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Amnesty International’s ‘Genocide’ Slur About Israel Is a Complete Lie
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and then-Defense Minister Yoav Gallant during a press conference in the Kirya military base in Tel Aviv, Israel, Oct. 28, 2023. Photo: ABIR SULTAN POOL/Pool via REUTERS
Amnesty International wants us to believe that Israel has tried (but dramatically failed) to destroy the Palestinians population of the Gaza Strip.
These words — tried, destroy, population — aren’t figures of speech. The group alleges that the Jewish State’s actual intent was to physically or biologically destroy the roughly two million Palestinians living in that territory, erasing that group as a separate and distinct entity.
This is the distillation of Amnesty’s recent report accusing the Jewish State of “genocide” in the war that began with Hamas’s Oct. 7 massacre.
If this sounds like an absurd way to describe the unquestionably destructive war — a uniquely challenging overlap of urban and subterranean warfare, fought against a barbaric and antisemitic enemy, in which the estimated rate of civilian casualties appears to be well below that from the US-led campaign to dislodge Saddam Hussein — then wait until you see how Amnesty defends its “genocide” slur.
The relevant international convention defines genocide as a specific set of devastating acts “committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national ethnical, racial or religious group, as such.”
Clearly, there has been no such destruction. So Amnesty’s accusation hinges on “intent,” with its report citing, as proof of genocidal intent, supposedly incriminating comments by top Israeli officials.
After the Hamas slaughter of 1,200 people in October 2023, for example, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu cited the Biblical commandment to “remember what Amalek did to you.” With these words, he “called for the total destruction of Gaza, making no distinction between civilians and Hamas as a military target,” insists Amnesty.
Incredibly, the organization then immediately admits it doesn’t actually know what those words mean: “It is unclear from these statements alone whether Prime Minister Netanyahu intended only to refer to the verses of the Bible that are an injunction to remember the acts of the people of Amalek,” which they source to Deuteronomy, “or also to allude to those passages that call for the people of Amalek to be attacked and for none of them, not even children, to be spared,” which they source to Samuel.
Notwithstanding Amnesty’s performance, it is perfectly clear which verse Netanyahu quoted. The words don’t appear in Samuel. They do appear in Deuteronomy. (And not just there. The purportedly “genocidal” call to Remember Amalek — essentially a Biblical precursor to “Never Forget” — also appears in the pleas of Holocaust victims, the memoirs of Holocaust survivors, in Yad Vashem, and on other Holocaust memorials.)
Amnesty likewise claims that Netanyahu showed genocidal intent by describing, just after the Oct. 7 massacre, a war between the children of light and children of darkness. This, claims the report, was “an apparent reference to Palestinians in Gaza,” and thus “racist and dehumanizing.”
But it was not a reference to Palestinians.
“[W]e have gone to war, the purpose of which is to destroy the brutal and murderous Hamas-ISIS enemy, bring back our hostages and restore the security to our country, our citizens and our children,” said Netanyahu. “This is a war between the children of light and the children of darkness.”
Amnesty pulls the same stunt with Yoav Gallant’s reference to children of darkness, though he, too, used the phrase in reference to the fight against Hamas: “We will reach all the terror infrastructure. We will reach all the tunnels. We will reach all the Hamas operatives.” Clearly, this is not evidence of genocide.
Maybe Gallant’s reference to fighting “human animals” was? According to Amnesty, it was “dehumanizing language” that implies Palestinians, as a whole, are “subhuman.”
But if President Joe Biden referred to Hamas as “animals,” if relatives of hostages referred to Hamas as “human monsters” and “savages,” and if other world leaders referred to Hamas as “inhuman” “beasts” and “animals,” is there any indication that Gallant meant something different? To the contrary. He has consistently made clear that the fight is against Hamas, and that the “animals” are Hamas.
Surely, at least, Isaac Herzog “implied that all Palestinians in Gaza were legitimate targets,” as claimed in Amnesty’s report?
In a briefing just after the Oct 7 attack, Israeli President Herzog did respond to a journalist’s question by charging that “It’s an entire nation out there that is responsible; it’s not true this rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved.” But did those words mean Israel viewed all Palestinians as “legitimate targets”?
We can find the answer in the very same briefing: “We are very cautious in the way we operate,” Herzog said. “The IDF uses all the means at its disposal in order to reduce harm to the population. For example, many resources are invested in gathering intelligence and in trying to locate the enemy separately from civilian population, in evacuating the civilian population from the center of the battle, in warning citizens, in monitoring [the] humanitarian situation.”
