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Letty Cottin Pogrebin wants Jews to own up to the corrosive power of shame
(JTA) — When a lawyer for Donald Trump asked E. Jean Carroll why she didn’t scream while allegedly being raped by Donald Trump, I thought of Letty Cottin Pogrebin. In her latest book, “Shanda: A Memoir of Shame and Secrecy,” she writes about being assaulted by a famous poet — and how the shadow of shame kept women like her silent about attacks on their own bodies.
That incident in 1962, she writes, was “fifty-eight years before the #MeToo movement provided the sisterhood and solidarity that made survivors of abuse and rape feel safe enough to tell their stories.”
Now 83, Pogrebin could have coasted with a memoir celebrating her six decades as a leading feminist: She co-founded Ms. magazine, its Foundation for Women and the National Women’s Political Caucus. She served as president of Americans for Peace Now and in 1982 blew the whistle on antisemitism in the feminist movement.
Instead, “Shanda” is about her immigrant Jewish family and the secrets they carried through their lives. First marriages that were kept hidden. An unacknowledged half-sister. Money problems and domestic abuse. An uncle banished for sharing family dirt in public.
“My mania around secrecy and shame was sparked in 1951 by the discovery that my parents had concealed from me the truth about their personal histories, and every member of my large extended family, on both sides, was in on it,” writes Pogrebin, now 83. “Their need to avoid scandal was so compelling that, once identified, it provided the lens through which I could see my family with fresh eyes, spotlight their fears, and, in so doing, illuminate my own.”
“Shanda” (the Yiddish word describes the kind of behavior that brings shame on an entire family or even a people) is also a portrait of immigrant New York Jews in the 20th century. As her father and mother father move up in the world and leave their Yiddish-speaking, Old World families behind for new lives in the Bronx and Queens, they stand in for a generation of Jews and new Americans “bent on saving face and determined to be, if not exemplary, at least impeccably respectable.”
Pogrebin and I spoke last week ahead of the Eight Over Eighty Gala on May 31, where she will be honored with a group that includes another Jewish feminist icon, the writer Erica Jong, and musician Eve Queler, who founded her own ensemble, the Opera Orchestra of New York, when she wasn’t being given chances to conduct in the male-dominated world of classical music. The gala is a fundraiser for the New Jewish Home, a healthcare nonprofit serving older New Yorkers.
Pogrebin and I spoke about shame and how it plays out in public and private, from rape accusations against a former president to her regrets over how she wrote about her own abortions to how the Bible justifies family trickery.
Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
I found your book very moving because my parents’ generation, who like your family were middle-class Jews who grew up or lived in the New York metropolitan area, are also all gone now. Your book brought back to me that world of aunts and uncles and cousins, and kids like us who couldn’t imagine what kinds of secrets and traumas our parents and relatives were hiding. But you went back and asked all the questions that many of us are afraid to ask.
I can’t tell you how good writing it has been. I feel as though I have no weight on my back. And people who have read it gained such comfort from the normalization that happens when you read that others have been through what you’ve been through. And my family secrets are so varied — just one right after the other. The chameleon-like behavior of that generation — they became who they wanted to be through pretense or actual accomplishment.
In my mother’s case, pretense led the way. She went and got a studio photo that made it look like she graduated from high school when she didn’t. In the eighth grade, she went up to her uncle’s house in the north Bronx and had her dates pick her up there because of the shanda of where she lived on the Lower East Side with nine people in three rooms. She had to imagine herself the child of her uncle, who didn’t have an accent or had an accent but at least spoke English.
You describe yours as “an immigrant family torn between loyalty to their own kind and longing for American acceptance.”
There was the feeling that, “If only we could measure up, we would be real Americans.” My mother was a sewing machine operator who became a designer and figured out what American women wore when she came from rags and cardboard shoes, in steerage. So I admire them. As much as I was discomforted by the lies, I ended up having compassion for them.
