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Jewish Students at Cornell Are Hurting — But No One Seems to Care

The clock tower at Cornell University. Photo: Clarice Oliveira.

From a young age, I learned to stand up for what I believe in with great pride. But I was also taught that actions have consequences, and that I would be responsible for what I did.

While I appreciate Cornell University’s strong commitment to freedom of expression, the administration must ask itself where the line is drawn between protected speech and unprotected speech; between what is permitted and what is not. While I cannot say with absolute certainty, my sneaking suspicion is that, if this type of rhetoric were directed at any other minority group, whether it be racial or ethnic, the response from the university would be astronomically different.

Students come to Cornell expecting to be protected from threats and harassment, and the administration has a responsibility to maintain a learning environment in which every student can feel comfortable going to class without fear of intimidation, and express their ideas without being attacked.

When we walk through a campus literally vandalized with spray painted profanity, and have our classes disrupted by loud chants for violence, many Jewish students feel as though Cornell is failing us in this regard.

The Community Belonging section of the Cornell Student Code of Conduct states that “students, faculty, and staff with different backgrounds, perspectives, abilities, and experiences can learn, innovate, and work in an environment of respect…”

Below that, it details that “to assemble and to protest peacefully and lawfully are essential to academic freedom and the continuing function of the University as an educational institution.”

Furthermore, the code of conduct clearly states that disorderly conduct, harassment, misconduct related to student organizations, property damage, and disruption of university activities are forbidden.

Accordingly, I have a few questions I feel compelled to ask.

When Jewish students trying to learn in the classroom are distracted by their peers shouting “From the River to the Sea” just out the window, does this count as harassment and a disruption of university activities?

Do the students shouting those hateful words know the meaning behind them, regardless of their individual intent? Are they aware that those words are a rallying cry for the complete destruction of the State of Israel, and the establishment of a Palestinian state in the entirety of the land that is modern-day Israel, at the expense of the one Jewish state on planet earth? This phrase is used by terrorist organizations and was cited as a component of the US House of Representatives’ censuring of Rashida Tlaib (D-MI). Allowing students to shout this phrase and disrupt classes does not cultivate “an environment of respect.”

When students march on campus and call for the “globalization of the intifada” and shout that “resistance is justified,” are they actually protesting peacefully or are they calling for violence against Jewish and Israeli students?

We must consider the context where many, including a Cornell professor, are characterizing the murders, violence, and rapes of October 7 as “resistance.” Is that the type of resistance being called for on our campus? If so, using this term publicly would certainly be enough to cause “significant emotional or psychological harm,” which falls under the Assault and Endangerment clause of the student code of conduct.

The first and second Intifadas were periods of violence that claimed the lives of thousands of Jewish people as a result of indiscriminate terrorist attacks including stabbings and suicide bombings. Will the new Intifada include the brutal raping of innocent civilians or the kidnapping of the elderly from their homes and holding them hostage in underground tunnels like we saw on October 7?

At these very same protests that claim that “resistance is justified,” students, in the same breath, have also been calling for a ceasefire. One would think that resistance and ceasefire would be mutually exclusive, given that resistance implies action, and ceasefire lack thereof. It appears that these calls for a ceasefire are actually calls for a one-sided ceasefire. Do they suggest that there be no defense against violent “resistance?” Because if they do, they might actually be antisemitic. Holding Israel to a double standard, in which she has no right to defend herself against her attacking enemies, meets the criteria for anti-Zionism becoming antisemitism.

A few weeks ago, students vandalized our campus in the middle of the night by spray painting slurs like “F*ck Israel” and “Zionism = Genocide.” This not only costs the university time and resources to clean up, but also signals to Jewish students that our peers don’t believe that we have a right to self determination, like every other religious and ethnic group in the world.

Not only is it factually inaccurate that Israel is acting with an intent to kill all the people of Gaza, but supporting the notion that a movement of the Jewish people wanting self determination in their ancestral homeland is genocide is ludicrous.

What constitutes misconduct? Is hosting die-ins in academic buildings during the school day and disrupting classes for Jewish and non-Jewish students alike permitted?