Herzog was even asked if his harsher comment meant to imply that Palestinians legitimate targets. “No, I didn’t say that. I did not say that. I want to make it clear.”
Clear enough. But it was not clear enough for Amnesty, which strained to rescue its case that these comments by Herzog, Gallant, and Netanyahu are proof of genocide. But Herzog knew his harsh words would be broadcast, Amnesty said — as if he didn’t equally know his words about protecting civilians would be broadcast. But Netanyahu referred to a “commandment” about Amalek — though the verse from Deuteronomy about remembrance is indeed a Biblical commandment, and though the belligerent verse from Samuel is not.
It is telling that Amnesty flails to this absurd extent. And it is even more telling that the flailing represents Amnesty’s best shot.
Gilead Ini is a Senior Research Analyst at CAMERA, the foremost media watchdog organization focused on coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
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US Immigration Judge Rules Palestinian Columbia Student Khalil Can Be Deported
Mahmoud Khalil speaks to members of media about the Revolt for Rafah encampment at Columbia University during the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza, in New York City, US, June 1, 2024. Photo: Jeenah Moon via Reuters Connect
A US immigration judge ruled on Friday that Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil can be deported, allowing President Donald Trump’s administration to proceed with its effort to remove the Columbia University student from the United States a month after his arrest in New York City.
The ruling by Judge Jamee Comans of the LaSalle Immigration Court in Louisiana was not a final determination of Khalil’s fate. But it represented a significant victory for the Republican president in his efforts to deport foreign pro-Palestinian students who are in the United States legally and, like Khalil, have not been charged with any crime.
Citing the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, Trump-appointed US Secretary of State Marco Rubio determined last month that Khalil could harm American foreign policy interests and should be deported for his “otherwise lawful” speech and activism.
Comans said that she did not have the authority to overrule a secretary of state. The judge denied a motion by Khalil’s lawyers to subpoena Rubio and question him about the “reasonable grounds” he had for his determination under the 1952 law.
The judge’s decision came after a combative 90-minute hearing held in a court located inside a jail complex for immigrants surrounded by double-fenced razor wire run by private government contractors in rural Louisiana.
Khalil, a prominent figure in the anti-Israel student protest movement that has roiled Columbia’s New York City campus, was born in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria, holds Algerian citizenship and became a US lawful permanent resident last year. Khalil’s wife is a US citizen.
For now, Khalil remains in the Louisiana jail where federal authorities transferred him after his March 8 arrest at his Columbia University apartment building some 1,200 miles (1,930 km) away. Comans gave Khalil’s lawyers until April 23 to apply for relief before she considers whether to issue a deportation order. An immigration judge can rule that a migrant cannot be deported because of possible persecution in a home country, among other limited grounds.
In a separate case in New Jersey, US District Judge Michael Farbiarz has blocked deportation while he considers Khalil’s claim that his arrest was made in violation of the US Constitution’s First Amendment protections for freedom of speech.
KHALIL ADDRESSES THE JUDGE
As Comans adjourned, Khalil leaned forward, asking to address the court. Comans hesitated, then agreed.
Khalil quoted her remarks at his hearing on Tuesday that nothing was more important to the court than “due process rights and fundamental fairness.”
“Clearly what we witnessed today, neither of these principles were present today or in this whole process,” Khalil said. “This is exactly why the Trump administration has sent me to this court, a thousand miles away from my family.”
The judge said her ruling turned on an undated, two-page letter signed by Rubio and submitted to the court and to Khalil’s counsel.
Khalil’s lawyers, appearing via a video link, complained they were given less than 48 hours to review Rubio’s letter and evidence submitted by the Trump administration to Comans this week. Marc Van Der Hout, Khalil’s lead immigration attorney, repeatedly asked for the hearing to be delayed. Comans reprimanded him for what the judge said was straying from the hearing’s purpose, twice saying he had “an agenda.”
Comans said that the 1952 immigration law gave the secretary of state “unilateral judgment” to make his determination about Khalil.
Khalil should be removed, Rubio wrote, for his role in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”
Rubio’s letter did not accuse Khalil of breaking any laws, but said the State Department can revoke the legal status of immigrants who could harm US foreign policy interests even when their beliefs, associations or statements are “otherwise lawful.”
