. May it come soon.”

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Baruch College Receives $75K Donation for Antisemitism Research

Protesters gathered at CUNY Chancellor Felix V. Matos Rodriguez’s office under the mantra ‘End Jew Hatred’ to protest growing antisemitism within CUNY and their campuses on Sept. 12, 2023. Photo by Meir Chaimowitz/NurPhoto via Reuters Connect.

The Antisemitism Studies Laboratory at Baruch College, a new initiative by the Wasserman Jewish Studies Center to study the rise of “contemporary antisemitism,” has received a $75,000 gift from the AddressHate nonprofit organization, the school announced on Thursday.

Founded in April amid a global surge in antisemitic incidents not seen since World War II, the Antisemitism Studies Lab will study, among other things, how antisemitism is fostered on social media. It has raised nearly $500,000 to date, a figure which Baruch College says is indicative of strong support for its mission.

“The environment for Jewish students and communities — in New York and around the world — has changed dramatically in the digital age,” AddressHate founder Joshua Laterman said on Thursday in a statement. “Baruch College has been a leader in taking this reality seriously, not only by studying antisemitism as a historical and social phenomenon, but by examining its dynamic in this fast evolving era of new media.”

He added, “Our investment in the Antisemitism Studies Lab and the Wasserman Jewish Studies Center is part of our effort to break the code of hate before it breaks us.”

Baruch College is part of the City University of New York (CUNY) system.

CUNY Chancellor Felix V. Matos Rodriguez thanked Laterman, saying, “This gift will help our faculty and students analyze the dynamics and effects of digital hate with rigor, and, equally important, translate that scholarship into practical ways to strengthen campus safety, intellectual discourse, and cross community understanding. That’s what an education at Baruch College is all about.”

Founded in 1919, Baruch College in many ways stands as a tribute to the success of Jewish assimilation in America. Its namesake, Bernard Baruch served as an adviser to US President Woodrow Wilson and led the War Industries Board during World War I. Baruch was also a close friend of Winston Churchill, who faced down Hitler alone while waiting for US assistance to stop the Nazi leader’s aggression in the lead up to and early years of World War II.

The CUNY system is the alma mater of many other Jews whose scientific and cultural achievements helped create the “American Century.” That list includes vaccine developer Jonas Salk (City College), comedian and actor Jerry Seinfeld (Queens College), and Irving Kristol (City College) — whose political commentary played a key role in shaping the US conservative movement, in part by excluding antisemitic elements of the political right.

However, in recent years CUNY has been a key player in the campus antisemitism crisis.

In 2025, a professor told The Algemeiner it contains elements that are “virtually Judenrein,” and in 2022, Jewish students said they were threatened with strangulation and pressured to say that Jews are racially white people who cannot, and have not, experienced oppression.

“I witnessed a Jewish student get told by the professor in front of our whole class to get her whiteness in check,” a Jewish student and witness to the events told The Algemeiner, speaking anonymously due to fears of retaliation. “The professor basically said, you can’t be a part of this kind of conversation because you’re white and you don’t understand oppression.”

Last year, the Professional Staff Congress (PSC), which represents over 30,000 CUNY staff and faculty, passed a resolution which falsely accused Israel of war crimes and other affronts to humanity, including “genocide” and “apartheid,” and called for the union to divest its pension plan of holdings linked to “Israeli companies and Israeli government bonds no later than the end of January 2025.”

That was not the first controversial resolution passed by the CUNY faculty union. In 2021, during a previous conflict between Israel and Hamas, it voted to approve a defaming statement which accused Israel of “ongoing settler colonial violence” and demanded the university “divest from all companies that aid in Israeli colonization, occupation, and war crimes.” Doing so set off a cascade of events, including a mass resignation of faculty from the union, the founding of new campus Jewish civil rights groups, and a major — ultimately unsuccessful — lawsuit which aimed to abolish compulsory public sector union membership.

In November, a City College graduate student disrupted an interfaith event by exploding into a prolonged rant in which he called for imposing sharia law on Americans, defended amputating the limbs of misdemeanor level criminals and the wealthy, and denigrated a Jewish co-panelist, Baruch College professor Ilya Bratman.

“I came here to this event not knowing that I would be sitting next to a Zionist, and this is something I’m not going to accept. My people are being killed right now in Gaza,” the student, Abdullah Mady, who is also purported to be a local imam, bellowed before challenging the religious bonafides of Muslim students in the audience. “If you’re a Muslim, out of strength and dignity, I ask you to exit this room immediately.”

Mady uttered other pronouncements drawn from the jihadist tradition of radical Islam.

“I’m talking about the elite, the filthy rich, the ones that continue to steal from people as we speak today. Those are the ones that deserve their tips to be cut off,” Mady said. “Sharia … stands against the oppressor. When sharia is implemented, pornography — gone. Alcohol industry — gone. Gambling system — gone. Interest is gone, which is what they use to enslave you.”

Widely criticized for not appearing to combat antisemitism before it became a system wide conflagration, Rodriguez told the US Congress in June that “we are committed to constant vigilance against antisemitism.” He also announced a robust policy agenda which includes a climate survey, an enhanced system for reporting hate crimes, and new training programs on antisemitism prevention and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act.

Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.

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