An explosive lawsuit was filed on Wednesday by the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law on behalf of two Massachusetts Institute of Technology affiliates, including a former doctoral candidate, who allege that the university’s administration failed to address rampant antisemitic discrimination in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

According to court documents shared with The Algemeiner, plaintiffs Lior Alon and William Sussman alleged that MIT became inhospitable to Jewish students after Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel, as pro-Hamas activists there issued calls to “globalize the intifada,” interrupted lessons with “speeches, chants, and screams,” and discharged their bodily fluids on campus properties administered by Jews. Jewish institutions at MIT came under further attack when a pro-Hamas group circulated a “terror-map” on campus which highlighted buildings associated with Jews and Israelis and declared, “resistance is justified when people are colonized.”

All the while, MIT’s administration allegedly refused to correct the hostile environment.

“This is a textbook example of neglect and indifference. Not only were several antisemitic incidents conducted at the hands of a professor, but MIT’s administration refused to take action on every single occasion,” Brandeis Center chairman Kenneth Marcus said in a statement announcing the suit. “The very people who are tasked with protecting students are not only failing them, but are the ones attacking them. In order to eradicate hate from campuses, we must hold faculty and the university administration responsible for their participation in — and in this case, their proliferation of — antisemitism and abuse.”

The suit added that Alon — who lived through both intifadas, or periods of sustained Palestinian terrorism against Jews and Israels, as a citizen of Israel and lost his childhood friend to the Hamas Oct. 7 massacre — has personally been victimized by campus antisemites. During anti-Israel encampment protests in spring term 2024, Alon was prohibited from entering the Kresge Lawn section of campus, through which he needed to pass to access his office. The edict allegedly came down from pro-Hamas activists and was enforced by an MIT police officer, who became an accessory to the group’s usurpation of school property.

Later, Alon was allegedly harassed by Michel DeGraff, a tenured linguistics professor. According to the suit, DeGraff posted videos of Alon on social media, replete with his “personal information, including details of his Israeli military services,” as well as spurious accounts of his life which portrayed him as sinister. The productions inspired misfits to approach him in the streets, as they showed up at “the grocery store and his child’s daycare.”

The suit continued, “DeGraff also maligned Alon in an essay he published in the Le Monde diplomatique, a prominent, international periodical that is available in twenty-four languages and has a circulation of approximately 2.4 million copies worldwide. In a propaganda piece published online on May 24, 2024, Professor DeGraff continued his smear campaign against Alon, falsely accusing Alon of stating that ‘[Scientist Against Genocide Encampment’s] students’ pleas to halt the genocide of Palestinians are ‘pro-Hamas’ and advocate the killing of Jews. Alon made no such statement.”

The suit also said that DeGraff relentlessly pursued Sussman, who was forced to leave MIT in 2024 and walk away from work he had started in 2017.

“Professor DeGraff posted a message targeting Sussman by name on his X platform of over 10,000 followers, and another message,” court documents say. “Not a single administrator … intervened to stop the harassment or condemn the targeting of both a Jewish student and an Israeli professor in such a vicious and public way.”

As previously reported by The Algemeiner, MIT has allegedly ignored dozens of complaints of antisemitic discrimination. Discrimination there has been described in harrowing testimony provided by students at hearings called by the US Congress, in social media posts, and in comments to this publication. Only last year, MIT student Talia Khan told members of Congress that attending the institution “traumatized” her, charging that it has “become overrun by terrorist supporters that directly threaten the lives of Jews on our campus.”

Khan went on to recount MIT’s efforts to suppress expressions of solidarity with Israel after Hamas’s Oct. 7 massacre across southern Israel, which included ordering Jewish students to remove Israeli flags from public display while allowing Palestinian flags to fly across campus. She described the double standard as a “scandal” alienating Jewish students, staff, and faculty, many of whom resigned from an allegedly farcical committee on antisemitism. Staff were ignored, Khan said, after expressing fear that their lives were at risk, following an incident in which a mob of anti-Zionists amassed in front of the MIT Israel Internship office and attempted to infiltrate it, banging on its doors while “screaming” that Jews are committing genocide.

The Brandeis Center stressed on Wednesday that MIT must disrupt and prevent antisemitic discrimination but repeatedly eschews doing so.

“These incidents are emblematic of a larger problem on the MIT campus, where antisemitism was permitted to fester in the absence of leadership and accountability,” the group said. “As a recipient of federal funding, MIT is obligated to provide a safe learning environment for all of its students, including Jewish and Israeli students, pursuant to Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.”

Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.

The post Explosive MIT Antisemitism Lawsuit Says University Ignored Blatant Hate Incidents first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

Iranian authorities are pivoting from a ceasefire with Israel to intensify an internal security crackdown across the country with mass arrests, executions, and military deployments, particularly in the restive Kurdish region, officials and activists said.

Within days of Israel‘s airstrikes beginning on June 13, Iranian security forces started a campaign of widespread arrests accompanied by an intensified street presence based around checkpoints, the officials and activists said.

Some in Israel and exiled opposition groups had hoped the military campaign, which targeted Revolutionary Guards and internal security forces as well as nuclear sites, would spark a mass uprising and the overthrow of the Islamic Republic.

While Reuters has spoken to numerous Iranians angry at the government for policies they believed had led to the Israeli attack, there has been no sign yet of any significant protests against the authorities.

However, one senior Iranian security official and two other senior officials briefed on internal security issues said the authorities were focused on the threat of possible internal unrest, particularly in Kurdish areas.

Revolutionary Guard and Basij paramilitary units were put on alert and internal security was now the primary focus, said the senior security official.

The official said authorities were worried about Israeli agents, ethnic separatists, and the People’s Mujahideen Organization, an exiled opposition group that has previously staged attacks inside Iran.

