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As Israel urged caution, these Syrian Jews lobbied the U.S. to lift sanctions on Syria
(JTA) — “Mouaz, what do you think, should I go?”
The day after Henry Hamra learned that Islamist rebels had ousted Bashar Assad from power — ending more than six decades of Ba’athist rule over Syria — he was on the phone with his friend Mouaz Moustafa, the executive director of the Syrian Emergency Task Force.
The unlikely alliance — a Syrian-American son of Palestinian refugees and a Syrian Jewish cantor whose father was Syria’s chief rabbi — would drive a yearlong campaign to lift punishing sanctions that Moustafa had helped bring about.
It would also place prominent Syrian American Jews opposite Israel’s government, which remains intensely wary of the new regime in Syria.
Hamra fled Syria with his family in 1992, after the Ba’athist government lifted the ban on Jews traveling abroad. Ba’athist restrictions on one of the largest and oldest Jewish communities in the Middle East forced the displacement of more than 30,000 Jews.
Hamra, speaking in a thick Brooklyn accent, recounted how he had watched his country fall apart. There was little he or his family could do from their exile. Henry’s father, Yosef Hamra, was a rabbi and leader of the Damascus Jewish community, and his uncle, Rabbi Avraham Hamra, who settled in Holon, Israel, after leaving Syria, served as the country’s last chief rabbi until 1994.
Moustafa, the son of a Palestinian refugee father and a Syrian mother, had wasted little time before heading back to Syria. By the time Hamra called, he was already there. Moustafa’s reply was immediate, he recalled: “Absolutely, I was just there, and I’m going back. You need to come with me.”
Moustafa founded the Syrian Emergency Task Force in March 2011 in response to the Assad government’s war on civilians in the wake of Arab Spring protests. Over the 14 years of civil war, the SETF became a mainstay of the Syrian opposition in exile, and Moustafa became a well-regarded political operative working on behalf of the Syrian people in Washington.
In 2014, Moustafa was put in touch with a Syrian military police photographer who fled the country with a flash drive containing evidence of systematic torture and mass executions in Assad’s prisons. The whistleblower, known publicly as “Caesar,” was First Lieutenant Farid al-Madhhan, a name he kept hidden for years to protect himself and his family, and only revealed after Assad’s fall in December 2024.
“The pictures were reminiscent of the worst moments of history,” Moustafa said. “Emaciated, tortured bodies, eyes gouged out, men, women, children, elderly, on a massive scale.”
The images set off a five-year lobbying campaign led by Moustafa, culminating in the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, signed by President Trump in December 2019, which sanctioned Assad regime officials and cut Syria off from the international financial system.
“When we drafted the Caesar Act,” Moustafa said, “we took all of that to pass a law that very specifically addressed the machinery of death of the Assad regime and how it needed to stop.”
After Assad’s ouster in December 2024, the Caesar sanctions, so effective at strangling his regime, threatened to do the same to Syria’s new government. So Moustafa enlisted Hamra’s help.
Moustafa had known Hamra since 2013 through his friendship with Abraham Hamra, Henry’s uncle. They had connected through Moustafa’s efforts to save Judaica from the Jobar Synagogue after it was bombed by forces loyal to Assad.
The friendship would result in Hamra, who still resists describing himself as a political person, running for parliament in Syria’s first open elections since the Ba’ath party seized power in 1963. It would bring his father to recite a blessing over Ahmad al-Sharaa, the Islamist rebel commander who now serves as Syria’s president. And their relationship, and the efforts that followed, would help pave the way for the lifting of the U.S. sanctions regime that had cut Syria off from the global economy.
“Would Caesar have been lifted without the Syrian Jewish community? I don’t believe it would have been,” Moustafa said.
President Donald Trump officially lifted the Caesar sanctions on Dec. 19, 2025, when he signed the FY 2026 NDAA into law, a year after Assad’s ouster. By May 2025, the Treasury had already issued a 180-day waiver on the other sanctions, but the Caesar sanctions remained in place, only to be repealed by an act of Congress.
