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Yair Cherki is famous for making Israelis understand Haredim. Now he wants Haredim to understand that he’s gay.
(JTA) — Yair Cherki, the religion reporter for Israel’s Channel 12, gained a name for his sidecurls, his cheery demeanor and his rapid fire delivery as he has guided his viewers into the lives and homes of Israel’s Haredi community.
On Tuesday, he delivered a different sort of message — a wrenching personal statement posted to Facebook.
“I love guys. I love guys and the Holy Blessed One,” a religious term for God, Cherki wrote. “It’s not a contradiction, and it’s not new.”
He went on to describe how he had grappled with a secret that had tormented him.
“I have always lived with the clash between this sexual preference and faith,” he wrote. “There are those who solved the conflict by saying there is no God, and there are others who have said there are no gays. In my flesh, I know they both exist and I try to resolve this internal conflict in multiple ways.”
What may have been surprising, beyond the content of the announcement itself, was the outpouring of support for Cherki evinced across Israel’s political spectrum.
“I love you my dear brother,” former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who is Orthodox, wrote on Twitter. “And I am very proud of you.”
Amir Ohana, the openly gay speaker of the Knesset from the Likud Party, responded with a heart emoji.
“This text is so beautiful and moving,” commented Meirav Michaeli, the leader of the left-wing Labor Party. “Thank you for giving it to all of us.”
Also flooding Cherki’s mentions were rivals from Israel’s usually cutthroat media world. “What a joy you are, Cherki,” wrote Shaul Amsterdamski, the finance reporter for the rival Kan network, Israel’s public broadcaster. (Channel 12 is privately owned.)
His public coming out comes at a time that far-right figures in Israel’s new government have shown an appetite for curbing the rights of the LGBTQ community.
Cherki said he would not quit his faith. “My community is still the religious community,” he wrote. “My tribe, my family and my friends. These are my beliefs.”
Not every Israeli was ready to understand, but some still spoke in loving terms.
“This post made me very sad,” commented Yehuda Glick, a former Likud lawmaker who leads a movement to allow Jewish worship on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount. “It doesn’t change the fact that I love you not a single gram less than I loved you before I read it. But in total honesty, it’s a gut punch.”
Uriah Elkayam, a journalist, replied to Glick: “These kind of responses from you and your cohort crush souls and drain the lifeblood from people, because you think you are better Jews. This is a time to hug, or to shut up.”
Cherki, 30, rake-slim, generally sports a dark blue kippah and dark casual clothing.He recently cut off his payos, the sidecurls kept by haredi men.
Cherki made his mark in TV news by taking viewers into the homes of his fellow Haredim and asking them, in gentle, urgent tones, to explain why they believed what they believed.
He endeavored to keep Haredim from being reduced to cliches. A Haredi Knesset cafeteria worker who invited Cherki and another reporter into his home described his admiration for Bennett. The cafeteria worker also explained why he disagreed with Bennett profoundly on issues of national security, and was ready to vote for Itamar Ben-Gvir, the far-right, religious Zionist politician currently serving as Israel’s national security minister.
Cherki pointed at a cabinet stacked with the writings of the late Sephardic sage, Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, who founded the Haredi Shas Party. “A Shas house!” he said — a way of noting for viewers that parties which have traditionally represented Haredi Israelis no longer had a grip on their natural constituents.
Cherki’s job also led him into awkward encounters. In a segment on Haredi marriage, a matchmaker he interviewed chided him for not yet getting hitched.
He has been at pains to make clear that he is a believer. Last year, he explained how Haredim in B’nei Brak, a city north of Tel Aviv, were coping with the aftermath of a terror attack. Many believed that the heavily haredi city no longer had the protection of Rabbi Chaim Kanievsky, an eminent sage who had died days before the attack, and whom they believed protected the city.
The anchorman, Rafi Reshef, asked Cherki incredulously whether he bought into the “narrative” that Kanievsky had protected B’nei Brak.