Activists within the country are lying low.

“We are being extremely cautious right now because there’s a real concern the regime might use this situation as a pretext,” said a rights activist in Tehran who was jailed during mass protests in 2022.

The activist said he knew dozens of people who had been summoned by authorities and either arrested or warned against any expressions of dissent.

Iranian rights group HRNA said on Monday it had recorded arrests of 705 people on political or security charges since the start of the war.

Many of those arrested have been accused of spying for Israel, HRNA said. Iranian state media reported three were executed on Tuesday in Urmia, near the Turkish border, and the Iranian-Kurdish rights group Hengaw said they were all Kurdish.

Iran’s Foreign and Interior Ministries did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

CHECKPOINTS AND SEARCHES

One of the officials briefed on security said troops had been deployed to the borders of Pakistan, Iraq, and Azerbaijan to stop infiltration by what the official called terrorists. The other official briefed on security acknowledged that hundreds had been arrested.

Iran’s mostly Sunni Muslim Kurdish and Baluch minorities have long been a source of opposition to the Islamic Republic, chafing against rule from the Persian-speaking, Shi’ite government in Tehran.

The three main Iranian Kurdish separatist factions based in Iraqi Kurdistan said some of their activists and fighters had been arrested and described widespread military and security movements by Iranian authorities.

Ribaz Khalili from the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) said Revolutionary Guards units had deployed in schools in Iran’s Kurdish provinces within three days of Israel‘s strikes beginning and gone house-to-house for suspects and arms.

The Guards had taken protective measures too, evacuating an industrial zone near their barracks and closing major roads for their own use in bringing reinforcements to Kermanshah and Sanandaj, two major cities in the Kurdish region.

A cadre from the Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK), who gave her nom de guerre of Fatma Ahmed, said the party had counted more than 500 opposition members being detained in Kurdish provinces since the airstrikes began.

Ahmed and an official from the Kurdish Komala party, who spoke on condition of anonymity, both described checkpoints being set up across Kurdish areas with physical searches of people as well as checks of their phones and documents.

The post Iran Turns to Internal Crackdown in Wake of 12-Day War With Israel first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

US President Donald Trump hailed the swift end to war between Iran and Israel and said Washington would likely seek a commitment from Tehran to end its nuclear ambitions at talks with Iranian officials next week.

Trump said his decision to join Israel’s attacks by targeting Iranian nuclear sites with huge bunker-busting bombs had ended the war, calling it “a victory for everybody.”

“It was very severe. It was obliteration,” he said, shrugging off an initial assessment by the US Defense Intelligence Agency that Iran‘s path to building a nuclear weapon may have been set back only by months.

Speaking in The Hague where he attended a NATO summit on Wednesday, he said he did not see Iran getting involved again in developing nuclear weapons. Tehran has always denied decades of accusations by Western leaders that it is seeking nuclear arms.

“We’re going to talk to them next week, with Iran. We may sign an agreement. I don’t know. To me, I don’t think it’s that necessary,” Trump said.

Anxious Iranians and Israelis sought to resume normal life after the most intense confrontation ever between the two foes.

Israel’s nuclear agency assessed the strikes had “set back Iran‘s ability to develop nuclear weapons by many years.” The White House also circulated the Israeli assessment, although Trump said he was not relying on Israeli intelligence.

He said he was confident Tehran would pursue a diplomatic path towards reconciliation.

“I’ll tell you, the last thing they want to do is enrich anything right now. They want to recover,” he said.

If Iran tried to rebuild its nuclear program, “We won’t let that happen. Number one, militarily we won’t,” he said, adding that he thought “we’ll end up having something of a relationship with Iran” to resolve the issue.

The head of the UN’s nuclear watchdog, Rafael Grossi, dismissed what he called the “hourglass approach” of assessing damage to Iran‘s nuclear program in terms of months needed to rebuild as besides the point for an issue that needed a long-term solution.

“In any case, the technological knowledge is there, and the industrial capacity is there. That, no one can deny. So, we need to work together with them,” he said. His priority was returning international inspectors to Iranian nuclear sites, which he said was the only way to find out precisely what state they were in.

Israel’s bombing campaign, launched with a surprise attack on June 13, wiped out the top echelon of Iran‘s military leadership and killed leading nuclear scientists. Iran responded with missiles that pierced Israel’s defenses in significant numbers for the first time.

Iranian authorities said 627 people were killed and nearly 5,000 injured in Iran, where the extent of the damage could not be independently confirmed because of tight restrictions on media. Twenty-eight people were killed in Israel.

Israel claimed to have achieved its goals of destroying Iran‘s nuclear sites and missiles.

Trump said both sides were exhausted but the conflict could restart.

Israel’s demonstration that it could target Iran‘s senior leadership seemingly at will poses perhaps the biggest challenge yet for Iran‘s clerical rulers, at a critical juncture when they must find a successor for Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, now 86 and in power for 36 years.

President Masoud Pezeshkian, a relative moderate elected last year in a challenge to years of dominance by hardliners, said it could result in reform.

“This war and the empathy that it fostered between the people and officials is an opportunity to change the outlook of management and the behavior of officials so that they can create unity,” he said in a statement carried by state media.

Still, Iran‘s authorities moved swiftly to demonstrate their control. The judiciary announced the execution of three men on Wednesday convicted of collaborating with Israel’s Mossad spy agency and smuggling equipment used in an assassination. Iran had arrested 700 people accused of ties with Israel during the conflict, the state-affiliated Nournews reported.

During the war, both Netanyahu and Trump publicly suggested that it could end with the toppling of Iran‘s entire system of clerical rule, established in its 1979 revolution.

But after the ceasefire, Trump said he did not want to see “regime change” in Iran, which he said would bring chaos at a time when he wanted the situation to settle down.

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