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A Jewish expert on monuments on what Philly’s famous Rocky Balboa statue can teach us about memory
(JTA) — Paul Farber was shocked when he first watched “Rocky” and saw a Star of David on the grave of Rocky Balboa’s coach, Mickey Goldmill.
As a Jew and as the founder of the Philadelphia-based Monument Lab, which has explored collective memory through art installations across the country for over a decade, Farber was well positioned to think about the deeper meaning of that brief shot.
“Anytime I see a Jewish funeral in a film, there’s some kind of call to attention. And I always want to know what that means, especially for a Hollywood production, especially when it may not be branded as a Jewish story,” he told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
“We’re not there in a prolonged series of mourning, but in a split second, seeing a Jewish site of a memory is really fascinating,” he added.
That outlook lies behind Farber’s work as the host of the new NPR podcast “The Statue,” a deep dive into Philadelphia’s famed statue of Rocky Balboa, the fictional prizefighter at the center of “Rocky.” The series delves into what sports and society can convey about memory, and in his research, Farber discovered a few Jewish nuggets found in the film series — including the fact that Rocky’s love interest was originally supposed to be Jewish.
“They made an actual gravestone [for her character] and it’s in Philadelphia’s most famous cemetery, Laurel Hill. And you can go there and see this gravestone where a movie character is ‘buried,’” he said. “People leave offerings on the gravestone, including small pebbles as if it’s a Jewish site of memory.”
In an interview with JTA, Farber shared his inspiration for the series, how his Jewish upbringing informed his life’s work and the role statues — such as that of Jewish baseball legend Sandy Koufax — do, and should, play.
This interview was lightly edited for length and clarity.
Jewish Telegraphic Agency: To start off, I’d love to hear about how you first got interested in studying monuments.
Paul Farber: I’m really interested in the ways that, in cities, we innovate toward the future, and also come to terms with our past, and it happens often in the same exact places. That could be a statue, a street, a corner store. And so that’s a big part for me.
What really inspired this project is a conversation I had with my mother, quite a few years ago. My mother is a lifelong Philadelphian. Her parents were Jewish immigrants in South Philadelphia. And when I told her I was teaching a class at the University of Pennsylvania about Philly neighborhoods, she asked me if I was covering Rocky. When I said, “Oh, it’s not on the syllabus” — and I may have said it in a way that felt dismissive — she gave me this look that I think a lot of us know: “How could you.” So for her birthday, we watched “Rocky” and we went to see “Creed.” My grandfather went to South Philly High and was in the boxing club. He shared stories in our family about what it meant to have sport and culture and belonging go together in South Philly. I started to see that across generations, from long before “Rocky” to this moment now, almost 50 years after the release of the film, many people’s family stories could be channeled through this statue, including my own, and that was enough of a prompt to go dive in.
“Rocky” is obviously not a Jewish story, but there are some nuggets. There’s the funeral scene, and you mentioned something about Adrian almost being Jewish. I’m curious what you think about the little Jewish pieces you can pull out of this famous story, and what those mean to you as a Philly sports fan.
It blew me away that Rocky’s coach, Mick, passes away and the character Rocky goes to his funeral, and you see a Star of David. Anytime I see a Jewish funeral in a film, there’s some kind of call to attention. And I always want to know what that means, especially for a Hollywood production, especially when it may not be branded as a Jewish story. And it just opened up a whole set of questions for me that blurred between art and life, between the film series and the city of Philadelphia.
In episode two, we showcase this monumental art book that Sylvester Stallone [who played Rocky] created. There was this passage in it that just blew me away, about the first draft of “Rocky,” where he says, “As for Adrian, she was Jewish in the first draft.” And he got feedback and cut that character. We never hear about Mickey’s Judaism. We never hear about Rocky’s bond across culture. But the fact that the first scene in the “Rocky” series is in a place called Resurrection Gym — that is obvious Christian iconography — and to put Jewish characters in is really fascinating to me.
There is another famous grave that is involved in the series. The character Adrian eventually passes away, and like the statue, which was made as a bronze sculpture, for the “Rocky” film series they made an actual gravestone and it’s in Philadelphia’s most famous cemetery, Laurel Hill. And you can go there and see this gravestone where a movie character is “buried.” People leave offerings on the gravestone, including small pebbles as if it’s a Jewish site of memory.
