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A glimpse of the Jewish left in 1920s Palestine
Boom and Chains
by Hanan Ayalti, translated by Adi Mahalel
Wayne State University Press, 312 pages, $34.99
Boom and Chains, by the Yiddish writer Hanan Ayalti, is a sweeping, morally urgent novel of Mandate-era Palestine that marries socialist ambition, Zionist dreams and the lived terrain of Arab dispossession.
First serialized in Warsaw in 1940 and now translated into English by Adi Mahalel, the book reads less like a period curiosity than a dispatch from the very core of 20th-century Jewish history. Its cadences are elegiac and insurgent at once, never letting the reader forget that every utopian project is built on contested soil.
This edition includes a prologue — reprinted at the back as an appendix — that looks back at kibbutz life in Poland and traces how Ayalti’s characters first took shape ideologically. The prologue is not essential to the plot, but it frames the psychic foundation of utopian commitment: how a generation could inherit the dream of community, sacrifice and labor long before setting foot in Palestine. The translator’s glossary and notes guide readers through dense terms of socialist-Zionist vocabulary, from halutzim, which means pioneers, to the nuanced phrase, “building through work.”
The main narrative unfolds in three parts: “Kibbutz,” “Land and Work” and “God and Money.” These sections map not only the external struggles of settlement but also the inner fractures of its pioneers. When Zalmen, the central figure, lands in Jaffa, the novel enacts collision immediately — Arab boatmen unloading cargo, British officials announcing strikes, Jewish pioneers hammering tents into soggy terrain.
Every logistical failure becomes a metaphor: each collapsing tent points to the wider chasm between idealism and ground. The storm sequence in the early kibbutz chapters — especially “Lying in the Mud and Barking at the Moon,” where the settlement nearly washes away — dramatizes that elemental struggle. You feel the land itself resisting its would-be redeemers.
By the time the narrative moves into Part II, the Arab perspective emerges not as backdrop, but as voice. Mustafa, once a peripheral figure, becomes a frustrated agitator whose sermons — half economic, half prophetic — speak of debt, dignity and land. His words register with painful clarity, even if the pioneers cannot or will not hear them.
The 1929 riots arrive with terrible inevitability. In one of the most wrenching scenes, Moshe Milner, a Jewish pioneer from Poland, is beaten for trying to raise funds for both Jewish and Arab victims. Solidarity itself is punished. In moments like this, Ayalti insists that the reader confront the impossibility of innocence.
Part III takes the novel toward collapse. Ideological certainties falter, comrades turn on one another, and even the land that promised redemption becomes charged with betrayal.
Comrade Gamzu, part zealot and part tragic figure, embodies this unraveling. At one point, he sits in his office writing an article for the Hebrew socialist newspaper — a small moment that crystallizes the novel’s insight: Labor is fought not only in fields and factories, but in words. The stormy conclusion leaves characters battered and arrested, and gives readers the sense that history itself has not yet chosen its verdict.
Ayalti’s place in Yiddish literature is unusual. While contemporaries often looked back at the shtetl or outward to immigrant life, he brought Yiddish to the frontier of Palestine. The result is a language of tension, where sacred vocabulary intermingles with slogans of socialist struggle.
It’s a reminder that Yiddish was not only a vehicle for memory but also for imagining futures — even ones later suppressed. (After moving to the United States, Ayalti set the novel aside for years, only completing Boom and Chains after returning to Israel.) In its ambition, Boom and Chains recalls the scope of the Soviet-Yiddish writer Dovid Bergelson and the ideological searching of I. L. Peretz, but it’s more direct, more politically uncompromising.
The translation is mostly smooth, though a few idioms fall flatter than the Yiddish likely sounded. For instance, a phrase like “to break one’s back for the land” feels more awkward in English than the fierce irony it probably carried in the original. Still, the glossary is a gift: Terms like Shomrim (guards, or members of the Labor Zionist youth movement Hashomer Hatzair) and shekhine — the Yiddish form of Shekhinah, the Divine Presence) — are defined in ways that illuminate not just vocabulary, but the ideals behind it. You can feel, even without direct citation, how carefully Mahalel has rebuilt the novel’s world for English readers.
One recurring weakness is that some characters lapse into long ideological speeches. Ayalti, at times, can’t resist the pamphleteer’s impulse. Yet even these stretches reveal the emotional urgency of an age when politics was lived from the trenches when the modern State of Israel was still years from being founded. The heaviness that results is, paradoxically, part of the book’s honesty.
What makes Boom and Chains remarkable is how current it still feels. The struggle over land and labor, the ethical crisis of building renewal at another’s expense, the oscillation between hope and despair — all of it reads less like distant history than like a mirror. The book refuses the easy consolation that redemption can be clean. Instead it presses its readers: No soil is free of debt, no vision immune to fracture.
