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Rabbi arrested, banned from Cleveland universities over his anti-Palestinian activism

(JTA) – For days, students and police at Cleveland State University had been trying to figure out who stole a banner belonging to a campus Palestinian rights group.

The banner, which belonged to the student group Palestinian Human Rights Organization, read “CSU Solidarity for Palestinian Rights” and was illustrated with an outline of Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip collectively emblazoned in the Palestinian flag. A dove holding an olive branch appeared on top of the image.

Then, on Jan. 19, police charged their top suspect: a local Orthodox rabbi, whose presence on campus had become all too familiar. A few days later the man confessed to the theft on Instagram, announcing that he had stolen the banner from the school’s student center “as an act of civil disobedience.”

“This incitement to annihilation of Israel should have never been permitted at CSU,” Rabbi Alexander Popivker, a 46-year-old Cleveland Heights resident whose neighborhood is six miles from the school, wrote on social media accompanied by a picture of the flag he stole. 

It was far from Popivker’s only recent run-in with local university students. 

A former Chabad-Lubavitch emissary in Naples, Italy, who now works in the Cleveland area as a handyman and part-time rabbi for a Russian-speaking Jewish community, Popivker has become known around town as a vigilant and omnipresent pro-Israel advocate. He can often be spotted counter-protesting at local pro-Palestinian demonstrations, or putting on displays of his own, with his wife Sarah on hand filming every contentious encounter. 

One major theme of his protests, and his worldview, as he explained to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency: “Palestinians and Nazis are the same thing.”

For the last year, Popivker had been making weekly trips to Cleveland State, occasionally accompanied by other students or community members, to give public demonstrations that elaborate on that idea — sometimes with the aid of swastika-emblazoned props. In the early going, the university provided him with police protection and said his visits to campus were protected by free speech laws. 

But he also sought out students online and in-person whom he deemed to be “brainwashed” by anti-Zionist messaging. One such online campaign against a law student prompted the student to file an order of protection against Popivker last fall, an order supported by a prominent Jewish dean at the university. Popivker promptly violated the order by returning to campus.

Cleveland State University main campus, Cleveland, Ohio. (Getty Images)

In late January, university authorities had enough. They arrested Popivker and, following a hearing, declared him persona non grata on campus, banning him from the university grounds for at least two years. Popivker has also been banned from nearby Case Western Reserve University, where he had advocated before focusing on Cleveland State.

In the midst of a nationwide university climate in which pro-Israel advocates claim Jewish students face regular antisemitic harassment for their real or perceived Zionist beliefs, here was a documented case of the opposite: a Jew and outspoken Zionist, who has no affiliation with the schools at which he advocates, accused of harassing anyone he perceived as a threat to Israel, including students who had never sought him out directly. 

The Ohio chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations has spoken out numerous times against Popivker and praised university police for arresting him; a petition the group backed, labeled “Stop harassment on campus” and mentioning Popivker by name, has garnered close to 700 signatures.

Jewish groups, including civil rights groups, have been less forthcoming about situation. Hillel International declined to comment for this story, and the directors of Cleveland’s regional American Jewish Committee and Jewish Community Relations Council offices did not return requests for comment. Jewish on Campus, a nationwide university antisemitism watchdog group that tracks what it defines as anti-Zionist social media harassment of Jewish students, also did not return a request for comment.

Jared Isaacson, the executive director of Cleveland Hillel, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that the center was “not very familiar with this story.” Cleveland Hillel coordinates Jewish student life at a consortium of Jewish universities including Cleveland State and Case Western, where its student center is located, as well as at least one other school where Popivker has made his presence on campus known in some form. 

But, Isaacson said, “Cleveland Hillel is deeply committed to countering antisemitism and hate in all forms, and we believe that no student — Jewish or otherwise — should ever feel threatened or intimidated because of their identity.” 

Popivker says he has support from the New York-based Lawfare Project, which bills itself as an “international pro-Israel litigation fund.” He told JTA that the organization “is watching over my cases and providing guidance.”