People talk about representation on screen, and I’m not sure a Jewish funeral necessarily does that, but I would imagine for some people, seeing Rocky Balboa say the “Mourner’s Kaddish“ was maybe their first interaction with Judaism in some way. What do you make of that?
Every shot is deliberate. And it’s actually that kind of attitude and outlook that created the Rocky statue, because Sylvester Stallone was the director of that film, and they could have made a styrofoam version or a temporary one, but they spent over a year making a bronze version so that when the camera faced it, it would make contact. I think very similarly, this is part of the artistry of Stallone that plays out in our podcast series. We’re not with him when he sits shiva. We’re not there in a prolonged series of mourning, but in a split second, seeing a Jewish site of a memory is really fascinating. And to see the coach Mickey, to have his Wikipedia page say he’s Jewish, all that we have is mourning.
I think about how for immigrant Jewish communities, there are gaps in our narratives. Throughout the series, and one of the reasons I wanted to share my perspective as a queer Jewish person who grew up loving sports in Philly, I’ve been informed by my own family’s history, and what we’re able to recall and what gaps there are. And I see that being echoed for so many people in the Rocky story.
It’s clearly a very personal story for you. Why did you think it was important to start the podcast with your own identity, and to include your Jewish mother?
I think it’s important that when we talk about sites of memory, we understand that there are shared and collective ways that we bring the past forward, and there are others that are incredibly personal. My hope was to find, in this case, to spotlight, a significant site of memory in the city, but ask questions about it. And I think it was important to note what position I would take, because I don’t believe there’s one story to the Rocky statue. To tell a biography of a statue, you actually have to tell it of the people who make meaning from it. So in the series, we do a lot of work where we want to know other people’s stories and backgrounds, whether they are refugees from Afghanistan, or community organizers in Kensington [a neighborhood of Philadelphia]. My hope was by positioning this from my perspective, almost as a memoir in a way, that it opened up space for others to have their experiences be valued and made meaning of.
The official artwork for Farber’s podcast. (Courtesy)
Both with the podcast and in your work with the Monument Lab, how do you feel that your Jewish identity informs what you do? Do you see overlap between your Jewish values and the values you work on in your organization?
I absolutely think so. I grew up in a Jewish community in Philadelphia, and tikkun olam was a constant refrain. The work of tikkun olam meant a worldview that necessitated building coalitions and understanding across divides, to not diminish or under-emphasize them, but to appreciate how we work in solidarity, whether that’s around racial justice, gender justice, in various struggles. I am a co-founder and director of an organization that focuses on memory, and that I really get from the stories of growing up in a Jewish household, in a Jewish community, where memory lived in different ways. We were always aware of the stories of trauma and loss, as well as reconciliation and transformation, and how you work with the gaps that you have, and you listen, and you learn and you carry the story with you. Because that is the way to bond generations. Jewish memory really grounds what I do, and I seek to use it as a tool to learn more and to feed connection across divides.
Rocky takes on this almost mythical, godlike status, and his statue in Philadelphia is a bit of a pilgrimage site. Do you see any tension there as a Jew, given the prohibition against idol worship?
I think about the importance of memory, against forces of violence and erasure. I also understand that, in a world that is full of pain and difficulty and loss, we seek places to release that. And so I understand the pull to monuments. What I would like to see, and what we try to do through this series, “The Statue,” and also with the work of Monument Lab, is to look on and off the pedestal, and really think about how history lives with us. As we say in the series and other places, history doesn’t live inside of statues, it lives with people who steward them, who create other kinds of sites of memory, who are vigilant in their modes of commemoration. What I try to do in this work is understand the ambivalence around monuments, the pull to try to remember and be enduring through time, and just that constant reminder that whenever you try to freeze the past, or freeze an image of power, you cut out the potential to find connection and empowerment, and thus forms of survival.