For Jewish readers today, this translation is a gift. It restores a lost voice of Yiddish modernism and places before us a stark question: Can a dream of justice survive when its ground is contested from the start? Boom and Chains doesn’t settle the question, but it forces us to live with it. And perhaps that is the deepest service a novel can offer.
The post A glimpse of the Jewish left in 1920s Palestine appeared first on The Forward.
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France’s Culture Minister Welcomes Israel’s Philharmonic Orchestra for Concert Amid Criticism
A side view of the Eiffel Tower in Paris. Photo: Wikimedia Commons
France’s Minister of Culture Rachida Dati expressed support for the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra (IPO) visiting Paris for a concert on Thursday after a French union criticized the upcoming performance because of what it called Israel’s “crimes” in the Gaza Strip.
“Welcome to Israel’s national orchestra,” Dati wrote Tuesday in a post on X. “Nothing justifies a boycott call for this moment of culture, sharing and communication. Freedom of creation and programming is a value of our republic. [There is] no pretext for antisemitism.”
The IPO, led by conductor Lahav Shani, is scheduled to perform a sold-out concert at the Paris Philharmonic Hall on Thursday. The venue is a public institution under supervision of the Ministry of Culture and the city of Paris.
The Paris Philharmonic Hall said in a statement on Monday to Radio France that it hopes Thursday’s concert will take place “in the best possible conditions” and the venue welcomes “both Israeli and Palestinian artists.” It added that it never demands visiting artists to take “a position … on the subject of ongoing conflicts or sensitive political issues, which could sometimes have significant repercussions for them in their country of origin.” Musicians “cannot be held responsible for the actions of their government by simple association,” the institution insisted.
In late October, the French union CGT Spectacle – which represents workers in the entertainment industry including cinema and the performing arts – claimed the Nov. 6 concert is “an attempt at normalization by the State of Israel,” which they claimed is “responsible for a genocide against the Palestinian people.” The union said the concert should only take place if the audience is informed about the “serious accusations” against the Israeli government.
“The Paris Philharmonic Hall cannot host the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra without reminding the audience of the extremely serious accusations against the leaders of that country [Israel] and the nature of the crime committed in Gaza,” the union stated. “If culture is meant to be a vehicle for peace among peoples, no progress in this area can be expected without speaking the truth at every opportunity.”
Shani has previously been boycotted for being Israeli.
In September, organizers of the Flanders Festival Ghent canceled a scheduled performance by the Munich Philharmonic due to concerns regarding Shani and his “attitude to the genocidal regime in Tel Aviv.” Shani, the chief conductor of the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra, will take over as chief conductor of the Munich orchestra for the 2026/27 season.
After the festival rescinded its invitation, Belgium’s Prime Minister Bart De Wever attended a concert by the Munich Philharmonic Orchestra in a sign of solidarity.
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Freed Israeli Hostage Elizabeth Tsurkov Describes Torture, Sexual Assault by Iran-Backed Terror Group in Iraq
Princeton researcher Elizabeth Tsurkov, 2017. Photo: Facebook
Freed Israeli hostage Elizabeth Tsurkov, who was released after two and a half years in captivity, recounted being beaten, tortured, electrocuted, and sexually assaulted by the Kataib Hezbollah terrorist group in Iraq, describing the abuse in an interview published on Wednesday.
In her first appearance since being freed in September, Tsurkov told The New York Times that her Iran-aligned captors “basically used [her] as a punching bag”— especially during the first months after her abduction.
Tsurkov, a dual Israeli-Russian national and Princeton University student, was kidnapped in March 2023 after agreeing to meet a woman who had reached out to her on WhatsApp, claiming she needed help researching the Iran-backed Islamist group.
After showing up to the alleged meeting at a Baghdad coffee shop, Tsurkov was forced into an SUV by several men, who repeatedly beat and sexually assaulted her.
“I genuinely believe I would have died,” she said, noting the Trump administration’s “incredible determination” in negotiating and ultimately securing her release.
Tsurkov expressed her gratitude to US President Donald Trump, the administration officials who helped secure her release, and Gal Hirsch, Israel’s coordinator for hostages and missing persons, praising their efforts and unwavering support throughout her captivity.
Over the course of more than two years, Tsurkov was held in confinement by Kataib Hezbollah, an Iran-backed terrorist group that has never explicitly admitted to abducting her, enduring conditions similar to those faced by hostages held by the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza.
Eight months after her abduction, Tsurkov was seen on Iraqi TV for the first time, providing proof she was still alive while being forced to admit she worked as an Israeli and US spy.
During her two years in solitary confinement, Tsurkov said she initially kept her Israeli identity a secret. However, her abductors eventually discovered evidence on her phone and accused her of being a spy.
Even after she tried to demonstrate her pro-Palestinian stance by showing some of her online posts to them, her captors’ treatment of her grew even more brutal.
When she refused to confess to being a spy, Tsurkov said she was “strung up and tortured.”
In her interview, she described one of her captors, referred to as “the colonel,” as “very filthy and very obsessed with sex,” saying he repeatedly threatened her with rape and grabbed a tattoo on her thigh.
