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Wikipedia’s ‘Supreme Court’ tackles alleged conspiracy to distort articles on Holocaust
(JTA) — When a pair of professors earlier this month published a paper accusing a group of Wikipedia editors from Poland of revising articles to distort the history of the Holocaust, their research went viral.
Most academic articles are seen by dozens or hundreds of people at best. This one, published in The Journal of Holocaust Research, hit more than 27,000 pageviews within weeks.
The paper’s reach was fueled by its analysis, unprecedented in the academic literature on Wikipedia, and its finding that a dedicated group has for some 15 years manipulated a source of information used by millions in ways that lay blame for the Holocaust on Jews and absolve Poland of almost any responsibility for its record of antisemitism.
The paper caught the eye of not just scholars and journalists but of the people in charge of resolving disputes over editing on crowd-sourced Wikipedia, the seventh-most popular website on the internet and one that is seen as the last bastion of shared truth in an ever-fracturing online environment.
Typically, disputes among Wikipedia editors are resolved through community consensus mechanisms, but occasionally those mechanisms fail and allegations are brought to Wikipedia’s Arbitration Committee, a panel of elected editors known as Wikipedia’s Supreme Court.
“Wikipedia is not exactly democratic but anarchistic in a way that actively discourages any sort of an authority coming to solve a dispute,” said Joe Roe, a veteran Wikipedia editor who served on the committee in 2019 and 2020. “The Arbitration Committee is a very limited exception.”
In this case, something especially unusual happened. The Arbitration Committee, or ArbCom, decided to look into the allegations without receiving a formal request to do so. No one could recall the committee taking such a step in its nearly two decades of existence.
“A myopic decision here could result in untold numbers of people being fed a distorted view of Jewish/WWII history, which could have very real consequences given the recent amplification of violently antisemitic rhetoric by mainstream public figures,” wrote a user named SamX in a public post about the case. “ArbCom needs to get this right.”
The article that triggered the opening of the case was published under the title, “Wikipedia’s Intentional Distortion of the History of the Holocaust.” It accused 11 current and former editors of intentional distortions to numerous articles relating to the Holocaust in Poland. The paper referred to the editors by their usernames but also provided their real names if they had publicly identified themselves on Wikipedia message boards.
“Due to this group’s zealous handiwork, Wikipedia’s articles on the Holocaust in Poland minimize Polish antisemitism, exaggerate the Poles’ role in saving Jews, insinuate that most Jews supported Communism and conspired with Communists to betray Poles, blame Jews for their own persecution, and inflate Jewish collaboration with the Nazis,” wrote co-authors Jan Grabowski, a historian at the University of Ottawa, and Shira Klein of the history department at Chapman University in Orange, California.
Normally, mistakes on Wikipedia, whether intentional or not, can be quickly fixed by experienced editors who deploy a set of rules regarding sourcing and style. But in this case, the alleged distortionists know Wikipedia’s mechanisms well enough to at least appear to follow the rules and are willing to spend time arguing with other editors who step in to intervene. It becomes harder to get to the truth because they work to discredit established historians and prop up fringe voices to create the semblance of a real-world debate over historical events, according to the article.
In one of the dozens of examples documented in the study, the alleged distortionists have tried to pass the self-published work of an antisemitic Polish writer named Ewa Kurek as a reliable source. Kurek has said that COVID-19 is a cover for an attempt by Jews to take over Europe and that Jews enjoyed life in Nazi ghettos. An editor named Volunteer Marek argued in a backstage conversation among editors that Kurek should be cited as any “mainstream scholar” would be. And another editor, working on an article about a 1941 massacre of Jews in Poland, added Kurek’s claim that minimized the number of Jewish victims and exonerated Polish perpetrators.
Jewish school children pose for a portrait in the 1930s in Wizna, near Jedwabne, Poland. New research revealed that members of the Polish community killed their Jewish neighbors on July 10, 1941 during World War ll despite previous claims that Nazi Germans were entirely responsible. Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski apologized for the massacre of hundreds of Jews by their neighbors during ceremonies marking the 60th anniversary of the murders. (Laski Diffusion/Getty Images)
One thing the research didn’t discuss is what motivates these editors to invest so much time and effort into distorting Wikipedia. Klein said the omission was deliberate.
