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Conan O’Brien talked to this New York rabbi about Judaism on his podcast
(New York Jewish Week) — Regular listeners of Conan O’Brien’s podcast generally expect to hear the comedian interview A-listers such as Michelle Obama and “Fleishman Is in Trouble” star Lizzy Caplan.
But the former late-night host interviews “regular” people, too, and sandwiched between two recent episodes — featuring “The Office” star Ed Helms and “You” star Penn Badgely — listeners can hear O’Brien crack jokes about Jewish life with a New York rabbi.
David Schuck, who is the rabbi at New Rochelle’s Conservative Beth El Synagogue Center, appeared on the Dec. 29 episode of “Conan O’Brien Needs A Friend,” where he discussed his job as a congregational rabbi.
“I honestly did not expect to be chosen to be on his podcast,” Schuck told the New York Jewish Week via email. “I just thought it would be a thrill to meet him, and it was.”
Schuck said that he has “always been a fan of Conan,” adding that anyone can fill out a form online to be considered a guest on the show.
“He is a brilliant comedian with a rich intellectual life and he seems sincerely interested in other people,” Schuck said. “The wonderful thing about Conan is that as far as I could tell, he is who he seems to be. There was no pretense with him or anything performative that changed when the audio was not being recorded.”
In one segment of the episode that was featured on the comedian’s YouTube page, O’Brien joked about accidentally mistaking foreskin for calamari at a bris — eliciting both groans and laughter from Schuck and O’Brien’s crew.
Schuck then shared that he buried his son’s foreskin behind home plate at a baseball field in Central Park.
“What a terrible image,” O’Brien said.
Conan, who is an Irish Catholic, said he grew up in an area of Boston where he was surrounded by synagogues. “Many of my friends were Jewish,” O’Brien said. “I think I went to many more bar mitzvahs when I was a kid than first communions or any other Christian ceremony.”
“You ended up in a good place, in Hollywood,” Schuck joked.
“What the hell?” Conan said laughing. “Tone it down, David. It’s not true, there are no Jewish people in Hollywood. It’s all Mormons. It’s the Mormons that control Hollywood.”
O’Brien asked Schuck if he wears anything outside of synagogue that would identify him as a rabbi, or if Schuck can “go undercover.”
The rabbi replied that he does get recognized frequently, adding that when he runs to the grocery store for some chips, he might then find himself “counseling somebody in aisle six around a cancer diagnosis.”
“When I am not in New Rochelle or Westchester, I never tell people I am a rabbi, ever,” Schuck said.
Schuck told the New York Jewish Week that he did not let his synagogue know in advance that he would be on O’Brien’s podcast.
“People were surprised, and they were excited to hear us establish a sincere connection with one another,” Schuck said. “In a strange way, people were touched that Conan felt genuinely grateful for the ways in which rabbis serve their communities.”
On the podcat, O’ Brien riffed on New Rochelle, saying that he grew up fantasizing about living there because “The Dick Van Dyke Show” was set in the upscale northern suburb of New York City.
“If I could live in New Rochelle and be married to Mary Tyler Moore and write comedy,” O’Brien said. “Well, one of those came true.”
The rabbi added that Conan is always welcome to visit New Rochelle.
“I bet I could convince the mayor, Noam Bramson, to give him the key to the city,” Schuck told the New York Jewish Week. “I make a mean cholent if Conan wants to share a Shabbat meal with us. Otherwise, this will just go down as a thrilling opportunity to chat with someone whom I admire.”
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The post Conan O’Brien talked to this New York rabbi about Judaism on his podcast appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Poland Summons Israeli Ambassador Over Yad Vashem Post
Visitors tour an exhibition, ahead of Israel’s national Holocaust memorial day at Yad Vashem, the World Holocaust Remembrance Center, in Jerusalem, April 23, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
Poland summoned Israel’s ambassador on Monday over a tweet from a Holocaust memorial institute that Warsaw said did not make clear that occupying Nazi German forces, and not Polish authorities, made Jews wear star badges during World War II.
Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski was protesting against a social media post in which Yad Vashem, Israel’s memorial institution to the victims of the Holocaust, wrote that Poland was the first country where Jews were forced to wear “a distinctive badge to isolate them from the surrounding population.”