In September, Tsurkov was handed over to the Iraqi government, where female doctors examined her weakened physical state, marking her first contact with women since her abduction.
During such a traumatic experience, she recalled that seeing people, including one of her sisters on TV, advocate for her release gave her a sense of hope and helped sustain her strength.
Tsurkov is now in Israel, undergoing rehabilitation for the severe injuries she endured during her captivity. She spends most of her days lying on her back, as sitting or standing remains too painful.
Due to the relentless beatings, she also revealed that she is missing a tooth and continues to suffer constant pain.
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Jewish Groups Vow to Hold Mamdani ‘Fully Accountable’ After Mayoral Victory to Ensure Safety of New York Jews
Democratic candidate for New York City mayor, Zohran Mamdani, delivers remarks while campaigning at the Hanson Place Seventh-Day Adventist Church in the Brooklyn borough of New York City, US, Nov. 1, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ryan Murphy
Major Jewish organizations were quick to respond to far-left democratic socialist and anti-Zionist Zohran Mamdani being elected as the new mayor of New York City on Tuesday night.
Mamdani, 34, a fierce critic of Israel who has been widely accused of antisemitism, defeated former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo by a margin of 50.4 percent to 41.6 percent, while Republican candidate Curtis Sliwa received 7.1 percent of the votes.
The Democratic state assemblymember — who has repeatedly accused Israel of “apartheid” and “genocide,” refused to recognize its right to exist as a Jewish state, and supported boycotts of all Israeli-linked entities — will be the city’s youngest mayor in over a century and the first Muslim to hold the office.
Mamdani is a member of the controversial Democratic Socialist of America (DSA) organization and has refused to explicitly condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada,” which has been associated with calls for violence against Jews and Israelis worldwide.
Following Tuesday’s election, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) announced the launch of an initiative to track and monitor policies and personnel appointments of the incoming Mamdani administration in order to help protect Jewish New Yorkers. As part of the new initiative, the ADL is establishing a citywide tipline for New Yorkers to report antisemitic incidents.
New York City has experienced a surge in anti-Jewish hate crimes over the past two years, following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, terrorist attacks in southern Israel, and many Jewish leaders have expressed concerns that the trend will continue and even intensify with Mamdani in office.
“Mayor-elect Mamdani has promoted antisemitic narratives, associated with individuals who have a history of antisemitism, and demonstrated intense animosity toward the Jewish state that is counter to the views of the overwhelming majority of Jewish New Yorkers. We are deeply concerned that those individuals and principles will influence his administration at a time when we are tracking a brazen surge of harassment, vandalism and violence targeting Jewish residents and institutions in recent years,” Jonathan Greenblatt, CEO of the ADL, said in a statement.
“We expect the mayor of the city with the largest Jewish population in the world to stand unequivocally against antisemitism in all its varied forms and support all of its Jewish residents just as he would all other constituents,” Greenblatt added. “In the months ahead, we will hold the Mamdani administration to this basic standard, and ADL will be relentless and unyielding in our work to ensure the safety and security of all Jewish New Yorkers.”
The United Jewish Appeal-Federation of New York, Jewish Community Relations Council of New York, ADL New York/New Jersey, American Jewish Committee of New York, and New York Board of Rabbis said in a joint statement they “cannot ignore that the mayor-elect holds core beliefs fundamentally at odds with our community’s deepest convictions and most cherished values.” They called on Mamdani and all elected officials to “govern with humility, inclusivity, and a deep respect for the diversity of views and experiences that define our city.”
“As we have done for over a century, we will continue to work across every level of government to ensure that our city remains a place where our Jewish community, and all communities, feel safe and respected,” they added. “Our agenda remains clear. We will hold all elected officials, including Mayor-elect Mamdani, fully accountable for ensuring that New York remains a place where Jewish life and support for Israel are protected and can thrive. We will continue to confront, without hesitation, the alarming rise in antisemitism and hate crimes, and loudly call out any rhetoric or actions that delegitimize Israel or excuse antisemitism.”
Rabbi Dr. Josh Joseph, executive vice president and COO of the Orthodox Union, said he urges the mayor-elect to “embrace the responsibility of governing for all, protecting the vulnerable, rejecting divisive rhetoric, and ensuring that safety, dignity, and respect are guaranteed to every New Yorker, including Jewish New Yorkers.” The OU is the largest umbrella organization for Orthodox Jews in the US.
Joseph said the OU “is more determined than ever to continue advocating for the needs of the Jewish People and transforming our collective strength into lasting impact at City Hall and beyond.”
New York has the largest Jewish community outside the State of Israel. The ADL’s Center on Extremism recorded 976 antisemitic incidents in New York City in 2024, which is the highest in any US city since the ADL began monitoring such incidents. The New York City Police Department (NYPD) revealed that last year, 54 percent of all hate crimes in New York City targeted Jewish New Yorkers.