It’s also a story of thwarted women, and all that lost potential of a generation in which few could contemplate a college degree or a career outside the home. Your mother worked for a time as a junior designer for Hattie Carnegie, a sort of Donna Karan of her day, but abandoned that after she met your dad and became, as you write, “Mrs. Jack Cottin.”
The powerlessness of women was complicated in the 1950s by the demands of the masculine Jewish ideal. So having a wife who didn’t work was proof that you were a man who could provide. As a result women sacrificed their own aspirations and passions. She protected her husband’s image by not pursuing her life outside the home. In a way my feminism is a positive, like a photograph, to the negative of my mother’s 1950s womanhood.
“I’m not an optimist. I call myself a ‘cockeyed strategist,” said Pogrebin, who has a home on the Upper West Side. (Mike Lovett)
You write that you “think of shame and secrecy as quintessentially Jewish issues.” What were the Jewish pressures that inspired your parents to tell so many stories that weren’t true?
Think about what we did. We hid behind our names. We changed our names. We sloughed off our accents. My mother learned to make My*T*Fine pudding instead of gefilte fish. Shame and secrecy have always been intrinsically Jewish to me, because of the “sha!” factor: At every supper party, there would be the moment when somebody would say, “Sha! We don’t talk about that!” So even though we talked about what felt like everything, there were things that couldn’t be touched: illness, the C-word [cancer]. If you wanted to make a shidduch [wedding match] with another family in the insular communities in which Jews lived, you couldn’t let it be known that there was cancer in the family, or mental illness.
While I was writing this memoir, I realized that the [Torah portion] I’m listening to one Shabbat morning is all about hiding. It is Jacob finding out that he didn’t marry Rachel, after all, but married somebody he didn’t love. All of the hiding that I took for granted in the Bible stories and I was raised on like mother’s milk was formative. They justified pretense, and they justified trickery. Rebecca lied to her husband and presented her younger son Jacob for the blessing because God told her, because it was for the greater good of the future the Jewish people.
I think Jews felt that same sort of way when it came to surviving. So we can get rid of our names. We wouldn’t have survived, whether we were hiding in a forest or behind a cabinet, a name or a passport, or [pushed into hiding] with [forced] conversions. Hiding was survival.
I was reading your book just as the E. Jean Carroll verdict came down, holding Donald Trump liable for sexually assaulting her during an encounter in the mid-’90s. You write how in 1962, when you were working as a book publicist, the hard-drinking Irish poet Brendan Behan (who died in 1964) tried to rape you in a hotel room and you didn’t report it. Like Carroll, you didn’t think that it was something that could be reported because the cost was too high.
Certainly in that era powerful men could get away with horrible behavior because of shanda reasons.
Carroll said in her court testimony, “It was shameful to go to the police.”
You know that it happened to so many others and nobody paid the price. The man’s reputation was intact and we kept our jobs because we sacrificed our dignity and our truth. I was in a career, and I really was supporting myself. I couldn’t afford to lose my job. I would have been pilloried for having gone to his hotel room, and nobody was there when he picked up an ashtray and threatened to break the window of the Chelsea Hotel unless I went up there with him.The cards were stacked against me.
In “Shanda,” you write about another kind of shame: The shame you now feel decades later about how you described the incident in your first book. You regret “how blithely I transformed an aggravated assault by a powerful man into a ‘sticky sexual encounter.’”
I wrote about the incident in such offhand terms, and wonder why. I wrote, basically, “Okay, girls, you’re gonna have to put up with this, but you’re gonna have to find your own magical sentence like I had with Behan” to get him to stop.
You write that you said, “You can’t do this to me! I’m a nice Jewish girl!” And that got him to back off.
Really painful.
I think that’s a powerful aspect of your book — how you look back at the ways you let down the movement or your family or friends and now regret. In 1991 you wrote a New York Times essay about an illegal abortion you had as a college senior in 1958, but not the second one you had only a few months later. While you were urging women to tell their stories of abortion, you note how a different shame kept you from telling the whole truth.