In a statement, the Lawfare Project called Popivker “a Jewish civil rights activist” but did not confirm that it is backing him, saying only that the group is “currently reviewing the matter.”

The group, which frequently files lawsuits on behalf of students who allege antisemitism on their campuses, said in a statement to JTA that the order of protection was a “double standard” that “should be alarming to anyone who cares about the fight against Jew-hatred.”

Lawfar recently settled a multi-year lawsuit with San Francisco State University over student reports of antisemitic harassment on campus stemming from anti-Zionist activists disrupting an event featuring the mayor of Jerusalem. The settlement compelled the university to hire a coordinator of Jewish student life.

Popivker will have his work cut out for him if he fights the charges. He had exhibited “behavior detrimental to the university community” by stealing the Palestinian banner and separately affixing an Israeli flag to university property, Matthew Kibbon, Cleveland State’s associate vice president of facility services, wrote in the university’s decision declaring him persona non grata.

The rabbi “was not banned for the content of his speech, but how he chose to exercise it,” a Cleveland State spokesperson told JTA in a statement. The university also provided JTA a list of recent campus police interactions with him, including the initial Jan. 11 report of the banner’s theft; Popivker’s visit to campus on Jan. 18, during which police advised him that the student’s order of protection did not permit him to be there; and his return visit on Jan. 25, during which he was arrested.

From Popivker’s perspective, he is simply speaking out on Israel’s behalf for a campus that has a large pro-Palestinian activist presence but few Jewish students. (There are fewer than 200 Jewish undergraduates on Cleveland State’s campus out of 11,784 students, according to Hillel International.) His goal is to educate, he says, informed by his status as a Jewish refugee from the Soviet Union. And he believes he is being targeted by local pro-Palestinian activists, who, he said, have gone after his kippah and Israeli flags.

“I never attacked anyone. I never raised my hand up to anyone,” he told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, saying that he was motivated by civil rights icons Martin Luther King Jr. and John Lewis. “I’m going to a public university. I’m staying in the free speech zone. And I raise awareness about what’s going on. There’s a bunch of students that have become my friends that come to study with me regularly.” 

One of those students, senior Tyler Jarosz, told JTA he became friends with Popivker after seeing him visiting campus to advocate for Israel. Not knowing much about Jews or Israel himself — “I thought Israel was a very peaceful state,” Jarosz said — the student was taken with Popivker’s demonstrations and said he learned a great deal from them. 

“He didn’t just lecture me like a teacher would,” Jarosz said. “He was actually very engaging. He asked questions.” 

Jarosz said he never witnessed the rabbi harassing anyone on campus, and said he always tried to engage people in peaceful dialogue, despite what he described as harassment directed at him by some Muslim students. He recalled one Popivker visit to campus for Israel’s independence day, when the rabbi was offering falafel to students, and said he witnessed one student throw the falafel back at him and threaten to “rape” him.

Other students tell a different story. One campus paper, the Cauldron, reported that the rabbi has targeted visibly Muslim and Arab students on campus, demanding to know their views on Israel. Popivker “makes me wary of coming into campus,” a student member of the Palestinian Human Rights Organization group told the Cauldron. “I’m forced to be on constant edge and take the longer way to class in order to avoid him.” Another student told a different campus newspaper, “It’s almost as though he deliberately looks for Palestinian individuals just to target them.” 

The chair of the law school’s National Lawyers Guild student chapter told the Cleveland Jewish News that their group’s efforts to engage Popivker in reasonable dialogue failed when he began using “racial slurs and insulting language.”

A swastika Alexander Popivker drew on a Palestinian scarf (alleged by some students to be a keffiyeh, or ritual Muslim prayer scarf) while mounting a pro-Israel demonstration on the campus of Cleveland State University. Popivker then shared the image to his Instagram, Feb. 3, 2023. (Screenshot)

In images from one Popivker demonstration, the rabbi can be seen drawing a swastika with a Sharpie marker on what the Cauldron reported was a keffiyeh, a scarf worn by Arabic men, but which Popivker told JTA was a Palestinian scarf with no spiritual significance. He has also yelled phrases including “Palestinians are Nazis” and “Palestinians are the KKK,” and constructed a stage with images further linking Palestinians to Naziism, according to reports. Popivker’s own Instagram videos show him approaching groups of students to argue about Israel as he films them, calling some of them “terrorists” when they go after his flags. One of his video captions mentions “a Middle Eastern looking student.”

