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The JTA conversation: Pogrom? Terrorism? What do we call what happened in Huwara?
(JTA) — On Sunday, after a Palestinian gunman shot and killed two Israeli brothers in the West Bank, Jewish settlers rioted in the nearby Palestinian town of Huwara, burning cars and buildings. A Palestinian was killed and dozens were injured.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu condemned the Jewish rioters for “taking the law in their own hands,” but many observers — including the top Israeli general in the West Bank and Abraham Foxman, director emeritus of the the Anti-Defamation League — used stronger language, calling the attacks a “pogrom.”
The use of the word, which most famously refers to a wave of anti-Jewish violence in the Russian empire beginning in the late 19th century, in turn became the subject of debate. Does using “pogrom” co-opt Jewish history unfairly and inaccurately by suggesting Jews are no better than their historical persecutors? Does avoiding the term mean Israel and its supporters are not taking sufficient responsibility for the actions of its Jewish citizens?
The debate is not just about language, but about controlling the narrative. Political speech can minimize or exaggerate events, put them in their proper context or distort them in ways that, per George Orwell, can “corrupt thought.”
We asked historians, linguists and activists to consider the word pogrom, and asked them what politicians, journalists and everyday people should call what happened at Huwara. Their responses are below.
Sidestepping the real issue
Dr. Jeffrey Shandler
Distinguished Professor, Department of Jewish Studies, Rutgers University
The meanings of the word “pogrom” in different languages are key here. In Russian, it means a massacre or raid, as it does in Yiddish; in neither language is it understood as specifically about violence against Jews. The Oxford English Dictionary concurs that pogrom means an “organized massacre… of any body or class,” but notes that, in the English-language press, it was first used mostly to refer to anti-Jewish attacks in Russia, citing examples from 1905-1906.
Therefore, though the association of pogrom with violence targeting Jews is widely familiar, its meaning is broader.
That said, because of English speakers’ widely familiar association of the term with Jews as victims, to use pogrom to describe violence perpetrated by Jews is provocative. As to whether it is appropriate to refer to recent attacks by Jewish settlers on Palestinians, it seems to me that this question sidesteps the more important question of whether the actions being called pogroms are appropriate.
Call it what it is: “settler terrorism”
Sara Yael Hirschhorn
’22-’23 Research Fellow at the Center for Antisemitism Research at the ADL, and author, “City on a Hilltop: American Jews and the Israeli Settler Movement”
Let me say first with a loud and clear conscience: What happened in Huwara was abhorrent, immoral, and unconscionable and certainly was not committed in my name.
But to paraphrase Raymond Carver’s famous formulation: How do we talk about it when we talk about Huwara? What kind of descriptive and analytical framework can adequately and contextually interpret that horrific event?
The shorthand of choice seems to be “pogrom” — but it isn’t clear that all who deploy the term are signifying the same thing. For some, pogrom is a synonym for pillage, rampage, fire, property damage and violence in the streets — a one-word general summary of brutal acts. For others, pogrom refers to vigilante justice, an abbreviated story of the non-state or non-institutional actors and their motivations.
More specifically, however, pogrom is seemingly being mobilized as a metaphor to Jewish history, juxtaposing the Jewish victims of yesterday to the Jewish-Israeli perpetrators of today, an implicit analogy to the prelude to the Shoah, recasting Zionists as organized bands of genocidaires (with or without regime sponsorship) like the Cossacks, the Nationalist Fronts or even the Einsatzgruppen. Some would use the word to incorporate all three meanings (and more).
As a historian, I am troubled by the haphazard and harmful use of terms that are attached to a specific time and place — such as the thousand-year history of Jews in the Rhinelands and Eastern Europe, with many layers of imperial, national, local, economic and religious forces that precipitated these events — in such an ahistorical manner. Nor do I find the parallels between Zionists and Nazis to be historically careful (if deliberately offensive) — the State of Israel is committing crimes in the West Bank, but not a genocide. The equivalence also all too easily and incorrectly grafts tropes of racism and white supremacy drawn from American history into the West Bank’s soil.