Is hanging posters from Willard Straight Hall that read “From Ithaca to Gaza Intifada Intifada” and “Anti-Zionism is not antisemitism” not striking fear in a portion of the student body?

When Jewish students continue to be intimidated and feel there is no room for them and their beliefs on campus, the chasm between anti-Zionism and antisemitism begins to shrink rapidly. Inherently, anti-Zionism and antisemitism needn’t be inextricably linked. However, when a student, using the pseudonym “Hamas Soldier” on our campus publishes threats to “shoot up” the kosher dining hall and “rape and throw off a cliff any Jewish females” in the wake of the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas, anti-Zionism and antisemitism are, perhaps, more closely related than ever.

I am not sharing these heavy sentiments to inflame tensions further or to exacerbate anyone’s pain. The death of innocent civilians, whether Palestinian or Israeli, Muslim or Jewish, Christian or Druze, is horrible. It is tragic. It is irreparable.

But inciting hate and violence on our campus does not honor anyone’s life. Intimidating and isolating students in Ithaca does not advance any cause or solve a complex and multifaceted conflict in the Middle East. I am using this strong language to convey the distress of the Cornell Jewish community. We are hurting. We are in distress. We want answers to our questions.

Zoe Bernstein is a senior at Cornell and the President of Cornellians for Israel.

The post Jewish Students at Cornell Are Hurting — But No One Seems to Care first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire

Explosions send smoke into the air in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, July 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen

The spokesperson for Hamas’s armed wing said on Friday that while the Palestinian terrorist group favors reaching an interim truce in the Gaza war, if such an agreement is not reached in current negotiations it could revert to insisting on a full package deal to end the conflict.

Hamas has previously offered to release all the hostages held in Gaza and conclude a permanent ceasefire agreement, and Israel has refused, Abu Ubaida added in a televised speech.

Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the United States, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a US-backed proposal for a 60-day truce in the war.

Israeli officials were not immediately available for comment on the eve of the Jewish Sabbath.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on a call he had with Pope Leo on Friday that Israel‘s efforts to secure a hostage release deal and 60-day ceasefire “have so far not been reciprocated by Hamas.”

As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned along with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release a number of detained Palestinians.

“If the enemy remains obstinate and evades this round as it has done every time before, we cannot guarantee a return to partial deals or the proposal of the 10 captives,” said Abu Ubaida.

Disputes remain over maps of Israeli army withdrawals, aid delivery mechanisms into Gaza, and guarantees that any eventual truce would lead to ending the war, said two Hamas officials who spoke to Reuters on Friday.

The officials said the talks have not reached a breakthrough on the issues under discussion.

Hamas says any agreement must lead to ending the war, while Netanyahu says the war will only end once Hamas is disarmed and its leaders expelled from Gaza.

Almost 1,650 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed as a result of the conflict, including 1,200 killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Over 250 hostages were kidnapped during Hamas’s Oct. 7 onslaught.

Israel responded with an ongoing military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.

The post Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel

People hold images of the victims of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Irina Dambrauskas

Iran on Friday marked the 31st anniversary of the 1994 bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires by slamming Argentina for what it called “baseless” accusations over Tehran’s alleged role in the terrorist attack and accusing Israel of politicizing the atrocity to influence the investigation and judicial process.

The Iranian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on the anniversary of Argentina’s deadliest terrorist attack, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 300.

“While completely rejecting the accusations against Iranian citizens, the Islamic Republic of Iran condemns attempts by certain Argentine factions to pressure the judiciary into issuing baseless charges and politically motivated rulings,” the statement read.

“Reaffirming that the charges against its citizens are unfounded, the Islamic Republic of Iran insists on restoring their reputation and calls for an end to this staged legal proceeding,” it continued.

Last month, a federal judge in Argentina ordered the trial in absentia of 10 Iranian and Lebanese nationals suspected of orchestrating the attack in Buenos Aires.

The ten suspects set to stand trial include former Iranian and Lebanese ministers and diplomats, all of whom are subject to international arrest warrants issued by Argentina for their alleged roles in the terrorist attack.