After Comans ended the hearing, several of Khalil’s supporters wept as they left the courtroom. Khalil stood and smiled at them, making a heart shape with his hands.
Khalil has said criticism of the US government’s support of Israel is being wrongly conflated with antisemitism. His lawyers told the court they were submitting into evidence Khalil’s interviews last year with CNN and other news outlets in which he denounces antisemitism and other prejudice.
His lawyers have said the Trump administration was targeting him for protected speech including the right to criticize American foreign policy.
“Mahmoud was subject to a charade of due process, a flagrant violation of his right to a fair hearing and a weaponization of immigration law to suppress dissent,” Van Der Hout said in a statement after the hearing.
The American immigration court system is run and its judges are appointed by the US Justice Department, separate from the government’s judicial branch.
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Hamas Releases Video of Israeli-American Hostage Held in Gaza
FILE PHOTO: Yael, Adi and Mika Alexander, the family of Edan Alexander, the American-Israeli and Israel Defense Forces soldier taken hostage during the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas, pose for a photograph during an interview with Reuters at the Alexander’s home in Tenafly, New Jersey, U.S., December 14, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Stephani Spindel/File Photo
Hamas on Saturday released a video purportedly of Israeli-American hostage Edan Alexander, who has been held in Gaza since he was captured by Palestinian terrorists on October 7, 2023.
In the undated video, the man who introduces himself as Edan Alexander states he has been held in Gaza for 551 days. The man questions why he is still being held and pleads for his release.
Alexander is a soldier serving in the Israeli military.
The edited video was released as Jews began to mark Passover, a weeklong holiday that celebrates freedom. Alexander’s family released a statement acknowledging the video that said the holiday would not be one of freedom as long as Edan and the 58 other hostages in Gaza remained in captivity.
Hamas has released several videos over the course of the war of hostages begging to be released. Israeli officials have dismissed past videos as propaganda that is designed to put pressure on the government. The war is in its eighteenth month.
Hamas released 38 hostages under a ceasefire that began on January 19. In March, Israel’s military resumed its ground and aerial campaign on Gaza, abandoning the ceasefire after Hamas rejected proposals to extend the truce without ending the war.
Israeli officials say that campaign will continue until the remaining 59 hostages are freed and Gaza is demilitarized. Hamas insists it will free hostages only as part of a deal to end the war and has rejected demands to lay down its arms.
The US, Qatar and Egypt are mediating between Hamas and Israel.
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Some Progress in Hostage Talks But Major Issues Remain, Source tells i24NEWS
Demonstrators hold signs and pictures of hostages, as relatives and supporters of Israeli hostages kidnapped during the Oct. 7, 2023 attack by Hamas protest demanding the release of all hostages in Tel Aviv, Israel, Feb. 13, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Itai Ron
i24 News – A source familiar with the ongoing negotiations for a hostage deal confirmed to i24NEWS on Friday that some progress has been made in talks, currently taking place with Egypt, including the exchange of draft proposals. However, it remains unclear whether Hamas will ultimately accept the emerging framework. According to the source, discussions are presently focused on reaching a cohesive outline with Cairo.
A delegation of senior Hamas officials is expected to arrive in Cairo tomorrow. While there is still no finalized draft, even Arab sources acknowledge revisions to Egypt’s original proposal, reportedly including a degree of flexibility in the number of hostages Hamas is willing to release.
The source noted that Hamas’ latest proposal to release five living hostages is unacceptable to Israel, which continues to adhere to the “Witkoff framework.” At the core of this framework is the release of a significant number of hostages, alongside a prolonged ceasefire period—Israel insists on 40 days, while Hamas is demanding more. The plan avoids intermittent pauses or distractions, aiming instead for uninterrupted discussions on post-war arrangements.
As previously reported, Israel is also demanding comprehensive medical and nutritional reports on all living hostages as an early condition of the deal.
“For now,” the source told i24NEWS, “Hamas is still putting up obstacles. We are not at the point of a done deal.” Israeli officials emphasize that sustained military and logistical pressure on Hamas is yielding results, pointing to Hamas’ shift from offering one hostage to five in its most recent agreement.
Negotiators also assert that Israel’s demands are fully backed by the United States. Ultimately, Israeli officials are adamant: no negotiations on the “day after” will take place until the hostage issue is resolved—a message directed not only at Hamas, but also at mediators.
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