So what to say about Huwara? Israel — for reasons both political and lexiconographical — has failed to consistently adopt a term for such attacks. (Often the euphemism of “errant weeds” who are “taking matters into their own hands” is the choice of Knesset politicians.) To my mind, the best term is “settler terrorism,” which puts Jewish-Israeli acts on par with Palestinian terrorism. It should also mean that these actions merit the same consequences under the occupation like trial, imprisonment, home demolition and other deterrents enforced against all those who choose the path of violence.
Last but not least, a pogrom was historically an unpunished crime against humanity that led only to war and annihilation. Don’t we aspire for more in Israel/Palestine?
Palestinians call it “ethnic cleansing”
Ibrahim Eid Dalalsha
Director, Horizon Center for Political Studies and Media Outreach, Ramallah, and member of Israel Policy Forum’s Critical Neighbors task force
Palestinians generally view and describe what happened during Sunday’s Huwara attacks as “racist hate crimes seeking to destroy and dispossess the Palestinian people of their homes and properties.” While no specific term has been used to describe these attacks, it was likened to the barbaric and savage invasion of Baghdad by Hulagu, the 13th-century Mongol commander.
Palestinian intellectuals tend to use “ethnic cleansing,” savage and barbaric ethnically motivated violence against innocent civilians, as another way of referring to these attacks. When such events include killing, Palestinian politicians and intellectuals tend to use the term massacre, or “majzara,” to underline the irrational and indiscriminate violence against defenseless civilians. I don’t think the term “pogrom” and its historic connotation are widely known to most people here. From a Palestinian perspective, using such terms, including “Holocaust,” is not considered a mistake. In fact, even using “Holocaust“ to describe violence against Palestinian civilians in and around 1948 was not considered a mistake until very recently when it caused such a saga for Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Germany.
View of cars burned by Jewish settlers during riots in Huwara, in the West Bank, near Nablus, Feb. 27, 2023. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)
In the name of historical accuracy
Rukhl Schaechter
Yiddish Editor, The Forward
The recent attacks by Israeli settlers on Palestinians in Huwara are abhorrent. I commend those in Israel calling them peulot teror, “actions of terror,” and I trust that the perpetrators will be brought to justice. But these riots were not pogroms.
The word pogrom refers to one of the many violent riots and subsequent massacres of Jews in Eastern Europe between the 17th and 20th centuries. These attacks were committed by local non-Jewish, often peasant populations. They were instigated by rabble-rousers like Bogdan Chmielnicki, who led a Cossack and peasant uprising against Polish rule in Ukraine in 1648 and ended up destroying hundreds of Jewish communities. According to eyewitnesses, the attackers also committed atrocities on pregnant women.
Note that the massacres of Jews carried out by the Nazis, and the murders of Armenians by the Turkish government at the turn of the 20th century — as horrific as they were — were never called pogroms because in both cases, there was a government behind it. In the name of historic accuracy, let’s continue to use the word pogrom solely for mob attacks on and massacres of Jews.
When the Poles banned “pogrom”
Samuel D. Kassow
Professor of History, Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut
In Poland in the late 1930s, altercations between a Jew and a Pole sometimes ended with either the Jew or the Pole getting badly hurt or even killed. When the victim was a Pole, mobs of Poles rampaged through Jewish neighborhoods smashing windows, looting shops and often beating or even killing Jews. Poles often held Jews collectively responsible for the death of one of their own. This happened in Przytyk, Minsk-Mazowieck, Grodno and other places. Jews called these riots “pogroms,” which they were. But the Polish government banned use of the term in the press. After all, “pogrom” was a Russian word, and “pogroms” happened only in a place characterized by barbarism and ignorance. Since Poland was not Russia, and since Poles were eminently civilized, logically speaking, pogroms simply did not take place in Poland. What happened in these towns were to be called “excesses” (zajscia). But certainly not pogroms!
I take it that since we Jews are so civilized, we too are incapable of pogroms. So should we label what these settlers did “‘excesses”? Or perhaps we should take a deep breath and call them pogroms?