In its statement on Friday, Iran also accused Israel of influencing the investigation to advance a political campaign against the Islamist regime in Tehran, claiming the case has been used to serve Israeli interests and hinder efforts to uncover the truth.

“From the outset, elements and entities linked to the Zionist regime [Israel] exploited this suspicious explosion, pushing the investigation down a false and misleading path, among whose consequences was to disrupt the long‑standing relations between the people of Iran and Argentina,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said.

“Clear, undeniable evidence now shows the Zionist regime and its affiliates exerting influence on the Argentine judiciary to frame Iranian nationals,” the statement continued.

In April, lead prosecutor Sebastián Basso — who took over the case after the 2015 murder of his predecessor, Alberto Nisman — requested that federal Judge Daniel Rafecas issue national and international arrest warrants for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei over his alleged involvement in the attack.

Since 2006, Argentine authorities have sought the arrest of eight Iranians — including former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who died in 2017 — yet more than three decades after the deadly bombing, all suspects remain still at large.

In a post on X, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), the country’s Jewish umbrella organization, released a statement commemorating the 31st anniversary of the bombing.

“It was a brutal attack on Argentina, its democracy, and its rule of law,” the group said. “At DAIA, we continue to demand truth and justice — because impunity is painful, and memory is a commitment to both the present and the future.”

Despite Argentina’s longstanding belief that Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah terrorist group carried out the devastating attack at Iran’s request, the 1994 bombing has never been claimed or officially solved.

Meanwhile, Tehran has consistently denied any involvement and refused to arrest or extradite any suspects.

To this day, the decades-long investigation into the terrorist attack has been plagued by allegations of witness tampering, evidence manipulation, cover-ups, and annulled trials.

In 2006, former prosecutor Nisman formally charged Iran for orchestrating the attack and Hezbollah for carrying it out.

Nine years later, he accused former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — currently under house arrest on corruption charges — of attempting to cover up the crime and block efforts to extradite the suspects behind the AMIA atrocity in return for Iranian oil.

Nisman was killed later that year, and to this day, both his case and murder remain unresolved and under ongoing investigation.

The alleged cover-up was reportedly formalized through the memorandum of understanding signed in 2013 between Kirchner’s government and Iranian authorities, with the stated goal of cooperating to investigate the AMIA bombing.

The post Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns

Murad Adailah, the head of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, attends an interview with Reuters in Amman, Jordan, Sept. 7, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Jehad Shelbak

The Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist movements, has been implicated in a wide-ranging network of illegal financial activities in Jordan and abroad, according to a new investigative report.

Investigations conducted by Jordanian authorities — along with evidence gathered from seized materials — revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood raised tens of millions of Jordanian dinars through various illegal activities, the Jordan news agency (Petra) reported this week.

With operations intensifying over the past eight years, the report showed that the group’s complex financial network was funded through various sources, including illegal donations, profits from investments in Jordan and abroad, and monthly fees paid by members inside and outside the country.

The report also indicated that the Muslim Brotherhood has taken advantage of the war in Gaza to raise donations illegally.

Out of all donations meant for Gaza, the group provided no information on where the funds came from, how much was collected, or how they were distributed, and failed to work with any international or relief organizations to manage the transfers properly.

Rather, the investigations revealed that the Islamist network used illicit financial mechanisms to transfer funds abroad.

According to Jordanian authorities, the group gathered more than JD 30 million (around $42 million) over recent years.

With funds transferred to several Arab, regional, and foreign countries, part of the money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as illegal activities and cells.

In April, Jordan outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s most vocal opposition group, and confiscated its assets after members of the Islamist movement were found to be linked to a sabotage plot.

The movement’s political arm in Jordan, the Islamic Action Front, became the largest political grouping in parliament after elections last September, although most seats are still held by supporters of the government.

Opponents of the group, which is banned in most Arab countries, label it a terrorist organization. However, the movement claims it renounced violence decades ago and now promotes its Islamist agenda through peaceful means.

The post Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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