“We’ve been very careful not to make any assumptions on what drives them or what their politics are,” Klein said. “Instead, we’ve tried to focus just on what they’ve done, which is in the written record. And as we say in the article, we don’t see any evidence of them being tied to a government or being in the service of anyone else.”
Klein’s disclaimer obliquely points to a larger challenge around the historical record of the Holocaust in Poland. A central tenet of the country’s ruling Law and Justice party is defending the image of ethnic Poles and imposing nationalist narratives on the past, especially the period of World War II. While history shows that many Poles participated in the persecution of Jews, Poland’s nationalist right insists on portraying Poles only as victims or heroes.
In 2018, the Polish government passed what’s known as the Polish Holocaust Law, which makes it illegal to slander the Polish nation or blame the country for Nazi crimes. In practice, the law has served to censor scholars and chill debate.
Grabowski, Klein’s co-author on the paper, has for years sparred with the nationalist right over Poland’s historical memory. He sued a Polish group that accused him of publishing lies about Polish history in 2018, and in 2021 was ordered by a Polish court to apologize for his research before an appeals court ultimately overturned the order.
Domestically, Poland’s ultranationalists have largely won the war over the public discourse, which has freed them to focus on the global scene, where English-language Wikipedia is regarded as a major battlefront.
In this atmosphere, even something as basic as the background of Yiddish novelist and Nobel prize laureate Isaac Bashevis Singer can become fodder for debate. For years, Singer was at the center of a fight between two editors over whether Singer was best described in the first line of his Wikipedia article as a Jewish or Polish author. The eventual compromise — “Polish-born Jewish American” — lasted for almost two years until Feb. 23 when someone again dropped the “Jewish.”
The Wikipedia editors now being accused of distorting articles to further nationalist narratives have rejected the allegations against them.
“I have not engaged in any ‘Holocaust distortion,’ on Wikipedia or anywhere else. I am not a ‘right-wing Polish nationalist,’” said Volunteer Marek in a public comment on a Wikipedia message board that was endorsed by at least one other alleged distortionist. “I am not part of some nefarious ‘Polish conspiracy’ on Wikipedia which seeks to manipulate content. All of these accusations are ridiculous and absurd. They are particularly disgusting and vile since they go against everything I believe in.”
In the debate about how to handle the case, dozens of arbitrators and ordinary Wikipedia editors — all volunteers — spoke of the situation on a Wikipedia message board as something close to an existential crisis for Wikipedia. Not only was the website accused of being used to spread antisemitic propaganda, but it was also alleged to be vulnerable to large-scale manipulation by a small group of bad-faith actors.
There is little confidence in the community that a solution is within reach. By its own rules, the committee isn’t supposed to decide on disputed information. It’s more of a disciplinary body that evaluates the behavior of Wikipedia editors and can ultimately decide whether to restrict their editing privileges or ban them outright.
But figuring out if the accused editors have indeed evaded safeguards and undermined Wikipedia’s integrity would seem to require that the arbitrators become experts on the history of the Holocaust in Poland.
The decision to take up the case serves to acknowledge that the committee failed to solve the problem when it last considered complaints about editing related to the Holocaust in Poland about two years ago. That was during Roe’s tenure and he says the committee was distracted by another dispute at the time.
“It can’t be escalated further than it already has in our mechanisms,” Roe said. “The best we can do is what’s currently happening now — just put it through those mechanisms again, and hope that something better will come out on the other side.”
In explaining why the committee must nevertheless take on the case, an arbitrator who goes by Wugapodes commented that the only other choice is to kick the can down the road.
“This will not be an easy issue to resolve, but the committee was not convened to solve easy issues,” Wugapodes wrote, pointing out that the timing is right given the attention and involvement of outside experts and editors. “We can leverage these resources now or wait for this decade-long problem to get still worse.”
By a vote of nine to one on Feb. 13, the committee decided to open the case. The proceedings, which start with an evidence-gathering phase, are expected to last up to six weeks, after which they can decide to ban and restrict offending editors.