In sports, there are so many ways to honor people, especially different ways that, like a statue, take on the idea of permanence. When Bill Russell died, the NBA retired his number 6 across the league. On Jackie Robinson Day, every April 15, the whole MLB honors Jackie Robinson by wearing his uniform number. But statues just have a different level of oomph. Sandy Koufax has a new statue in Los Angeles that was unveiled last year; Hank Greenberg has one. What do you think it should take for an athlete to reach that status?
The pinnacle in sports is to have a statue dedicated to you outside of the stadium. And I do believe the cultures of social media have amplified that, because we grew up with the story of Sandy Koufax not pitching in the World Series during the High Holy Days, and that wasn’t because we learned it from a statue or a plaque. We learned it because it was carried forward and put into different forms of remembering and recalling its importance. I went to several Maccabi Games in the U.S. — I used to be a sprinter. And the culture of memory and sport, they were one in the same.
In professional sports, the pinnacle is the statue, but I think you brought up other really important ways of remembering that operate in non-statue forms that feel like they are living memorials. The idea of retiring someone’s number, and keeping their number up, is a way to acknowledge, in this really public of all public spaces, an intimacy and a care, and especially when an athlete passes away, how that transcends the lines of city geography. Jackie Robinson Day is something that did not occur immediately after Jackie Robinson was the first Black player to play in the major leagues, but was a product of a later moment when people around Major League Baseball sought to activate his memory. So yes, a statue outside of a stadium is like a particular kind of professional accolade. But the other forms are really meaningful.
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Iran Celebrates Anniversary of US Embassy Takeover With Chants of ‘Death to America,’ ‘Death to Israel’
Iranians take to the streets during nationwide rallies on Nov. 4, 2025, marking the anniversary of the 1979 takeover of the US embassy by waving flags and chanting “death to America” and “death to Israel.” Photo: Screenshot
Nearly half a century after Iranian students stormed and took over the US embassy in Tehran, the Islamic Republic of Iran continues to mark the anniversary with rallies across the capital and hundreds of cities nationwide, celebrating what officials describe as their “resistance against the West.”
On Tuesday, thousands of Iranians took part in demonstrations commemorating the 46th anniversary of the US embassy takeover in 1979.
Framed as a show of “national unity,” participants condemned “US and Israeli aggressions” against the Islamist regime — including the 12-day war with Israel in June, which Washington joined by targeting key Iranian nuclear sites after multiple rounds of negotiations failed to yield any results.
During the demonstrations, people were seen waving Iranian flags and holding posters of those killed in US and Israeli attacks, while chanting slogans including “death to America” and “death to Israel.”
Iran celebrates victory over Western imperialism
Hundreds of thousands took to the streets of Tehran and 900+ cities nationwide to mark the 46th anniversary of the 1979 US Embassy takeover
The 1979 revolution ended both Western and Israeli influence in Iran by deposing… pic.twitter.com/UB03SanUFU
— Sputnik (@SputnikInt) November 4, 2025
Every year, the Iranian regime marks Nov. 4 as the “National Day of Fight Against Global Arrogance,” commemorating the 1979 takeover of the US embassy in Tehran by radical students — followers of the late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
For 444 days, 52 US embassy staff members were held hostage, subjected to abuse, torture, and mock executions.
On November 4, 1979, followers of the Ayatollah Khomeini seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran; the Iranians held more than 50 Americans hostage for 444 days. Listen to former American hostages tell their story. pic.twitter.com/gaO6tojGzt
— Department of State (@StateDept) November 4, 2020
According to Iranian state media, government officials praised Tuesday’s events as a tribute to the students and youth who led the “revolution,” portraying them as a key symbol of “the Islamic Republic’s opposition to global hegemony.”
They also reaffirmed Iran’s commitment to resisting “US and Israeli dominance,” supporting global movements against “foreign hegemony” and defending Palestinian rights.
During a speech in the legislature, Iranian Deputy Parliament Speaker Ali Nikzad described the US embassy takeover as a reflection “of years of oppression and humiliation inflicted on the Iranian people.”
“Today marks the anniversary of the revolutionary action of students in taking over the Den of Espionage,” Nikzad said, using the regime’s name for the former US embassy compound.
He also said the differences between Washington and Tehran are deep-rooted, fundamental, and cannot be resolved through negotiations — rejecting renewed calls for Iran to resume talks with Western powers over its nuclear program.