Cleveland State increased its safety protocols as a result of Popivker’s activities, locking some additional entrances around campus. But much of his activities have been online, too.

Last fall Popivker trained his attention on a law student who was involved with campus Palestinian rights groups and had made some anti-Israel posts online, including sharing an image of a child whom pro-Palestinian groups claimed had been a victim of an Israeli bombing, and sharing a socialist group’s post quoting, “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.” 

Documents show that Popivker emailed and called the student’s employer and law school seeking to have her disciplined for her beliefs, writing among other things that she was a “mouthpiece of terrorism and racism against Jews.” He also made Instagram posts targeting her. In response, the student filed for and received the order of protection against him, which Popivker later claimed was unwarranted because he had never met the student in person. 

In its statement to JTA, the Lawfare Project homed in on this sequence of events, saying that Popivker’s decision to email the student’s school and employer about what he believed to be antisemitic social media posts was “a tool routinely used by civil rights activists to fight discrimination.”

Popivker asked Jarosz to send a letter attesting to his character for the order of protection hearing, which he did. “Alex understands and respects everyone of every background that he comes across,” the student wrote in his letter. “I have personally witnessed the demonization they have done of him.” Speaking to JTA weeks later, Jarosz said the court case was “bogus,” but said he was unaware of the emails, social media records and phone transcripts reviewed by JTA showing that Popivker had contacted the student’s employer and school.

At the order of protection hearing, a transcript of which Popivker sent to JTA, a key witness who advocated for the restriction was law school dean Lee Fisher, a former attorney general and lieutenant governor of Ohio. Fisher is Jewish. 

“We share a hatred of antisemitism,” Fisher told Popivker during the hearing, according to the transcript. The dean also identified himself as “pro-Israel, very much so.” But Fisher made clear he was critical of Popivker’s activities on campus. Asked by Popivker about a specific social media post the student had made, Fisher responded, “Even if she made a mistake by posting it, it did not warrant the kind of reaction I believe that you had.”

Fisher had also met with Popivker previously, in a session mediated by a local rabbi who was a friend of Popivker. “I told him that I was concerned for the health and safety of our students,” the dean said during the hearing. He had implored Popivker to stop his campus activities, but the rabbi refused.

It’s the initial order of protection, which Popivker said had already effectively banned him from campus, that the rabbi says he truly opposes. He saw it as evidence that “they were basically working together with Palestinians” to “cover up the fact that they have an antisemitic group that openly propagates a destruction of Israel.” Popivker visited campus several times after receiving the order of protection but was permitted to stay with only a warning from campus police, Jarosz recalled.

This state of affairs lasted until the rabbi stole the Palestinian student group banner to, he said, “shine a light on this antisemitism.” Popivker described to JTA how he entered the student building, walked up to the third floor where he knew the banner was, and used scissors to remove it and take it with him: “Clip, clip, clip.” He was subsequently thrown in jail — his second such stint in Cleveland for pro-Israel activities, he said, criticizing local law enforcement for not providing him with kosher food while he was behind bars. 

Outside of campus, Popivker is active in other areas. Last year, he organized a GoFundMe to support the family of a former classmate of his who was killed by an Islamic State supporter in a terrorist attack in Beersheba, Israel. He also applied to fill a January vacancy on the Cleveland Heights city council, but later withdrew his application. 