Cherki shot him a pained look and said it was “a little bit of a private question.” Cherki said.
“I generally believe that the role of righteous people in the place where they live, there is significance,” he said. “The question of, if just because a rabbi died, at that moment, B’nei Brak is more vulnerable than before, is bigger than me. But I can understand and tell you the spirit and the thought processes of people who believe that.”
Reshef apologized. Cherki smiled.
Cherki also speaks to secular Israeli groups about the world of haredi Jews. “If I had to put in a single sentence what I’m trying to do on TV when I talk about Haredim, I want to say ‘They’re not all the same,’” he told a bar full of secular Israelis last month on a TV show that brings together different sectors of Israel’s deeply divided society..
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Germany’s Merz Heads to Saudi, Gulf in Quest for New Partners
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz speaks during a cabinet meeting at the Chancellery in Berlin, Germany, Feb. 4, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Liesa Johannssen
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz began a tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates on Wednesday aiming to forge energy and arms partnerships as Europe’s biggest and richest economy sought to reduce dependence on the US and China.
“We need such partnerships more than ever at a time when politics is increasingly being determined by major powers,” Merz said at the start of his three-day trip, adding the aim of such alliances was to preserve freedom, security, and prosperity.
“Our partners may not all share the same values and interests, but they share the view that we need a world order in which we trust agreements and treat each other with respect,” he added.
The tour, which follows visits to Brazil and South Africa last year and India last month, is part of a broader German initiative to diversify global alliances.
“In such a network of partnerships, we reduce unilateral dependencies, mitigate risks and create new opportunities together for our mutual benefit,” said Merz.
In the Gulf, Merz said he wanted deeper cooperation in the energy and armaments sectors, adding Berlin was adopting a less restrictive approach on arms exports. Germany’s economy minister prepared the ground last week.
QATAR ALREADY ONE OF GERMANY’S BIGGEST FOREIGN INVESTORS
Relations with Saudi Arabia deteriorated after the killing of Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. Merz said while some improvements in human rights had taken place, there was more to be done and he would discuss this.
The Gulf states, with large sovereign wealth funds, already play a role in Germany’s economy. Qatar is one of the largest foreign investors in Germany, holding stakes in companies such as Volkswagen, utility RWE and shipping group Hapag-Lloyd.
Merz said he would address broader regional issues, calling for greater peace, stability, and cooperation, including normalization with Israel.
“One day, Israel should also be a welcome part of this order, not a rejected foreign body,” said Merz, addressing the balance Gulf states maintain on Israel and Palestinians.
On Iran, Merz said he had three demands: that Tehran stops violence against its own people, halts its military nuclear program, and ends destabilizing activities in the region.
Germany remains one of Israel’s closest allies in Europe, while Gulf states have navigated differing approaches to Iran, particularly since the Gaza war.
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The US and Europe Are Funding a Palestinian Authority Army in Gaza — That Doesn’t Exist
People attend the funeral of Palestinian critic Nizar Banat, who died after being arrested by Palestinians Authority’s security forces, in Hebron in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, June 25, 2021. REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma
While donor countries continue sending hundreds of millions in aid for Palestinian Authority (PA) salaries, they might want to ask a simple question: What are we paying for?
In a staggering admission on official PA TV, a Palestinian economic expert revealed the existence of an entirely useless financial sinkhole:
Economic expert Muayyad Afaneh: “We have about 17,000 [PA] Security [Forces] employees in the Gaza Strip, and 20,000 civil employees. They are still receiving salaries from the PA, and there are many services in the Gaza Strip that the PA is spending money on.”
[Official PA TV, The Economic Discourse, Jan. 3, 2026]
Could you imagine that there are 17,000 PA Security Forces members in Gaza, where Hamas — not the PA — has ruled with an iron fist since 2007?
To be clear, these PA Security Forces have no authority and no involvement in Gazan policing. Hamas does not allow them to operate. They are a ghost payroll. Yet month after month, the PA sends them salaries funded by international aid.