A Jewish, but not exclusive, history
Henry Abramson
Historian
The word “pogrom” is rooted in time and place, although the type of violence it describes is as old as human history. It is a Russian word, but it entered the English language in the late 19th century through the medium of Yiddish-speakers, outraged at the wave of antisemitic disturbances that surged under rule of the last tsar of the Russian Empire, Nicholas II. Russians themselves used a variety of words for the ugly phenomenon, with translations like “riot” or “persecution,” but the term “pogrom” proved the most evocative: the Slavic prefix “po” suggests a directed attack, and the root “grom” is the word for “thunder.” A pogrom, therefore, meant a focused point where a great deal of energy was dissipated in a single dramatic act of violence.
The focused point, in the context of that dark history, was the civilian Jewish population in the tiny shtetls that dotted the Pale of Settlement. In this regard the word could be used to encompass attacks on Jewish populations from as long ago as the year 38 in Alexandria, Egypt. It does not, however, have any specific designation to indicate that Jews are the victims.
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He may be country music royalty, but his heart belongs to Leonard Cohen
From the beginning of his career, Grammy Award-winning singer-songwriter Rodney Crowell has been solidly ensconced in country music. He won a Grammy for Best Country Song for “After All This Time” in 1989, and one for Best Americana Album for Old Yellow Moon, a duet album recorded with his then ex-wife, Emmylou Harris, in 2014. And when Crowell married Rosanne Cash in 1979, he became a part of country music aristocracy; Rosanne’s father was the legendary country icon Johnny Cash, whose then-wife was June Carter of the “First Family of Country Music.”
The Carter family is widely regarded as having invented modern country music. Crowell brought his own considerable country-music bona fides along with him, and he and Rosanne Cash were considered the up-and-coming power couple of country over the course of their 13-year-marriage, which ended in divorce in 1992.
While strongly based in the country music tradition, Crowell was drawn to the alternative or “outlaw” country movement of the 1970s and 1980s, in which songwriters steered away from country music cliches and aspired more to the literate, poetic, confessional songwriting of folk- and pop-influenced writers like Bob Dylan and James Taylor. And with his latest single, “If I Could Speak to Leonard,” Crowell outs himself as a devotee of Canadian-Jewish singer-songwriter Leonard Cohen.
The new song will be included in Then Again — an album Crowell first recorded 20 years ago in 2006 but never released. The long-shelved project will finally be commercially available on June 26 from New West Records, featuring a newly recorded version of “If I Could Speak to Leonard,” which was originally written and recorded while Cohen was still alive.
The original album featured an all-star supporting cast of singers and musicians including Emmylou Harris, Lyle Lovett, Benmont Tench, and the late Guy Clark. By the time Crowell had recorded Then Again, which was intended to have been the third in a trilogy of albums, the singer-songwriter and Texas native had decided he was already moving on musically in other directions, and so he put it aside and with time it was nearly forgotten — until now.
“Who more than the rabbi poet, Buddhist monk, and sage,” sings Crowell, “defines the deep and holy text and song upon the page? ‘Be still,’ my comprehension cries, ‘there’s so much more than this,’ I’d love to speak to Leonard, could you put me on the list?”
“I’ve always acknowledged Leonard Cohen’s early work as a songwriter, particularly ‘Bird on a Wire’ and ‘Chelsea Hotel,’” Crowell told Magnet Magazine. “But once I heard the live version of ‘Waiting for the Miracle’ and the next few albums he’d release — especially Old Ideas and You Want It Darker — I came to believe he was the most important songwriter of our time. And I say that with all due respect for Bob Dylan and Tom Waits. Seeing him in concert after coming down from the mountain in California, I was convinced he was the most generous performer I’d ever witnessed.”
Throughout his career, Crowell has worked closely with many Jewish musicians and producers in the Nashville and New York scenes, including drummer Hal Blaine, singer-songwriter Marc Cohn, producer-guitarist John Leventhal, and Mickey Raphael, Willie Nelson’s harmonica player. Leventhal is married to Crowell’s ex-wife, Rosanne Cash. Crowell and Leventhal have frequently worked together on projects involving Cash, and Crowell has spoken warmly of their professional and personal relationship.
Much like Cohen’s, Crowell’s later work blurs the line between spiritual yearning and earthly, often gritty reality. Crowell’s ability to weave religious imagery with world-weariness is a direct reflection of the “Zen-monk-in-a-suit” archetype that Cohen perfected.