Jewish girls could be, you know, plain or ordinary, but they had to be smart, and I had been stupid. I could out myself as one of the many millions of women who had an abortion but not as a Jewish girl who made the same mistake [of getting pregnant] twice.
The book was written before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. In the book you write powerfully about the shame, danger and loneliness among women when abortion was illegal, and now, after 50 years, it is happening again. Having been very much part of the generation of activists that saw Roe become the law of the land, how have you processed its demise?
Since the 1970s, we thought everything was happening in this proper linear way. We got legislation passed, we had litigation and we won, and we saw the percentage of women’s participation in the workplace all across professions and trades and everything else rise and rise. And then Ronald Reagan was elected and then there was the Moral Majority and then it was the Hyde Amendment [barring the use of federal funds to pay for abortion]. I was sideswiped because I think I was naive enough to imagine that once we articulated what feminism was driving at and why women’s rights were important, and how the economic reality of families and discrimination against women weren’t just women’s issues, people would internalize it and understand it and justice would be done.
In the case of Roe, we could not imagine that rights could ever be taken away. We didn’t do something that we should have done, which is to have outed ourselves in a big way. It’s not enough that abortion was legal. We allowed it to remain stigmatized. We allowed the right wing to create their own valence around it. That negated solidarity. If we had talked about abortion as healthcare, if we had had our stories published and created organizations around remembering what it was like and people telling their stories about when abortion was illegal and dangerous…. Instead we allowed the religious right to prioritize [fetal] cells over a woman’s life. We just were not truthful with each other, so we didn’t create solidarity.
Are you heartened by the backlash against restrictive new laws in red states or optimistic that the next wave of activism can reclaim the right to abortion?
I’m not an optimist. I call myself a “cockeyed strategist.” If you look at my long resume, it is all about organizing: Ms. magazine, feminist organizations, women’s foundations, Black-Jewish dialogues, Torah study groups and Palestinian-Jewish dialogues.
Number one, we have to own the data and reframe the narrative. We have to open channels for discussion for women who have either had one or know someone who has had one, even in religious Catholic families. The state-by-state strategy was really slow, but Ruth Bader Ginsburg wanted that. She almost didn’t get on the court because she didn’t like the nationwide, right-to-privacy strategy of Roe but instead wanted it won state by state, which would have required campaigns of acceptance and consciousness-raising.
So, the irony is she hasn’t lived to see that we’re going to have to do it her way.
You share a lot of family secrets in this book. Is this a book that you waited to write until, I’ll try to put this gently, most of the people had died?
I started this book when I was 78 years old, and there’s always a connection to my major birthdays. And turning 80 – you experience that number and it is so weird. It doesn’t describe me and it probably won’t describe you. I thought, this could well be my last book, so I needed to be completely transparent, put it all out there.
My mother and father and aunts and uncles were gone, but I have 24 cousins altogether. I went to my cousins, and told them I am going to write about the secret of your parents: It’s my uncle, but it’s your father. It’s your family story even though it’s my family, but it’s yours first. And every cousin, uniformly, said, “Are you kidding? You don’t even know the half of it,” and they’d tell me the whole story. I guess people want the truth out in the end.
Is that an aspect of getting older?
I think it’s a promise of liberation, which is what I have found. It’s this experience of being free from anything that I’ve hid. I don’t have to hide. Years ago, on our 35th wedding anniversary, we took our whole family to the Tenement Museum because we wanted them to see how far we’ve come in two generations.
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Jewish cuisine in Warsaw, 1938
ס׳איז לעצטנס אַרויס אַ העברעיִשע איבערזעצונג פֿון בני מערס בוך וועגן דעם פֿאַר־מלמהדיקן ייִדישן כאַראַקטער פֿון סמאָטשע־גאַס אין וואַרשע. דאָס נײַע בוך, „מורה דרך: ורשה היהודית 1938“, דינט ווי אַ מין וועגווײַזער פֿאַר ישׂראלדיקע לייענער פֿון יענעם באַרימטן ייִדישן קוואַרטאַל, באַטאָנענדיק זײַנע באַזונדערע מנהגים, מאכלים, לשון, ליטעראַטור, קולטור און רעליגיע. קיין שום פּרט אין בוך איז נישט אויסגעטראַכט – אַ חוץ דעם וואָס דער וועגווײַזער אַליין איז געשריבן געוואָרן הײַנט, און נישט אין 1938. אָט איז אַ טייל פֿון דעם קאַפּיטל וועגן דער ייִדישער קיך אין וואַרשע.