Beyond that, an unorthodox last resort option is also available. Wikipedia’s so-called Supreme Court could ask for help from an even higher authority: the Wikimedia Foundation, a nonprofit that owns the encyclopedia. The foundation intervened in 2021 in what some see as a similar scenario of a far-right takeover on the Croatian-language Wikipedia, hiring an outside expert to disentangle the web of obfuscation and banning a set of editors.
Roe said that his tenure on the committee in 2019 and 2020, which featured related complaints about the editing of articles on the Holocaust in Poland, helped lead him to believe that Wikipedia should embrace change, at least when it comes to controversial political topics.
“I would like to see these difficult and politically charged content problems be referred to a new body made up of external experts, and that we don’t insist on doing everything internally among the community volunteers,” Roe said.
But he acknowledged that such a scenario is unlikely to result from the Poland dispute.
“It’s not a popular view and it kind of goes against the general idea of Wikipedia,” he said.
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The post Wikipedia’s ‘Supreme Court’ tackles alleged conspiracy to distort articles on Holocaust appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Secular Jews speak Yiddish in Israeli TV series ‘Makom Sameach’
במשך פֿון די לעצטע יאָרן קען מען אויף דער ישׂראלדיקער טעלעוויזיע באַמערקן אַלץ מער דיאַלאָג אויף ייִדיש.
געוויינטלעך הערט מען ייִדיש אין סעריעס וועגן דער פֿרומער וועלט, ווי „שטיסל“ אָדער „קוגל“, אָדער בײַ היסטאָרישע פֿילמען און סעריעס וואָס פֿאַרנעמען זיך מיט סעקולערע ייִדן. קומט די נײַע סעריע „מקום שׂמח“ („אַ גליקלעך אָרט“), אויפֿן קאַנאַל „כּאן 11“, און ווײַזט ווי דווקא חילונים (סעקולערע ייִדן) — הײַנטצײַטיקע תּל-אָבֿיבֿער — רעדן ייִדיש.
אין דער פּראָגראַם זעט מען ווי נערוועזע אַשכּנזישע געשטאַלטן זוכן אַ מער אינטערעסאַנט לעבן אַנטקעגן די נודנע „געוווינהייטן“ פֿון מאָנאָגאַמיע, פּרנסה און דעם זאָרגן זיך סײַ פֿאַר זייערע קינדער, סײַ פֿאַר זייערע עלטערן, ייִדן פֿון דער שארית-הפּליטה.
דער טיטל „מקום שׂמח“ נעמט זיך פֿונעם באַגריף בײַ פּסיכאָטעראַפּיע, וווּ מע עצהט מענטשן וואָס לײַדן פֿון אַ נערוועז-אַטאַקע, זיי זאָלן זיך אויסמאָלן אַ באַקאַנט היימיש אָרט וואָס קען זיי אַ ביסל באַרויִקן. נועה קאָלער, די שעפֿערין פֿון דער סעריע בשותּפֿות מיט רם נהרי, איז מסתּמא באַווירקט געוואָרן פֿון דער בראַסלעווער פֿילם-רעזשיסאָרין רמה בורשטיין, וואָס איז געווען איר רעזשיסאָרין אין דעם דערפֿאָלגרײַכן פֿילם „לעבֿור את הקיר“ (אַריבער דער וואַנט, 2016). מע קען זאָגן אַז די געשטאַלטן וואָס טראָגן מיט זיך די דורותדיקע טראַוומע און ווײַזן אַ טענדענץ צו מעלאַנכאָליע און נערוועזקייט, קוקן זיך די אויגן אויס אויף מקיים צו זײַן ר׳ נחמנס מצווה „לִהְיוֹת בְּשִׂמְחָה תָּמִיד“ — דאָס כּסדרדיקע זוכעניש נאָך אַן אייגן גליקלעך אָרט.