Across the country, demonstrators denounced the US and Israel with speeches and religious chants, while symbolic displays of Iranian missiles and centrifuges to enrich uranium for nuclear fuel were showcased along the parade routes.
There were also exhibitions showcasing decades of “Western and Israeli crimes,” along with the burning of US and Israeli flags and a symbolic trial of US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
In a statement, Iran’s powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a military force and internationally designated terrorist organization, condemned recent US behavior toward the country, saying it “demonstrated that the pattern of intervention, pressure, deception, and threats remains a persistent strategy against the Iranian nation and its independent political establishment.”
“The National Student Day is a reminder of the criminal nature of the United States, showing that faithful and revolutionary Iranian people will never surrender to domination and deception by global arrogance,” the IRGC continued.
“The takeover of the Den of Espionage embodies a strategic choice between the path of resistance, dignity, and independence versus that of compromise, submission, and surrender,” the IRGC stated.
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Arizona man sentenced to 4 years in prison for antisemitic threats to Jewish NYC hotel owner
An Arizona man who sent hundreds of threatening messages to a Jewish-owned hotel in New York City was sentenced to 49 months in prison on Thursday in federal court.
Donovan Hall, 35, of Mesa, Arizona, pleaded guilty to making interstate threats and interstate stalking of the Jewish owners of the Historic Blue Moon Hotel in Manhattan. He was also sentenced to three years of supervised release.
The Blue Moon Hotel is “dedicated to Jewish community in every way that we can be,” Randy Settenbrino said in an interview last year from his hotel, which includes rooms named for icons of the Jewish Lower East Side, a kosher cafe and a mural depicting 2,000 years of Jewish history.
At the time, Settenbrino and his employees had just begun to get what prosecutors said were nearly 1,000 threatening messages from Hall. Sent between August and November 2024, the messages threatened to “torture, mutilate, rape, and murder them and their families,” according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York.
In October, Hall texted photographs of two firearms and a machete to one of his victims, writing, “I’ve got something for you and your inbred children” and “for the Zionist cowards,” according to his federal indictment.
Threatening text messages of firearms sent to the owner of the Blue Moon Hotel by Donovan Hall. (Courtesy Randy Settenbrino)
“Donovan Hall targeted Jewish victims with a sustained campaign of intimidation, terror, and harassment,” said U.S. Attorney Jay Clayton in a statement. “The approximately 1,000 threats he sent to these New Yorkers were alarming and brazen.”
Hall’s messages coincided with a boycott campaign against the hotel launched after Settenbrino’s son, an Israeli soldier, was identified as having posted videos of shooting at destroyed buildings and detonating bombs in homes and a mosque in Gaza.
Hall, who has been held at New York’s Metropolitan Detention Center since his arrest last year, apologized for his actions in a sentencing submission to the court, writing that he “wanted to champion for a cause and hunt down the bullies, not realizing that it was me the whole time.”
In an interview with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency after Hall’s sentencing, Settenbrino said “baby killer” had been spray painted on the windows of his hotel, and flyers were posted around Manhattan calling for its boycott and referring to his son, Bram, as a “war criminal.”
“We’re sitting at a pivotal time in New York City, where we’re feeling the encroachment of hate and antisemitism in the West, like our brethren are feeling it in Europe, and so it’s very scary for everyone concerned,” said Settenbrino. “It’s very important that there are strong sentences handed out to this, not just for us, but for klal yisrael [the Jewish people] in general.”
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US Proposes International Gaza Force to UN as Turkey Pushes for Role Amid Concerns Over Hamas Support
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan poses with his counterparts Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud of Saudi Arabia, Ayman Safadi of Jordan, and Sugiono of Indonesia before their meeting on Gaza, in Istanbul, Turkey, Nov. 3, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Murad Sezer
The United States has proposed a draft resolution for an international force in Gaza as Turkey seeks a role in post-war reconstruction, raising concerns that Ankara’s growing influence in the enclave could strengthen Hamas.
On Monday, Washington sent a draft resolution to members of the United Nations Security Council, proposing the creation of an International Stabilization Force (ISF) in Gaza that would remain for at least two years, according to several media reports.