אינעם ייִדישן קוואַרטאַל פֿון וואַרשע געפֿינען זיך נישט קיין באַזונדערע מאכלים. די ייִדן וואָס זײַנען אַהין געקומען האָבן מיטגעבראַכט זייערע אייגענע שפּײַזן, און דערפֿאַר קאָן מען דאָ עסן אַלץ, הכּל-בכּל. נישט אומזיסט האָבן מיר אַ שם פֿון „וואַרשעווער פֿרעסערס“, און אויך איר, טײַערע געסט, וועט נישט אַרויס חלילה הונגעריקע.
טרינקען טרינקט מען דאָ קודם-כּל די בײַערישע ביר „האָבערבוש און שילע“ (וואָס ווערט פּראָדוצירט נישט ווײַט פֿון דער „גמינע“ — דאָס קהילה-הויז — אויף גזשיבאָווסקע גאַס), און דערצו טרינקט מען פֿאַרשיידענע וואָדקעס און ספּירט. לשם מצוות-אכילה עסט מען דערבײַ הערינג מיט ציבעלע, האַרטע אייער, אייער-קיכלעך (זיסע אָדער געזאַלצענע), וואַסער-פּלעצלעך, געפֿעפֿערטע אַרבעס (געלע) און אַ שטיקל פּינטאָשוו קעז. אין די קאָנדיטערײַען און קאַפֿעען גיט מען קרעם-, שאָקאָלאַדע- און עפּל-טשאַסטקעס (קוכנס), ווי אויך לעקעך.
אונדזער קיך האָט אַ שם געמאַכט מיט אירע שבתדיקע און יום-טובֿדיקע דעליקאַטעסן. אויפֿן וואַרשעווער שבתדיקן טיש וועט איר געפֿינען יויך, גענדז אָדער בעפֿשטיק, געפֿילטע פֿיש (כאָטש מיר האָבן ליב אויך ליטוואַקעס, דאָ זײַנען זיי צימעס זיס). שבת אין דער פֿרי עסט מען טשאָלנט (ד״ה טשונט, אויף אונדזער לשון), קישקע און פֿאַרשיידענע קוגלען און קאָמפּאָטן.
יעדן יום-טובֿ האָט זײַנע אייגענע מאכלים. פּורים, למשל, עסט מען יויך מיט קרעפּלעך, געפֿילטע פֿיש, אייער-חלה, קיכלעך פֿון האָניק און צימרינג, מאַנדלען-קיכלעך, המן־טאַשן, אונגערישן ווײַן און מעד. פּסח עסט מען זיסע מצה-מעל-קיכלעך געטונקען אין ווײַן.
פֿײַנשמעקערס וועלן דאָ אויך געפֿינען די פֿראַנצויזישע קיך מיט אַ ייִדישן טעם. אין אונדזער רעפּרעזענטאַטיווסטן קרוין־רעסטאָראַן, „פּיקאַדילי“, וואָס געפֿינט זיך אויף ביעלאַנסקע 5 (טעל׳ 23-116), לעבן טעאַטער נאָוואָשטשי, דערלאַנגט מען אַ גענדזענעם לעבער, געפֿילטע פּאָמידאָרן, געגליווערטן קאַרפּ, שוואַרצן און רויטן קאַוויאַר (פֿון דרײַ זלאָטעס אַ מיטאָג). אין די מער פּאָפּולערע רעסטאָראַנען (ווי די פֿון י’ עלקענבוים אויף סמאָטשע 27, טעל׳ 77-162) באַקומט איר פֿיש מיט קליסקעלעך, וועמפּלעך מיט קישקע, קרופּניק מיט פֿלייש, קאָטלעטן, זופּן, קלאָפּסקאַלעך מיט פֿערפֿל — און אַלץ פֿאַר איין זלאָטע, מער אָדער ווייניקער. אויך די רעסטאָראַנען „יאַגאָדע“ (טווואַרדע 26, טעל׳ 34-205), „A la minute“, אויף דער שוויינטאָקזשיסקע־גאַס 43 43-341), יעקבֿ אַרבעס, נאַלעווקעס 9 – וועט אײַך גאָרנישט שאַטן.