Crowell’s first big break came in 1975, when Emmylou Harris hired him to play rhythm guitar in her backup band, the Hot Band. In August 1978, Crowell released his debut album, Ain’t Living Long Like This. Crowell has recorded and performed several Bob Dylan songs over the years, including “Girl from the North Country,” “Like a Rolling Stone,” “Shelter from the Storm,” and “Simple Twist of Fate.”
But Crowell has never tried to tackle a Leonard Cohen song. The closest he has come is this tribute song. And to his credit, it kind of sounds like a Leonard Cohen song. Somewhere, the Bard of Montreal is looking down and listening and, one imagines, appreciating the recognition of yet another of the many dozens of singer-songwriters who have expressed their admiration for his work.
The post He may be country music royalty, but his heart belongs to Leonard Cohen appeared first on The Forward.
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Amid Jerusalem’s Flag March, police remove activists aiding Palestinians
Left-wing peace activists say they were forcibly removed by Israeli police while attempting to protect Palestinian residents in the Old City of Jerusalem during Israel’s annual Flag March on Thursday.
The march commemorates Jerusalem Day, a holiday marking Israel’s capture of East Jerusalem during the 1967 war. While the holiday has been celebrated in Israel for decades, in recent years, it has become known as a particularly volatile day, with violent confrontations taking place between nationalist Israelis and Palestinian residents.
Peace activists told the Forward that they witnessed Flag March participants — many of them young yeshiva students — chanting slogans such as “May your villages burn” and holding signs calling for territorial expansion. Anton Goodman, Director of Partnerships at Rabbis for Human Rights, said that he saw participants vandalizing Palestinian-owned businesses and homes.
“They went into Palestinian-owned shops, and smashed all the wares up in them, threw everything on the floor, and smashed plates. And whenever there was a Palestinian around, there was abuse.” In one instance, he observed Jewish Israeli students cutting up what appeared to be a prayer rug of a Palestinian resident as their teacher looked on.
Peace activists also noted that the Old City — usually bustling — was largely empty, as Palestinian shopkeepers closed their stores early in anticipation of the march. Merchants there had already been reeling from shutdowns during the Iran War.
Protective presence
This year, around 300 peace activists came to the Old City to informally patrol the area and show support for Palestinian residents, in what they described as a “protective presence.”
Rabbi Jill Jacobs, CEO of New York City-based T’ruah, told the Forward that when her group of eight left-wing activists approached the Damascus Gate — the main entry point for the parade — they were quickly targeted by participants.
“Some teenagers started dumping water on us and throwing their water bottles at us from above,” she said. Others shouted slurs at the group.
According to Jacobs, police responded by forcing the activists out of the area.
“They told us that the area was closed and we couldn’t be there. And we said, ‘What do you mean it’s closed? Obviously, there’s thousands and thousands of people coming in,’ They said, ‘it’s closed. You’re not allowed to be here.’ And they physically pushed us. I mean, we were not going to have a fight, so we were walking. They were escorting us, but they were also physically pushing us from behind.”
She said the group was pushed several blocks away from the area.
“I kept asking, you know, who’s allowed to go in? Who’s allowed to go in? But obviously he wasn’t going to answer, because the answer is obvious.”
In a separate incident, Goodman, with Rabbis for Human Rights, said he tried to help an elderly Palestinian man who was being harassed near Damascus Gate.
“There were groups of teenagers who were harassing residents. And there was an old man who was coming out, and they started spitting on him and screaming obscenities at him and trying to push him. And so I put my arm around him to help him get out.”
He said police then intervened.
“I was pulled aside violently by the border police, who said, you’re causing trouble and that I can’t be here. Then they grabbed hold of my bag, and they pushed me out of the area.”
Goodman said the incident is just one example of a larger pattern in how the Israeli police deal with left-wing activists.
“This is the conversation we always have with the police,” he said. “The police say that there’s a threat to public safety when there are left-wing people or activists around. Why? Because it can lead to the right-wing extremists coming and causing violence.”
Just last month, the Israeli police detained a 53-year-old Jewish man in Modiin for wearing a kippah embroidered with the Israeli and Palestinian flags and proceeded to cut it up.