He said the post, published on Sunday, should have made clear Poland was “German-occupied” at the time.
“Since the misleading post has not been amended, I have decided to summon the ambassador of Israel to the foreign ministry,” Sikorski wrote on X.
The Israeli foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Yad Vashem had reposted the original tweet saying: “As noted by many users and specified explicitly in the linked article, it was done by order of the German authorities.”
Poland was occupied by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union during World War II, which lasted from 1939 to 1945. Warsaw takes pains to underline that the persecution of Jews on its territory, such as in the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp, was the work of the Nazi German occupiers.
More than three million of Poland‘s 3.2 million Jews were killed by Nazi Germany, accounting for about half of the Jews in Europe killed during the Holocaust.
“Yad Vashem presents the historical realities of Nazism and WW2, including countries under German occupation, control or influence. Poland was indeed under German occupation,” Dani Dayan, the chairman of Yad Vashem, wrote on X on Monday.
“This is clearly reflected in our material. Any other interpretation misreads our commitment to accuracy.”
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Gaza Truce Progress Slow as Israeli-Hamas Violence Persists
Palestinians walk among piles of rubble and damaged buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, Nov. 24, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Israeli forces killed three Palestinian terrorists in Gaza near the line demarcating areas of Israeli control on Monday, underlining the struggle to broaden a fragile ceasefire deal approved over six weeks ago to global acclaim.
Palestinian medics said Monday’s incidents involved an Israeli drone firing a missile at a group of people east of Khan Younis, killing two and wounding another, and a tank shell killing a person on the eastern side of Gaza City.
Israel’s military said it had fired after identifying what it described as “terrorists” crossing the so-called yellow line and approaching its troops, posing an immediate threat to them.
Palestinian terrorist group Hamas and Israel signed a truce on Oct. 9 halting two years of devastating warfare but the agreement left the most intractable disputes for further talks, freezing the conflict without resolving it.
Both sides have since accused each other of deadly breaches of existing commitments in the agreement and of pushing back against later steps required by US President Donald Trump’s 20-point peace plan for Gaza.
The Hamas-controlled Gaza Health Ministry, whose casualty figures have been described by experts as misleading and unreliable, said on Monday that at least 342 Palestinians had been killed by Israeli fire since the start of the truce. Israel says three of its soldiers have been killed by militant gunfire in the same period.
Last week, the United Nations Security Council gave formal backing to Trump’s plan, which calls for an interim technocratic Palestinian government in Gaza, overseen by an international “board of peace” and backed by an international security force.
Trump’s plan also requires reform of the Palestinian Authority, based in the West Bank.
NEGOTIATIONS
Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who helped the US develop the plan and who Trump has said may join the board of peace, met the PA’s deputy leader Hussein al-Sheikh in the West Bank on Sunday.
Sheikh said in a social media post they had discussed developments following the Security Council resolution and requirements for Palestinian self-determination.
Meanwhile a Hamas delegation in Cairo, led by its exiled chief Khalil al-Hayya, held talks with Egyptian officials on exploring the next phase of the ceasefire, according to Hazem Qassem, a Hamas spokesperson in Gaza.
Qassem acknowledged that the path to the second phase of the ceasefire was complex and said the Islamist group had told Egypt, a mediator in the conflict, that Israeli violations were undermining the agreement.
Agreeing on the make-up and mandate of the international security force has been particularly challenging.
Israel has said the multinational force must disarm Hamas, a step the terrorist group has so far resisted without Palestinian statehood, which Trump’s plan broadly envisages as the ultimate stage but which Israel has ruled out. Qassem said the force must have a role in keeping Israel’s military away from Palestinian civilians.
“There is complete uncertainty; the Americans haven’t put forward a detailed plan. It is unclear what kind of forces, what their tasks are, what their roles are, and where they will be stationed,” said a Palestinian official close to the Cairo talks who spoke on condition that he was not further identified.
“Any deployment of forces without a political track, without an understanding with all Palestinian factions and powers in Gaza, would complicate things even further.”