בײַם צענטער פֿון דער סעריע שטייט דאָס געשטאַלט פֿון ורד (ווערעד) קאָנפֿאָרטי, מײַסטעריש געשפּילט פֿון קאָלער אַליין. ווי עס פּאַסט פֿאַר אַ מענטש מיט אַזאַ משפּחה-נאָמען, וואָס זי האָט געקראָגן פֿון איר מאַן בען קאָנפֿאָרטי (דער אַקטיאָר אַבֿיהו פּנחסובֿ), זוכט זי אין משך פֿון די אַכט קאַפּיטלען שפּורן פֿון „קאָמפֿאָרט“, אַ טרייסט אין איר ליבע־ און משפּחה־לעבן. ס׳איז אָבער בכלל ניט קלאָר, אַז פֿון איר מאַן וועט זי אָט די געוווּנטשענע טרייסט טאַקע געפֿינען. אויף דער זײַט וואַרט אויף איר דער צוציִיקער גײַסטיקער היילער יותּם אַזולײַ (עידן חבֿיבֿ), וואָס פֿאַרקערפּערט, דורך זײַן פֿיזיק און סענסיטיווקייט, אַ שאַרפֿע סתּירה צו ורדס בערישן מאַן. די משפּחה-פּאַטאָלאָגיע פֿאַרפּלאָנטערט זיך נאָך מער ווען ורד שטעלט אָן יותּם צו פּרוּוון היילן איר עקשנותדיקע מאַמע, נעמי ווײַסבאַך (די קאָמישע אַקטריסע תּיקי דײן) פֿון צוקערקרענק, און דערבײַ אויסמײַדן די אַמפּוטירונג פֿון איר פֿוס.
אין דער סעריע מישן די ייִנגערע העלדן אַרײַן געוויסע ייִדישע פֿראַזעס אין זייער העברעיִש, אָבער די צוויי העלדינס פֿונעם עלטערן דור רעדן צווישן זיך טאַקע אַ פֿליסיקן ייִדיש. די צוויי פֿרויען זענען ורדס מאַמע, נעמי, און איר קוזינקע, די פּאַרטיזאַנערקע דבֿורה שלוש — אַ משפּחה-נאָמען וואָס ווערט געוויינטלעך אַסאָצייִרט מיט די ספֿרדישע בויערס פֿון דער שטאָט תּל-אָבֿיבֿ.
דבֿורה ווערט געשפּילט דורך לאה קעניג, וואָס איז שוין אין די נײַנציקער. קעניגס עלטערן האָבן נאָך געשפּילט אין דער ווילנער טרופּע. די רעזשיסאָרן קאָלער און נהרי האָבן באַשלאָסן אַז צווישן זיך זאָלן די עלטערע פֿרויען פֿירן גאַנצע שמועסן אויף ייִדיש. בײַ די קרעדיטן בײַם סוף באַצייכנט מען די ייִדיש־לערערין מרים טרין מיטן טיטל „מתרגלת ייִדיש“, ד״ה די וואָס האָט רעפּיטירט מיט די אַקטריסעס די ייִדיש־שפּראַכיקע רעפּליקן, בעיקר מיט תּיקי דיין וואָס רעדט נישט קיין ייִדיש. דיין האָט זיך אַפֿילו אַ ביסל באַקלאָגט וואָס זי מוז דאָס טאָן. קעניג, בכל-אופֿן, לויבט דיינס ייִדיש.
איין בײַשפּיל פֿון אַ ייִדישן דיאַלאָג אין דער סעריע זעט מען בײַם אָנהייב פֿונעם זעקסטן קאַפּיטל, „סודות חבֿויים“ (באַהאַלטענע סודות). דבֿורה און נעמי טרעפֿן זיך און פֿירן אַזאַ שמועס:
— שלום דבֿורה
— ערשטנס, אַנטשלודיקט זיך בײַ מיר.
— נו, באמת. האָסט אַ פֿרענקישן כּבֿוד.
— אויב דו ביסט געקומען אַהער, מיך נאָך אַמאָל באַליידיקן, קאָנסטו שוין צוריקגיין.
— וואָס שוין האָב איך דיר געזאָגט? איך בין געווען נערוועז און ס׳איז מיר אַרויס — „כּוס אמא שלך!“ צוליב דעם „כּוס אמא שלך“ מישפּטסט מיך אַזוי שווער?