Under US President Donald Trump’s peace plan, such a force will oversee the Gaza ceasefire between Israel and Hamas and train local security forces.
Based on the proposed draft resolution, participating countries in the international force would be granted a broad mandate to maintain security and administer the war-torn enclave through the end of 2027, with the possibility of extending the mission. Troop deployments are expected to begin as early as January.
In recent weeks, Washington has been working closely with regional powers to determine the composition of the peacekeeping force, with Turkey seeking to play a central role in the enclave.
However, Israel has repeatedly opposed any involvement of Turkish security forces in post-war Gaza.
Experts have warned that Turkey, a key backer of Hamas, could shield the Islamist group in Gaza or even strengthen its terrorist infrastructure as it seeks a central role in post-war efforts.
According to the draft resolution, the ISF would include troops from multiple participating countries and would be responsible for securing Gaza’s borders with Israel and Egypt, while also protecting civilians and maintaining humanitarian corridors.
The ISF would also “stabilize the security environment in Gaza by ensuring the process of demilitarizing the [enclave], including the destruction and prevention of rebuilding of military, terror, and offensive infrastructure, as well as the permanent decommissioning of weapons from non-state armed groups,” the draft states.
Under this plan, the international force would seemingly take on the responsibility of disarming Hamas, the Palestinian terrorist group that violently seized total control of Gaza in 2007 after being elected to power in parliamentary elections the prior year.
As Turkey aims to secure a role in post-war Gaza, the country has been leading efforts, along with six other regional powers, to establish a Palestinian-led self-rule in the enclave after the war.
This week, the foreign ministers of the so-called “guarantor countries” under Trump’s peace plan — Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Pakistan, and Indonesia — met in Istanbul to discuss Gaza’s future and potential steps following the ceasefire.
At the summit, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan called on Muslim nations to wield their influence in shaping Gaza’s reconstruction and future governance.
“Our principle is that Palestinians should govern the Palestinians and ensure their own security,” Fidan said during a press conference. “The international community should support this in the best possible way — diplomatically, institutionally, and economically.”
“Nobody wants to see a new system of tutelage emerge,” the top Turkish diplomat continued. “We’ve now reached an extremely critical stage: We do not want the genocide in Gaza to resume.”
On Saturday, Fidan met with Hamas senior negotiator Khalil al-Hayya and several key members of the group’s political leadership to discuss the current ceasefire and ongoing diplomatic efforts.
Shortly after the meeting, the Turkish diplomat asserted that the Palestinian terrorist group was “ready to hand over Gaza to a committee of Palestinians.”
Hamas has consistently rejected disarmament, insisting on keeping its weapons and controlling security in Gaza during an interim period.
Under phase one of Trump’s ceasefire plan, the Israeli military controls 53 percent of Gaza’s territory. Hamas, meanwhile, controls the other 47 percent, where the vast majority of the Gazan population is located.
Since the ceasefire went into effect, Hamas terrorists have brutally cracked down on all rivals and dissenters, with videos emerging of rampant torture and public executions in the streets. The Algemeiner reported last week that four Israel-backed militias fighting Hamas are moving to fill the power vacuum, pledging to cooperate with most international forces involved in rebuilding the enclave but vowing to resist any presence from Qatar, Turkey, or Iran — all three of which have supported Hamas for years.
At the Istanbul summit, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who has maintained an openly hostile stance toward the Jewish state, reiterated that Hamas was “determined to adhere to the [ceasefire] agreement” and called on Muslim states to play “a leading role” in Gaza’s recovery.
According to Trump’s peace plan, Gaza would be governed by a “technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee” after the war, with the supervision of an international body called the “Board of Peace.”
Under the proposed framework, the ISF is designed to maintain security in Gaza during this transition period, as Israel gradually withdraws from additional areas of the enclave.
While the plan specifies that Hamas would be excluded from post-war governance, the Palestinian Authority (PA) could potentially take control of Gaza after undergoing internal reforms.
The PA, which has long been riddled with accusations of corruption, has maintained for years a so-called “pay-for-slay” program, which rewards terrorists and their families for carrying out attacks against Israelis.
Israel has rejected any role for Hamas or the PA in governing Gaza after the war.