After being barred from Cleveland State University, Rabbi Alex Popivker took to holding his anti-Palestinian protests on a street outside a local casino. (Courtesy Popivker)

While Popivker may preach nonviolence, his social media activity points to more radical ideologies, as well. On Instagram, he has shared an image of the flag of the Jewish Defense League, an extremist Jewish group that advocates violence against enemies of Jews, founded by convicted terrorist Rabbi Meir Kahane, as well as an image with a logo of Im Tirtzu, a right-wing Israeli group that has in the past been accused of inciting violence against Israeli human rights groups. Popivker told JTA he is not a member of either group, but that “if I think it’s aligned with what I believe in, I’ll share it.”

Popivker says that, for now, he’s done with his brand of “civil disobedience” and won’t be making his weekly visits to Cleveland State’s campus. “I do have five wonderful boys and a loving wife, and as much as Cuyahoga [County’s] jail is an educational experience in life in many ways, I do not want to go there every week,” he said.

Instead, days after his arrest and campus ban, Popivker posted a photo of himself with an Israeli flag to social media — this time outside a casino a mile away from campus.


The post Rabbi arrested, banned from Cleveland universities over his anti-Palestinian activism appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Years of Ignored Antisemitism Led to Terror in Australia — and the Media Helped Normalize It

Mourners carry the casket of 10-year-old Matilda the youngest victim of a mass shooting at Australia’s Bondi Beach targeting an event for the Jewish festival of Hanukkah on Sunday, at Chevra Kadisha Memorial Hall, in Sydney, Australia, Dec. 18, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Hollie Adams

Years of hatred and antisemitism that was swept aside or outright denied led to one of the most horrific attacks on the Jewish people in Australia.

The warning signs were unmistakable more than two years ago: chants of “gas the Jews” outside the Sydney Opera House days after October 7; “Jew die” graffiti scrawled outside a Jewish school; a synagogue firebombed; and a Jewish community that made clear, again and again, that it did not feel safe or protected.

A terrorist attack targeting the Jewish community should not be what it takes for the world to pay attention to the undeniable rise in antisemitism.

And yet, even now, it appears that many are still unwilling to acknowledge the attack was antisemitic.

Despite the terrorists specifically aiming at the crowd gathered at the Hanukkah event, there was initial reluctance to name the Jewish community as the target.

Rather, the attack was framed in vague terms as part of a broader act of violence and a public safety issue in Australia. This reluctance to call out antisemitism is not incidental, but part of the pattern that allowed it to foster unchecked for so long.

As the news coverage on the attack continued, outlets slowly started to shift the story away from the victims of the attack and towards the terrorists who carried it out.

While understanding the motive and background has a place in responsible reporting, many outlets instead crossed a dangerous line by subtly humanizing the perpetrators while sidelining the Jewish victims.

One headline in Newsweek focused on the attacker’s relationship with his family, quoting that his mother considered him a “good boy.” But what his mother thought of him before the attack should not have been headline news — the fact that he took part in mass murdering people at a Hanukkah event should have.

The pain and trauma of the victims’ families and survivors deserved the center of the story, rather than emotional character references for the terrorist.

The Irish Times similarly stressed the terrorists had no criminal background, omitting their ISIS-inspired ideology and once again framing them as ordinary, well-meaning people.

The BBC likewise whitewashed the crimes of the terrorists by refusing to call them terrorists at all. Instead, they were described merely as “gunmen,” a term so sanitized that readers would have no idea from the headline that they carried out a deadly attack on Jews.

Meanwhile, Sky News shifted the focus from the Jewish victims to warn that Muslims in Australia may feel unsafe. This creates a moral inversion that recasts the aftermath of an antisemitic terror attack as a story about the potential discomfort of an entirely different community.

This inversion completes a familiar pattern where Jewish victims disappear, antisemitism becomes abstract, and the media moves on without ever confronting the hatred that made the attack possible.

When explicit calls to murder Jews are dismissed as isolated incidents, when attacks on Jewish institutions are minimized, and when Jewish fear is treated as political exaggeration, violence becomes inevitable. A terrorist attack against Jews in Australia is the consequence of sustained denial, indifference, and moral failure. The minimization of antisemitic incidents and violence against the Jewish people in the media contributes to the vicious cycle.