שפּאָרעוודיקע טוריסטן וועלן הנאה האָבן פֿון פֿאַרשיידענע מיטאָגן וואָס ווערן פֿאַרקויפֿט אין פּריוואַטע דירות. געוויינטלעך וועט איר נישט זען קיין שום שילד; די אינפֿאָרמאַציע געפֿינט זיך אין דער צײַטונג „אונזער עקספּרעס“ אָדער אין די מעלדונגען וואָס ווערן געטיילט צו די פֿאַרבײַגייערס. למשל: אַ מיטאָג פֿון פֿיר שפּײַזן מיט קאָמפּאָט קאָסט דאָ נאָר זיבעציק גראָשן (זאַמענהאָף 26, וו. 11).
די וואַרשעווער אָרעמעלייט עסן נעבעך הערינג, אָדער אַפֿילו שילאַווקעס — פּיצלדיקע גערויכערטע פֿיש. שילאַווקעס קאָסטן אַ פּאָר גראָשן, און מע פֿאַרקויפט זיי אין די הויפֿן (זומערצײַט פֿאַרקויפֿט מען אין די הויפֿן אויך פֿרוכטן און גרינס — בפֿרט אַרבוז און אוגערקעס). אויב איר בלײַבט נאָך הונגעריק מחמת חסרון-כּיס, קאָנט איר עסן „שיריים“ אין איינער פֿון די 400 וואַרשעווער שולן און בתּי-מדרשים.
אויך וועגעטאַריער האָבן דאָ וואָס צו עסן. אין „יענע גאַסן“, די גויִשע וואַרשע, זײַנען פֿאַראַן צוויי וועגעטאַרישע רעסטאָראַנען, אָבער אין דער אמתן זײַנען מיר גיכער מקנא די ייִדישע וועגעטאַרישע רעסטאָראַנען אין לאָדזש און ווילנע („וועגאַ“ און פֿאַני לעוואַנדאָס רעסטאָראַן).
ווי עס איז, וועט איר זען און הערן די בייגעלעך־הענדלערס: ייִנגלעך און מיידלעך, און אַמאָל אויך זייערע מאַמעס און טאַטעס וואָס האָבן נישט קיין אַנדערע ברירה ווי אַרויסצוגיין טאָג און נאַכט אין די גאַסן און פֿאַרקויפֿן צוויי ביז פֿינף בייגעלעך פֿאַר צען גראָשן. זײַט אַזוי גוט און קויפֿט-זשע בייגעלעך, איידער די פּאָליציי וועט קאָנפֿיסקירן זייערע סחורה. אין די קריזיס-יאָרן האָבן אַ סך סוחרים באַנקראָטירט, און זייערע קראָמען זײַנען פֿאַרוואַנדלט געוואָרן אין געשעפֿטן פֿון סאָדע-וואַסער אָדער לאָדעס — קויפֿט זשע אויך פֿון זיי.