The incidents come amid broader tensions around the Israeli police, with thousands of Jewish and Arab Israelis taking to the streets in joint protests this February. Demonstrators protested what they described as a failure by police to adequately protect Arab communities, particularly as violent crime has risen sharply in recent years.
At the Flag Day march, far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, who oversees the Israeli police, made a controversial appearance at the hilltop compound that includes the Al-Aqsa Mosque, Islam’s third-holiest site. Raising an Israeli flag, he declared, “the Temple Mount is in our hands,” a reference to a phrase associated with Israel’s capture of East Jerusalem in 1967.
The Israel Police did not respond to a request for comment.
The post Amid Jerusalem’s Flag March, police remove activists aiding Palestinians appeared first on The Forward.
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US Sen. Rand Paul’s Son Apologizes After Drunken Antisemitic Insults Against Catholic Congressman
US Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY) is trailed by reporters as he arrives for the weekly Senate Republican caucus luncheon at the US Capitol in Washington, US, May 22, 2018. Photo: REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst
William Paul, the adult son of frequent Israel critic US Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), has apologized following reports that he made antisemitic and homophobic statements while defending Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) to Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY) at a Capitol Hill restaurant on Tuesday evening.
NOTUS reporter Reese Gorman witnessed the encounter at Tune Inn and wrote that the younger Paul, 33, sat a few seats down from Lawler at the bar when he introduced himself and told the congressman that if Massie lost in his upcoming primary, “your people” would be responsible.
Lawler, an Irish Catholic, asked, “My people?”
This prompted Paul to say, “Yeah, you Jews.”
Lawler then clarified his religious background, saying, “Do you think I’m Jewish? I’m not.”
Paul apologized for his error, replying, “Oh wow, I’m so sorry for calling you a Jew.”
Lawler later told reporters the comment was “just a remarkable statement in and of itself,” adding that “at one point, you know, said that he hates Jews and hates gays and doesn’t care if they die. And I think that’s f**king disgusting.”
Lawler told the New York Post that he responded to Paul mistakenly identifying him as a Jew with, “And even if I was, what’s the problem?”
“Then he got into the Middle East,” the lawmaker recounted. “And he was talking about, like, us trying to steal Iran’s land for the Jews and steal the West Bank, and I’m like, ‘What are you talking about?’”
Paul then reportedly proclaimed Jews were “un-American” and more loyal to Israel. Lawler argued back against Paul’s dual-loyalty accusations and accused him of being antisemitic.
“Paul Singer serves Israeli interests, not American interests,” Paul also said during the encounter, referring to the billionaire Republican donor and prominent Jewish supporter of pro-Israel causes.
Singer has supported Ed Gallrein, a retired Navy SEAL challenging Massie in Kentucky’s 4th Congressional District.
A new campaign ad that aired in Kentucky this week and was sponsored by Hold the Line PAC, a group backing Massie, characterized Singer as a “pro-trans billionaire” and featured a rainbow-colored Star of David behind his image while attacking Gallrein’s allies.
Critics condemned the imagery as antisemitic, arguing it invoked longstanding tropes about Jewish financial influence and used Jewish symbolism in a way designed to inflame cultural resentment.
Massie himself has been a fierce critic of Israel, condemning its military operations in Gaza and Lebanon and arguing that the Jewish state has targeted civilian infrastructure and should not receive assistance from the US.
US President Donald Trump has endorsed Gallrein and actively campaigned against Massie, who like Paul’s father is a libertarian-leaning Republican known for frequently breaking with party leadership and advocating an isolationist foreign policy.
During his outburst this week, the younger Paul also urged Lawler to watch far-right podcaster Tucker Carlson more and claimed that Massie and his father were the only legislators who care about America. In multiple postings on X, Paul promoted “Save the Republic Money Bomb” donations for Massie.
In December 2023, Massie sparked condemnation for posting a meme suggesting that Congress was more loyal to Zionism than “American patriotism.”
In recent years, meanwhile, Carlson has emerged as the leading anti-Israel commentator on the American political right, routinely advancing conspiracy theories condemning the Jewish state while heaping praise on Qatar, the longtime supporter of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood.
Tuesday’s exchange concluded with Paul performing an obscene gesture.