This financial farce is made worse by the fact that Israel has already made it clear that these forces must not have any post-war role in Gaza. So, what exactly is the PA paying for?
Worse still, the economic expert on PA TV explained that PA employees in Gaza receive salaries equal to their counterparts in actual PA-controlled areas, despite doing nothing.
Currently the PA is paying twice to the Gaza Strip. The first time is the money being held [by Israel], and the second time, it is still obligated to pay the allocations to the Gaza Strip [it does] to the West Bank, meaning the same salary rate a [PA] employee in the West Bank receives, an employee in the Gaza Strip receives.
[Official PA TV, The Economic Discourse, Jan. 3, 2026]
This is a slap in the face to American and European taxpayers who genuinely believe they are contributing to peace, governance, and development.
The Palestinian Authority’s lack of respect for donor money is systemic. From glorifying terrorists with salaries and promotions to financing people not to work, the PA treats foreign aid like a bottomless ATM with no accountability.
It’s time donors ask: Why are you paying salaries to people who protect nothing and serve no one?
The author is a contributor to Palestinian Media Watch, where a version of this article first appeared.
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How October 7 Changed Jewish Identity Across the World
The personal belongings of festival-goers are seen at the site of an attack on the Nova Festival by Hamas terrorists from Gaza, near Israel’s border with the Gaza Strip, in southern Israel, Oct. 12, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
The impact of October 7 and its aftermath on Jews around the world will be felt for at least a generation to come.
There is a concern that since the hostages have been returned, and the war in Gaza is over, that the energy and commitment on the part of Jewish people will subside. This is not the case. People have been recalibrated in ways that have not yet been fully understood, and those changes apply to Jewish people from all different walks of life.
Long after the headlines fade and the news cycle moves on, the psychological, emotional, and communal reverberations will continue to shape how Jewish people understand themselves and one another.
The questions about how to maintain “Jewish peoplehood,” have also largely been answered. For decades, Jewish leaders and thinkers have pondered how to maintain a shared sense of peoplehood — especially in open societies where assimilation and secularism were not only possible but often encouraged. Many Jews, particularly outside of Orthodox communities, experienced Jewishness as cultural, incidental, or even optional. The events surrounding October 7, 2023, shattered that assumption. What has become clear is that Jewish identity, whether embraced or ignored, is not something that can simply be set aside.
While Orthodox Jews may have always felt a strong and explicit sense of belonging to the Jewish people, the shift among secular and loosely affiliated Jews has been particularly striking. Individuals who once felt no sense of “otherness” have been forced to confront the reality that others see them as such.
A brief anecdote illustrates this shift. Recently, a customer of mine, who is otherwise completely secular, remarked to me during a routine conversation, “You know, Dan, I really didn’t realize how much people hate Jews. I’m honestly shocked by it.”
What had changed was not his theology or observance, but his awareness. He had come to recognize that his identity connected him to a broader people — and that this connection carried meaning, consequences, and responsibility. He indicated that while in the past he felt no particular affiliation, he now understood himself as part of something larger. The feeling of this man is not an isolated feeling; it is one that is shared by countless people. Out of his pain a reawakening occurred that will ultimately serve to preserve his Jewish identity.
When looking at the glass half full, one can take comfort from the phrase “what doesn’t kill you makes you stronger.” Jewish people have been quite literally forced to reinforce their connections and identification with their Jewishness. This has made the Jewish people stronger. It may be hard to see since people are still in the midst of it, but from 10,000 feet away and over the arc of time, this will become clear.
This observation does not, in any way, minimize the profound pain, grief, and suffering endured by victims, families, and communities. None of that is diminished here. But alongside the trauma exists another truth: a reawakened sense of peoplehood is real. This, too, is part of the Jewish story in this moment — and it deserves to be told.
Daniel Rosen is the co-founder of a non-profit technology company called Emissary4all, which is an app to organize people to move the needle on social media and beyond. He is the co-host of the podcast “Recalibration.” You can reach him at dmr224@yahoo.com