Antisemitism does not begin with terror attacks. It begins when warning signs are ignored — and it will continue until institutions, leaders, and the media are willing to say clearly and unequivocally that Jews were targeted because they are Jews.

The author is a contributor to HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

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Palestinian Terrorist Was Killed Throwing Grenades; PA Said He Was ‘Young Boy’ ‘Delivering a Package’

Illustrative: Palestinian demonstrators call for an end to clashes between Palestinian security forces and militants in Jenin, in the West Bank, Dec. 16, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Raneen Sawafta

The Palestinian Authority (PA) continues its hypocrisy about terrorists who are killed trying to murder Jews.

The “successful” terrorists are coined heroic fighters, and the PA names schools, streets, and squares after them.

But if they are young terrorists and the PA wants the world to condemn Israel, they are repackaged as innocent victims.

Such was the case of 16-year-old Islamic Jihad terrorist Muhammad Iyad Abahreh, who was killed after throwing hand grenades at Israeli soldiers near Jenin.

Text on picture:
“Martyr Jihad fighter
Muhammad Iyad Abahreh
One of the Jihad fighters of the Al-Quds Brigades, Al-Yamun Brigade
Al-Quds Brigades – Military Media”

Islamic Jihad’s terror wing, the Al-Quds Brigades, openly lauded Abahreh as one of its fighters.

The group proudly described him as a “Jihad fighter,” declared that he died as a “Martyr,” and vowed to continue armed resistance:

Headline: “The Al-Quds Brigades accompany to his wedding Martyr Muhammad Abahreh from Jenin”

“The Al-Quds Brigades, the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine’s military wing, accompanied to his wedding [i.e., a Martyr’s funeral is considered his wedding to the 72 Virgins in Paradise in Islam] Martyr Muhammad Iyad Abahreh …

In a statement on Sunday, [Dec. 14, 2025,] the brigades said that Abahreh is one of the Jihad fighters of the Al-Yamun Brigade and that he ascended to Heaven as a Martyr after he managed to engage with the occupation [i.e., Israeli] soldiers and threw several hand grenades at them during an invasion of the town of Silat Al-Harithiya yesterday evening, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2025.

The brigades emphasized that they will remain steadfast on the path of Jihad and resistance until liberation and return.”

[Safa, independent Palestinian news agency, Dec. 14, 2025]

Just one day later, the Palestinian Authority’s official daily, Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, published a fabricated version of the attack.

The “Jihad fighter” became a “young boy,” the grenade attack was erased, Islamic Jihad was not mentioned, and Israeli soldiers were accused of killing him while he was “delivering a package.”

Abahreh was painted as a “loved, diligent, seeker of knowledge” whose “death as a Martyr halted his aspirations” to graduate high school and help his parents.

Headline: “Young Muhammad Abahreh”

“Al-Yamun and Silat Al-Harithiya, west of Jenin, were partners in grief two nights ago, Saturday, [Dec. 13, 2025]. The two neighboring towns mourned 16-year-old boy Muhammad Iyad Muhammad Abahreh, who ascended to Heaven in Silat Al-Harithiya, and the occupation seized his body…

Family sources told Al-Hayat Al-Jadida that young Abahreh is the eldest [child] in the family and that he was looking forward to finishing his experimental matriculation exams, but the occupation’s bullets changed the course of his dreams.

They noted that Muhammad was on his motorcycle on his way to deliver a package in nearby Silat Al-Harithiya, but the occupation soldiers shot him with six bullets and seized his body…

Al-Yamun High School Principal Radwan Freihat described the loss experienced by the school with Muhammad’s death … who was loved, diligent, and a seeker of knowledge. He said that his death as a Martyr halted his aspirations to earn a high [school graduation] certificate to help his parents.”

[Official PA daily Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, Dec. 15, 2025]

The Palestinian Authority routinely rewrites terrorist attacks to demonize Israel and mislead international audiences and donors.