ס׳רובֿ צוקוקער, וואָס קענען סײַ ייִדיש סײַ העברעיִש, לאַכן ווען זיי הערן ווי פֿון דיינס מויל, דער אַלטער ייִדישער באָבען, לאָזט זיך אַרויס די זאַפֿטיקע ישׂראלדיקע קללה „כּוס אמא שלך“. אַנדערע האַלטן דעם אויסדרוק אָבער ווי צו וווּלגאַר און איבערגעטריבן אין דעם קאָנטעקסט. אָבער אַזוי ווערט דער אַלטער סטערעאָטיפּ וועגן ייִדיש אין אַ געוויסן מאָס איבערגעקערט: די פּראָסטע קללה וואָס האָט זיך בײַ נעמין אַרויסגעכאַפּט מיט יאָרן צוריק און דערבײַ קאַליע געמאַכט די באַציִונגען צווישן די צוויי ייִדענעס איז דווקא אַ העברעיִשעאַראַבישע (דיינס געשטאַלט איז אַ ישׂראלי), בעת דבֿורה, די עלטערע „מער ייִדישלעכע“ פֿרוי דאָ, קאָן בשום-אופֿן נישט פֿאַרטראָגן צו הערן אַזאַ וווּלגאַרע פֿראַזע. אָט די בולטע איראָניע וואָס שײך די סטערעאָטיפּן פֿון העברעיִש־רעדער און ייִדיש־רעדער העלפֿט דאָ שאַפֿן אַ שאַרפֿע און אַמוזירנדיקע סצענע.
קאָלער, וואָס קומט פֿון אַ משפּחה מיט לעבן-געבליבענע פֿון חורבן, האָט אויף אַן אינטערוויו אין 2024 דערציילט, אַז זי איז אויפֿגעוואַקסן אין אַ היים פֿול מיט הומאָר. „די באָבע פֿלעג זיך וויצלען, ווען היטלער האָט זיך באַוויזן אויף דער טעלעוויזיע, זאָגנדיק אַז דער ימח־שמוניק איז ׳אַ חבֿר מײַנער׳. אָבער דאַן איז געקומען דער 7טער אָקטאָבער…“
די הײַנטיקע פּאָליטיק שפּילט אין „מקום שׂמח“ אָבער אַ קנאַפּע ראָלע און נאָר דורך סובטילע פּרטים: ווען ורד און בען מיינען אויף אַ רגע אַז זייער פֿאַרווײַלונג-צימער אינעם גליל ווערט אָנגעגריפֿן פֿון צפֿון; אָדער ווען ורדס ברודער נדבֿ ווײַסבאַך (רועי עידן) גייט אַרום אָנגעטאָן אין מיליטערישע מונדירן. אָבער אַפֿילו אָט דער שטאַרקער ישׂראלדיקער זעלנער האָט שטענדיק מורא פֿאַר זײַן ייִדיש מאַמעלע און פּראָבירט זי וואָס מער אויסמײַדן.
נעמיס שטענדיקע וואָרענונג, אַז זי וועט זיך נישט לאָזן אָפּערירן ווײַל „כ׳וויל נישט זײַן קיין בעל-מום אין מדינת-ישראל!“ קען מען אויסטײַטשן אַז אין ישׂראל קען מען זיך נישט דערלויבן צו זײַן אַ שוואַכינקע. די סעריע טוט אַ מערקווירדיקע אַרבעט בײַם אַרויסטרײַבן די שדים פֿונעם עבֿר וואָס רודפֿן דאָס ישׂראלדיקע באַוווּסטזײַן, אָבער פֿון דער אַנדערער זײַט קען מען די סעריע קריטיקירן אַז זי דערווײַטערט זיך פֿון זאָגן עפּעס באַטײַטיקס וועגן די הײַנטיקע פּלאָגענישן און בלוטיקע מלחמות.
אינעם זיבעטן קאַפּיטל „תּיירות יהודית“ (ייִדישער טוריזם), נעמט ורד אָן איר מאַמעס בקשה אַז פֿאַר דער אָפּעראַציע וויל זי באַזוכן ווילנע, כּדי צו זען דעם געטאָ וווּ איר באָבע פּעסיע איז געווען. דער גאַנצער קאַפּיטל איז טאַקע פֿילמירט געוואָרן אין ווילנע, און מיר באַקומען אַ שלל אויסערגעוויינטלעכע קאָמישע און דראַמאַטישע סיטואַציעס.