די וואַרשעווער ייִדן האָבן ליב צו טרינקן טיי – בפֿרט מיט קאַנדל-צוקער און ציטרין, און אַ טיי פֿון אַ גרויסן סאַמאָוואַר איז ממש אַן עונג-שבת. נישט ווייניקער האָבן מיר ליב צו טרינקען קאַווע און זיצן אין קאַפֿעען. „לעצטנס האָט זיך דער מנהג צו גיין אין קאַוויאַרניעס איבערהויפּט פֿאַרשפּרייט אויך בײַ פּוילישע ייִדן,“ שרײַבט ד״ר א. גליקסמאַן, „און פֿיל אַזעלכע ייִדן, וואָס פֿלעגן אין אַמאָליקע צײַטן גיין בטלען אין בית-מדרש — בטלען איצט אין קאַוויאַרניע אויף אַ ציוויליזירטן אופֿן.“(„היינטיגע נייעס“, 13.1.1936).
די קאַוויאַרניעס פֿון דער גוייִשער וואַרשע זײַנען שיין און עלעגאַנט ווי אין אַנדערע גרויסע שטעט אין אייראָפּע. זיי זײַנען קלאַסישע אָדער מאָדערנע, און אויך די קליענטן זײַנען שיינע און עלעגאַנטע. איין חסרון נאָר: זיי האָבן נישט אַזוי ליב אַז מע רעדט ייִדיש, און בפֿרט אויף אַ קול. איז וואָס? איר האָט דאָך צענדליקער ייִדישע קאַפֿעען, ווי למשל די דרײַ קאַפֿע-קאָנדיטאָרײַען פֿון די ברידער סטודניאַ; די קאָנדיטערײַ בומאָוויטש (רינקאָווע 11, טעל׳ 66-405), אָדער פֿלידערבוים (טוואַרדע 26). זיי זײַנען אפֿשר נישט אַזוי פּרעכטיק ווי „אַדריִאַ“ אָדער „בריסטאָל“, אָבער איר וועט זיך דאָרטן פֿילן אין דער היים. ווי זאָגט מען: „וואָס דאַרפֿסטו ריידן גויִיש, מע זאָל זען אַז דו ביסט אַ ייִד?“ אין אונדזערע קאַפֿעען דערלאַנגט מען נישט נאָר פֿריש געבעקס, נאָר אויך לײַכטע מאכלים, ווי למשל הערינג אין אַ זעמעלע פּוטער.
דאָס ייִדישע וואַרשע בענקט אַ ביסל נאָך די אַמאָליקע ליטעראַרישע קאַפֿעען, ווי למשל יחזקאל קאָטיקס קאַוויאַרניע אויף די נאַלעווקעס, וואָס שלום עליכם האָט פֿאַראייביקט אין זײַן „מנחם-מענדל“. אָבער אויך הײַנט צו טאָג האָבן מיר אַ ליטעראַרישן אָלימפּוס: דאָס איז דער בופֿעט בײַ דעם ליטעראַרישן פֿאַראיין, אויף טלאָמאַצקע 13. און וואָס איז שלעכט מיט טרינקען סתּם אַ קאַווע אין רובענטשיק-קאַפֿע, וואָס געפֿינט זיך אין מיטן דער ייִדישער גאָרטן, ד״ה קראַשינסקיס פּאַרק?
****
לאָמיר פֿאַרענדיקן מיט אַ תּפֿילה פֿון אַ וואַרשעווער ייִדענע, אַז דאָס קוגל זאָל איר געראָטן (אויף איר אייגן לשון):
קיגל קיגל יאַך מאַך דיך געטרײַ,
געטרײַ וועל יאַך דיך מאַכן,
מע זאָל אויס מיר נישט לאַכן.
אין אויוון זאָלסטע שטײַן,
אין מויל זאָלסטע צעגײַן,
גיט זאָלסט זײַן ווי יעקבֿ
און רויט ווי עשׂו.
The post Jewish cuisine in Warsaw, 1938 appeared first on The Forward.
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JD Vance continues to minimize right-wing antisemitism as fringe influencers gain ground
(JTA) — Vice President JD Vance again downplayed the idea that conservatives should safeguard their ranks against antisemitism, a week after his ally Tucker Carlson hosted yet another antisemitic conspiracy theorist on his web show.
Vance’s latest brief comments, made Tuesday during an interview with conservative radio host and CNN pundit Scott Jennings, came in response to Jennings asking, “Does the conservative movement need to warehouse anybody out there espousing antisemitism in any way?”