It did this just a month ago after terrorists from its own ruling party murdered Aharon Cohen and injured three others. The PA denies the October 7 atrocities. And it lies to world leaders about condemning terrorism and antisemitism.

Itamar Marcus is Palestinian Media Watch (PMW)’s Founder and Director. Ephraim D. Tepler is a contributor to Palestinian Media Watch. A version of this article originally appeared at PMW.

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Foreign Press Correspondents Honored Terrorists, Awarded Al Jazeera Cash Grant

The Al Jazeera Media Network logo is seen on its headquarters building in Doha, Qatar, June 8, 2017. Photo: REUTERS/Naseem Zeitoon

The Association and Club of Foreign Press Correspondents USA bestowed honors on some of America’s most distinguished journalists at its gala in Washington, D.C., including veteran NBC journalist Andrea Mitchell.

Yet the same organization also chose to bestow posthumous honors on individuals later exposed as active terrorists who had worked as “journalists” for Al Jazeera, the Qatari state broadcaster and a co-sponsor of the event.

The channel itself was even awarded the association’s so-called “press freedom grant.”

According to a dinner attendee, the ceremony included a moment of silence for 10 Al Jazeera reporters and media workers killed in Gaza while “covering the Palestinian conflict with Israel,” with their photos displayed at a memorial table — a disturbing imitation of the empty hostage tables used to honor Israelis kidnapped by Hamas.

During the event, Fox News chief foreign correspondent Trey Yingst used his acceptance speech to eulogize Gazan reporters. He criticized Israel for restricting independent journalistic access to Gaza, while omitting a crucial fact: Hamas routinely threatens, censors, and kills journalists, while selectively protecting cooperative reporters who comply with its messaging.

Yingst praised the “fearless and tenacious Palestinian journalists in Gaza who don’t have the luxury to leave when reporting becomes too dangerous,” adding after applause: “May we not forget their sacrifice and contributions to our industry.”

Since these “contributions” went unnamed, they deserve documenting.

Anas Al-Sharif (killed on Aug 10, 2025)
Intelligence materials recovered in Gaza, including training lists and salary records, identified Al-Sharif as the head of a Hamas terror cell responsible for rocket attacks on Israeli civilians and IDF troops. He was photographed with Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar and other senior operatives. On October 7, 2023, he posted praise on Telegram for “heroes still roaming the country killing and capturing.”
Ismail Al-Ghoul (killed on July 31, 2024)
Identified as a member of Hamas’ Nukhba forces. According to the IDF, his military role included instructing operatives on filming terror attacks and participating in the production and dissemination of propaganda footage.
Hossam Shabat (killed on March 24, 2025)
Served as a sniper in Hamas’ Beit Hanoun Battalion. Hamas documents show his participation in formal military training as early as 2019. During the war, he carried out attacks against Israeli troops and civilians. As an Al Jazeera correspondent, he promoted a fabricated story accusing Israeli soldiers of gang-raping a pregnant woman at Shifa Hospital — a claim that Al Jazeera later quietly walked back.
Hamza Al Dahdouh (killed on January 7, 2024)
Recovered documents revealed he served in Palestinian Islamic Jihad’s electronic engineering unit and had previously been deputy commander of the Zeitoun Brigade’s rocket force. When killed, he was operating a drone that endangered Israeli forces.
Mustafa Thuria (killed on January 7, 2024)
Identified in Hamas documentation as a deputy squad commander in the Gaza City Brigade. He was killed in the same strike as Al Dahdouh during drone activity linked to military operations.
Mohammed Salama (killed on August 25, 2025)
Infiltrated Israel on October 7 and actively documented the terror assault. As OSINT researcher Eitan Fischberger noted: “Staging photos and videos while chanting ‘Allahu Akbar’ isn’t journalism — it’s active participation.”

By memorializing known terror operatives and rewarding a propaganda outlet, the Association and Club of Foreign Press Correspondents USA transformed what should have been a celebration of journalistic integrity into a moral failure.

This was not an act of solidarity with journalism — it was the elevation of militants masquerading as reporters.

The author is the Executive Director of HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

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