אַן אַנדער באַנוץ פֿון ייִדיש, וואָס פֿאַרחידושט בלי-שום-ספֿק די ישׂראלישע צוקוקערס געשעט אין אַן אַנדער עפּיזאָד, ווען נעמי פֿאַנטאַזירט אַז אַ באַרימטע ישׂראלדיקע טעלעוויזיע־פּערזענלעכקייט, מאָשיק גלאַמין, קומט צו איר אַרײַן אין דער דירה און הייבט אָן רעדן מיט איר אויף ייִדיש. ער זינגט איר אַפֿילו אַ שלאָפֿליד אויף ייִדיש: „תּל-אָבֿיבֿ פֿאַר האַלבער נאַכט דער ווינט וויל גאָרנישט בלאָזן נאָך און די לופֿט איז שווער און שטיקט און שטיקט מיך איך בין נישט זיכער וואָס צו זאָגן צי כּדאַי בכלל צו פֿרעגן, נישט פֿרעגן.“
קאָלער און נהרי האָבן אַ סך וואָס צו זאָגן וועגן דער הײַנטיקער ישׂראלדיקער געזעלשאַפֿט, וועגן אירע מוראס און שטרעבונגען. לאָמיר נאָר האָפֿן אַז אין זייערע צוקונפֿטדיקע שאַפֿונגען וועלן זיי אויך באַהאַנדלען די האַרבע שוועריקייטן פֿון מלחמה און שלום, וואָס פֿאַרשטיקן אונדזער אַלעמענס לופֿט.
https://www.kan.org.il/content/kan/kan-11/p-962212/s1/967128/
בילדער:
01 די הויפּט געשטאַלטן פֿון דער סעריע „מקום שׂמח“ (פֿון רעכטס): יותם, נעמי, ורד און בען (KAN 11)
02 ורד (קאָלער) און בען (פּנחסאָוו) לעבן אַדורך אַ קריזיס אין זייער זיווג-לעבן (KAN 11)
03 ורד (קאָלער) און איר מאַמע נעמי (דיין) זוכן אַ פֿאַרהיילונג אויפֿן ברעג-ים (KAN 11)
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Over 300 rabbis and Jewish leaders call for removal of UN official who denied Oct. 7 rapes
(JTA) — Over 300 Jewish leaders, including women’s rights advocates and rabbis, urged the United Nations on Tuesday to remove Reem Alsalem, the U.N. rapporteur on violence against women and girls, for denying that rape occurred during Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.
The letter, which was addressed to U.N. secretary-general Antonio Guterres, came two weeks after Alsalem claimed in a post on X that “No independent investigation found that rape took place on the 7th of October.”
In the letter, its signatories express their “horror and outrage” at Alsalem’s rhetoric, and cite two U.N. reports from March 2024 and July 2025 that concluded that there was “reasonable grounds” to believe that sexual violence had taken place during the attacks “in multiple locations, including rape and gang rape.”
The petition was organized by Amy Elman, a professor at Kalamazoo College who has authored books on antisemitism and state responses to sexual violence, and Rafael Medoff, the director of the David S. Wyman Institute for Holocaust Studies. It was shared with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency soon after being sent to Guterres.
“The targeted sexual abuse of Israelis by Hamas and its supporters is one weapon in the arsenal of those seeking Israel’s obliteration,” Elman said in a statement. “It’s outrageous that deniers such as Reem Alsalem are aiding and abetting the sexual violence by claiming it never happened. These apologists should be ashamed of themselves.”
The letter’s signatories include Deborah Lipstadt, the former antisemitism envoy; Judith Rosenbaum, the head of the Jewish Women’s Archives; Rabbi Irving Greenberg, the former chairman of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum; Rabbi Deborah Waxman, the president of Reconstructing Judaism; and Hebrew College president Rabbi Sharon Cohen Anisfeld.