“No it doesn’t, Scott,” the vice president replied, toward the end of their interview.
Vance continued by asserting that conservatives, drawing on Christian influences, were welcoming of all backgrounds.
“I think we need to reject all forms of ethnic hatred, whether it’s antisemitism, anti-Black hatred, anti-white hatred,” he said. “And I think that’s one of the great things about the conservative coalition, is that we are, I think, fundamentally rooted in the Christian principles that founded the United States of America.”
He added, “And one of those very important principles is that we judge people as individuals. Every person is made in the image of God. You judge them by what they do, not by what ethnic group they belong to.”
Vance’s comments follow a series of similar remarks by the vice president over the past month as major right-wing groups such as Turning Point USA and the Heritage Foundation grapple with the growing influence of Nick Fuentes and other openly antisemitic forces. Vance has also indicated his own skepticism in the U.S.-Israel relationship and stated that stopping immigration is the best approach to fighting antisemitism.
One Jewish conservative analyst still employed with Heritage — after a slew of employees left for a competing group — criticized Vance’s latest comments.
“Need a better answer from @JDVance on why the conservative movement should not tolerate antisemitism than what is effectively the equivalent of @TheDemocrats’ ‘…and Islamophobia’ response,” Daniel Flesch, a Heritage policy analyst for the Middle East and North Africa, posted on the social network X.
Flesch referenced his contention that Democratic leaders’ stock answer to addressing antisemitism is that it must be paired with addressing Islamophobia, rather than treated as its own unique problem.
Among Jewish conservatives’ biggest areas of consternation within the party right now: Carlson, the media figure who has platformed Fuentes and other conspiracy theorists while also maintaining close ties with Turning Point, Heritage and Vance himself. This week in Israel’s Knesset, a lawmaker in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party denounced Carlson and fellow podcaster Candace Owens by name in an English-language speech.
Last week Carlson continued to fan the flames by hosting Ian Carroll, a conspiracy theorist who has proclaimed “Israel did 9/11”; that “Israel did their best to embellish and enflame the history books” on the Holocaust; and that sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein was “working on behalf of Israel.”
Carroll has made inroads in the conservative media sphere for a while. He appeared on Joe Rogan’s mega-popular podcast last year and, in 2024, moderated a campaign event for then-presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr., today President Donald Trump’s secretary of health and human services. Carroll’s appearance on Carlson’s show came after both Trump and Vance refused to denounce Carlson for his friendly interview with Fuentes last year.
In their Jan. 2 interview, Carroll and Carlson primarily discussed the 2017 mass shooting at a music festival in Las Vegas. Carroll shared numerous conspiracy theories about the events of that evening, during which the shooter also fired rounds at a jet fuel tank stored at a nearby airport.
“And then there’s things happening at the airport that are strange, that there’s some shooting happening at the airport. So it’s like, is this a gang war between the Italian mob and the Jewish mob? Is this a CIA operation that went wrong?” Carroll muses at one point. “Is this, like, a Mossad operation? Any of those things would need to fit the facts.”
Carroll continued, “In lieu of enough facts, you can try to fit a perpetrator to the facts and invent explanations that will work.”
Later in the interview, Carlson muses about Carroll directly to him, “I’ve never seen anybody come to prominence faster, ever, in our world. And that’s led to a lot of speculation that you’re, like, a CIA officer in disguise.”
Carroll then offers, “Or I’m like, Mossad.”
To which Carlson concludes, “My personal explanation is you’re just an amazing explainer and a diligent researcher, and you’re really interested in what’s true. And those are the three qualities that make a successful person in our world.”
The post JD Vance continues to minimize right-wing antisemitism as fringe influencers gain ground appeared first on The Forward.