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The Diplomatic Trojan Horse: How UN Resolution 2803 Quietly Turns the Negev into an International Zone
Illustrative: Members of the United Nations Security Council vote against a resolution by Russia and China to delay by six months the reimposition of sanctions on Iran during the 80th UN General Assembly in New York City, US, Sept. 26, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz
UN Security Council Resolution 2803 looks like the diplomatic victory Israel has been desperate for since the war began. It finally codifies the demilitarization of Gaza, establishes a US-led “Board of Peace” to manage reconstruction, and seemingly ends the chaos of the post-war vacuum. The Prime Minister called it “a secure horizon,” and the White House hailed it as a “new chapter.”
But if you look past the press releases and turn to the technical addendums of the resolution, you will find a definition that threatens to undo 70 years of Israeli sovereignty in the south. For the first time in history, an international resolution has created a legal mechanism that treats sovereign Israeli territory — specifically the Western Negev — as a conditional jurisdiction subject to international oversight.
The devil is in the definitions.
The resolution establishes an “International Stabilization Force” (ISF) to police the demilitarization of Gaza. Crucially, the text defines the ISF’s area of operation not just as the Gaza Strip, but as the Strip and “all adjacent logistical corridors, staging grounds, and dual-use infrastructure designated as essential for the stabilization of the primary zone.”
This language is a catastrophe of ambiguity. It does not distinguish between a temporary dirt road paved by the UN and a major Israeli artery like Route 232. It does not distinguish between a UN field hospital and the Soroka Medical Center, should Soroka treat ISF personnel.
By accepting this text without a specific reservation, Israel has allowed the UN to designate parts of the Eshkol, Sdot Negev, and Sha’ar HaNegev regional councils as “adjunct stabilization infrastructure.”
The immediate danger is not that UN peacekeepers will start issuing traffic tickets in Sderot. The danger is a bureaucratic phenomenon known as “jurisdictional creep,” particularly regarding American law. In Washington, geography dictates funding. Under the US Foreign Assistance Act, American aid is subject to rigorous vetting based on where it is spent. Historically, the Green Line was the hard border for these restrictions; funds spent in Tel Aviv were safe, while funds spent in Judea and Samaria were scrutinized.
Resolution 2803 erases that line. Consider the Ashkelon Desalination Plant. Under the humanitarian clauses of the new resolution, Israel is required to pump millions of cubic meters of water into the Gaza “Safe Zones.” Under the definition in the new annex, this makes the Ashkelon plant “dual-use infrastructure essential for stabilization.” Legal analysts in Washington are already warning that this designation could trigger a “neutrality review.” If Israel applies for US guarantees to expand the plant, the State Department could now legally block that funding, arguing that the expansion prejudices the operational balance of the international mission.
Resolution 2803 is effectively the “Area C-ization” of the Negev. It creates a grey zone of sovereignty where the map says Israel, but the regulatory burden implies an international zone. Imagine a scenario six months from now where the IDF needs to pave a new patrol road near Kibbutz Be’eri. European donors to the “Board of Peace” could protest, claiming that the road interferes with a projected “humanitarian corridor” outlined in the UN plan. Because Israel agreed to the resolution’s broad definitions, those donors would have a legal leg to stand on. The construction stops, the lawyers are summoned, and the Negev waits.
The government has a narrow window to fix this before the “Board of Peace” officially convenes in January 2026. Israel must immediately issue a State Interpretative Declaration, a diplomatic tool used to clarify how a state interprets a vague treaty. The Prime Minister must declare that the term “adjacent logistical corridors” refers exclusively to temporal transit rights for specific convoys and confers no territorial jurisdiction whatsoever. Furthermore, Israel must insist that all infrastructure within the 1949 Armistice Lines remains solely under Israeli domestic law and is eligible for unconditional US bilateral cooperation, regardless of its utility to the Gaza reconstruction effort.
The residents of the south have spent the last two years rebuilding their homes from the ashes of October 7. They deserve full, unadulterated sovereignty. They cannot be asked to live in a “stabilization zone” where their water, roads, and security are subject to a UN veto.
Amine Ayoub, a fellow at the Middle East Forum, is a policy analyst and writer based in Morocco. Follow him on X: @amineayoubx