Lawler responded by asking, “Did you just give me the middle finger?”
Paul replied, “I’m sorry, yeah, I did. I’m just really drunk. I’m going to leave.” He reportedly stumbled on his way leaving the bar.
Paul attempted to apologize on X on Wednesday from his @TastyBrew1776 account, writing, “Last night, I had too much to drink and said some things that don’t represent who I really am. I’m sorry and today I am seeking help for my drinking problem.” He has struggled with his alcohol use before, pleading guilty to a drunk driving charge in 2015.
Rabbi Uri Pilichowski responded to the apology.
“You don’t just have a drinking problem, you have a Jew-hating problem,” he posted. “The Jewish sages taught, ‘Wine goes in, and secrets come out.’ You need some Jewish friends so you can correct your image of Jews.”
Conservative columnist Bethany Mandel, an advocate for Jewish outreach to antisemites, responded with an invitation to Paul, asking him, “Care to come for Shabbat dinner sometime?”
Addressing the admission of excessive drinking, Lawler told reporters, “That’s not an excuse for that type of hatred and vitriol. It’s my fourth year in Washington; that was arguably the most shocking thing I’ve witnessed.”
Lawler explained how he saw the encounter in the context of today’s rising antisemitism.
“But I mean, look, I think it speaks to a larger issue, obviously, in society and what we’re seeing among young people and what we see online,” he said. “And this is the level of hatred and vitriol, frankly, that some of my Jewish colleagues experience, but many of my constituents experience.”
Paul’s father chose not to comment on his son’s antisemitic outburst, saying to reporters on Wednesday only, “I don’t have anything for you.”
He and Massie have both faced substantial criticism for their positions on Israel.
On numerous occasions, Massie voted as the lone Republican in the House opposing bills supporting Israel and denouncing antisemitism. In October 2023, he voted against House Resolution 771, which stated that Congress “stands with Israel as it defends itself against the barbaric war launched by Hamas and other terrorists” and “reaffirms the United States’ commitment to Israel’s security.” In September 2021 he was likewise the sole Republican to oppose the Iron Dome Supplemental Appropriations Act.
In May 2022, Massie earned the distinction of being the only member of Congress to oppose a resolution honoring Jewish Americans’ heritage and denouncing a rise in antisemitic violence. He also distinguished himself further on Nov. 28, 2023, as the only legislator to vote against a resolution reaffirming Israel’s right to exist.
In January 2024, former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley condemned Massie as “the most anti-Israel Republican in Congress” and challenged her primary rival Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis to denounce his support.
Paul has also faced opposition for his actions against the Jewish state. In November 2018, he blocked two bills to continue military funding of Israel. Then-Florida Sen. Marco Rubio said then that “at a time when Israel faces unprecedented threats, blocking a bipartisan bill that empowers the US to stand with Israel is inexplicable.” Paul claimed that he supported Israel and that his move was intended toward encouraging the Jewish state to support its own defense.
Former Texas Rep. Ron Paul — the father of Rand and grandfather of William — has faced accusations of bigotry for decades, originating in his decision to publish a series of 1980s newsletters bearing his name which promoted racism, antisemitism, homophobia, and conspiracy theories, including one since identified by analysts as disinformation deployed by the KGB accusing the United States of creating the AIDS virus.
According to former Cato President Ed Crane, Ron Paul once told him that “his best source of congressional campaign donations was the mailing list for the Spotlight, the conspiracy-mongering, antisemitic tabloid run by the Holocaust denier Willis Carto.”
Rand has previously spoken fondly about the influence of one of his father’s antisemitic mentors, Murray Rothbard, the founder of the anarcho-capitalist and paleo-libertarian traditions who frequented the Paul family’s dinner table. During his career, Rothbard promoted Holocaust deniers, used antisemitic slurs in private correspondence, called for abolishing the Constitution to return to the Articles of Confederation, and urged Republicans to support former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke.
“I have one of the largest Jewish populations anywhere in the country in my congressional district, and I’m not going to stop standing up for my constituents,” Lawler told reporters. “I’m going to stand up for the Judeo-Christian values that are at the core of our nation, our Constitution, and our rule of law, as I reminded Mr. Paul.”