Dispute over whether sexual violence took place as Hamas murdered about 1,200 people in Israel on Oct. 7 has solidified as a point of sustained interest for some of Israel’s staunchest critics who allege that Israel and its supporters are using claims of rape as propaganda. Even the United Nations, frequently maligned by Israel and its supporters over its record toward Israel, has drawn allegations of complicity in the propaganda campaign from pro-Palestinian voices — though the U.N. rapporteur on Palestinian rights, Francesca Albanese, who has faced her own calls for dismissal from the Trump administration, has also publicly questioned the claims.
In addition to the U.N. reports, independent reporting and research by an Israeli nonprofit have validated claims of sexual violence on Oct. 7.
In the X exchange that spurred the new letter, Alsalem was arguing with another user about the Israeli government’s prosecution of soldiers accused of abusing a Palestinian detainee.
A day later, Alsalem posted a link to a Substack podcast from October where she criticized the credibility of the March 2024 U.N. report and said she had sought contact with the Israeli government to confirm its findings but had not received a response.
“The media, certain organizations and the world basically fell into the trap that Israel set up, which is to project that there was barbaric sexual violence being committed by these barbarian Palestinian men, and it was spun around and disseminated and very much used in order to then justify the genocide,” said Alsalem on the podcast.
Medoff said in a statement that Alsalem’s continued employment reflected inconsistent standards when it comes to Israel and antisemitism.
“If a UN official made such a remark concerning rape victims from any other ethnic or religious group, there would be an international uproar,” he said. “The same standard should apply to Israeli Jewish women who were sexually assaulted by Hamas terrorists.”
The post Over 300 rabbis and Jewish leaders call for removal of UN official who denied Oct. 7 rapes appeared first on The Forward.
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Rome synagogue memorial for 2-year-old killed in 1982 Palestinian terror attack vandalized
(JTA) — A synagogue in Rome and a memorial for a 2-year-old boy killed in a 1982 attack by Palestinian terrorists on the city’s Great Synagogue were vandalized on Monday by unknown individuals.
The plaque dedicated to Stefano Gaj Taché, who was killed in the attack that also left 37 injured, is located on the Monteverde synagogue, also known as the Beth Michael Synagogue, in Rome.
The unknown vandals spray painted black on the memorial, and also wrote “Free Palestine” and “Monteverde anti-Zionist and anti-fascist” on the facade of the synagogue, according to the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera.
The vandalism was condemned by Victor Fadlun, the president of the Jewish Community of Rome, who said in a post on Instagram that the incident came amid a “a climate of intimidation” where antisemitism has “become a tool of political protest.”
“We place our trust in the police and call for the government’s strong intervention to halt this spiral of hatred,” Fadlun continued.
The incident comes amid a recent series of antisemitic vandalism in Rome, an epicenter of pro-Palestinian activism that has continued to see large demonstrations even after the ceasefire in the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.
In October, the words “Dirty Jews, may you all burn” were spray-painted on the shutters of a kosher bakery, and in June a sign at another local synagogue was defaced with the words “Sieg Heil” and ”Juden Raus.”
“This is an act that outrages the Jewish community and deeply wounds it, because the plaque is dedicated to a child murdered by Palestinian terrorism and because this is a meeting place where young people and children meet, where they pray and create a sense of community,” Fadlun told Corriere della Sera. “Attacking the synagogue in this way means disavowing and violating the right of Jews to be able to come together and lead a normal life.”
In a subsequent post on Instagram, Fadlun said Italian President Sergio Mattarella had spoken to him over the phone to express his “solidarity” in relation to the synagogue vandalism.
Antonio Tajani, the Italian minister of foreign affairs, also condemned the vandalism in a post on X, adding that he has called Fadlun as well.
The European Jewish Congress also condemned the vandalism in a post on X. “This is not ‘anti-Zionism.’ It is antisemitism: the targeting of Jewish memory, Jewish mourning and Jewish history,” the group said. “Stefano’s name is a symbol of one of Italy’s darkest terror attacks. His memory should be protected, not desecrated. We stand in solidarity with the Jewish community of Italy and call on authorities to investigate this hate crime and ensure that such acts are treated with the seriousness they deserve.”
The post Rome synagogue memorial for 2-year-old killed in 1982 Palestinian terror attack vandalized appeared first on The Forward.