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EU-Funded NGO Backed Online Platform Targeting Jewish Businesses in Catalonia
Supporters of Hamas demonstrate outside the Israeli Embassy in Madrid, Oct. 18. Photo: Reuters/Guillermo Yllanes Gonzalez
The controversial online platform mapping Jewish-owned businesses, schools, and Israeli-linked companies in Catalonia, a region in northeastern Spain, was promoted by an EU-funded non-governmental organization.
On Tuesday, NGO Monitor — an independent Jerusalem-based research institute that tracks anti-Israel bias among nongovernmental organizations — released new information showing that Engineers Without Borders – Catalonia (ESF-C) and Universities with Palestine (UAP) jointly promoted the BarcelonaZ project on social media, identifying themselves as its primary backers.
First reported by the local Jewish outlet Enfoque Judío, the interactive map was launched by an unidentified group claiming to be “journalists, professors, and students” on the French-hosted mapping platform GoGoCarto.
As a publicly accessible and collaboratively created online platform, the map marked over 150 schools, Jewish-owned businesses — including kosher food shops — and Israeli-linked as well as Spanish and international companies operating in Israel, labeling them as “Zionist.”
“Our goal is to understand how Zionism operates and the forms it takes, with the intention of making visible and denouncing the impact of its investments in our territory,” the project’s website stated.
According to NGO Monitor’s newly released report, ESF-C is a European Union–funded NGO running a Youth Internship Program subsidized by the Public Employment Service of Catalonia, with 40 percent co-financing from the European Social Fund Plus — the EU’s primary program for funding employment, education, and social initiatives.
The EU Financial Transparency System shows that ESF‑C partnered on two EU grants worth about $2.8 million from 2019 to 2023 and received at least $164,000 in funding.
Jewish leaders in Spain have strongly denounced the BarcelonaZ initiative, warning that it fosters further discrimination and hatred against the community amid an increasingly hostile environment in which Jews and Israelis continue to be targeted.
“The mapping and boycotting of Jewish businesses in Catalonia is an echo of some of the darkest chapters in history, including the prelude to the Holocaust in Nazi Germany,” the Combat Antisemitism Movement’s Director of European Affairs, Shannon Seban, said in a statement.
“The organizers of this initiative put a target on the backs of Spanish Jews, at a time when Jews are being hunted across the globe, as seen so horrifically in Australia just three weeks ago,” she said, referring to the deadly attack on a Hanukkah celebration at Sydney’s Bondi Beach, which killed 15 people and wounded at least 40 others.
“Clear incitement to violence of this nature must not be platformed or tolerated by internet companies or government authorities,” Seban continued.
On its website, ESF-C describes its mission as promoting “a fair international society, which does not exclude anyone,” and highlights its commitment to “non-denominationalism and non-partisanship.” Yet, the NGO’s 2024 annual report also asserts that it “cannot ignore the Palestinian resistance, a clear expression of the struggle for freedom of all oppressed peoples.”
In a social media post, the NGO also accused Israel of “genocide” during its defensive campaign against the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas, describing its platform as “a resource designed to inform, raise awareness, and mobilize the educational and student community in Catalonia.”
“The attacks that began on Oct. 7 have involved water and electricity cuts, the boycott of essential water infrastructure, and the contamination of Palestinian water sources,” ESF-C wrote in an Instagram post, without mentioning the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, which triggered the war in Gaza.
“The violation of these basic rights is a key weapon used by the State of Israel to perpetuate genocide,” the statement read.
NGO Monitor also revealed that UAP is a network of Catalan faculty- and student-led anti-Israel organizations that co-sponsored the BarcelonaZ project.
Last year, UAP organized a “People’s Court” at Complutense University of Madrid on what it called the “Palestinian genocide,” with attendance from several terror-linked NGOs and individuals, including Samidoun, Masar Badil, Al-Haq, and Raji Sourani, NGO Monitor reported.
Several community organizations have filed complaints with GoGoCarto, demanding the site’s removal and arguing that it violates French laws against hate speech and discrimination.
Earlier this week, GoGoCarto announced it had removed the BarcelonaZ project from its website after local groups denounced the initiative as blatantly antisemitic and dangerous.