This was Moustafa’s target, and the first step, as Moustafa recalled, was to help get the Hamras back to Syria. But there was much work to be done between that initial phone call and the moment Hamra set foot in Syria for the first time in more than 30 years.
As Moustafa recalled, he and Hamra spoke by phone every day in the weeks leading up to the trip. Hamra had a list of demands they had to work through, including an official letter from the Syrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs welcoming the group, meant to ease fears after decades of persecution under Assad.
“They just liberated it. There’s no staff, there’s nothing set up yet. How can I get you a paper?” Moustafa recalled telling him.
Also on Hamra’s list: He wanted at least 10 Jews on the first trip, so his father Yosef could pray with a quorum at the Faranj Synagogue in the heart of Damascus’s Jewish Quarter, the same synagogue where Yosef had prayed as a child and where he last led services before the family left Syria in 1992.
Syrian Jews in America had for years sought to maintain civil relations with a regime that still housed remnants of their family, and their properties. A delegation visited the regime in 2004 as Syria sought to head off a sanctions regime, and some in the community marked the death in 2000 of Hafez Assad with a black sash mourning.
That demand proved impossible to meet. As Moustafa and Hamra sought to fill the spots, security concerns led most prospective travelers to back out in the days before departure. The question of whether the trip would happen at all remained unresolved until the day before, when Hamed Khanatri (then the head of Syria’s foreign ministry) called Henry to say: “We’re waiting for you,” he recounted.
“The Syrian Jewish community has suffered enormously, both before the 2011 conflict and throughout it,” Moustafa said. “Like so many Syrians, they suffered under the regime.”
Having seen firsthand what the Assad government had done to Syrian Jews, including property confiscations and travel bans, Moustafa wanted them to see for themselves whether the transitional government meant what it was telling the international community about leaving behind its jihadist past and severing ties with designated terror groups.
In the year between Assad’s fall and the repeal of the Caesar sanctions in December 2025, the SETF organized three trips to Syria, bringing members of both the Syrian and American Jewish communities to meet with high-level Syrian officials and visit Jewish historic sites in the country.
Lawrence Schiffman, professor of Hebrew and Judaic studies at New York University, who joined the first trip in February 2025, said the engagement felt real, even if the motivations behind it were pragmatic.
“I think it was genuine,” he said. “Let’s be realistic. They were setting up an attempt to get into good relations with Syrian Jews, and they needed American help.”
For Schiffman, the motivations of the transitional government mattered less than what it was actually doing, including efforts to document lost Jewish property and begin a process of restitution and restoration for the Syrian Jewish community, according to Hamra.
“Syrian Jews here are partly intentionally serving the same role that certain Jewish organizations served in visiting the UAE and Saudi Arabia, softening the ground before official [state] visits,” Schiffman said. “We did not negotiate with them. We were there to learn what their views are. It was a goodwill mission.”
Rabbi Mendy Chitrik, head of the Ashkenazi community in Istanbul and a key contact for Syria’s Jewish community during the civil war who helped facilitate kosher product deliveries to Damascus, joined another trip. He recalled walking through the lanes of Damascus’ souk wearing his kippah without incident.
“I walked through Damascus freely,” he said. “We did not feel or experience any hostility.”
The culmination of their efforts, as both Moustafa and Hamra described it, was their visit to Washington in November 2025, the final push before passage of the defense authorization bill, into which they sought to insert a provision repealing the Caesar sanctions.
In a one-on-one meeting with South Carolina Republican Rep. Joe Wilson, Henry recounted that it was his father’s words that Wilson later said had changed his mind. When Wilson asked whether the new Syrian leadership would be good for Syria, Rabbi Hamra’s answer was simple: “I think everybody deserves another chance.”
A spokesperson for Wilson confirmed the meetings, “Wilson met with Rabbi Yosef and Henry Hamra on multiple occasions in the lead-up to the vote. Their perspective did give the Congressman encouragement,” the spokesperson wrote to JTA. “He mentioned the Rabbi’s stance on multiple occasions when advocating to colleagues.” Wilson has become an outspoken critic of Israel’s post-Assad regime incursions into the country, saying it is inhibiting the country’s rehabilitation.
Henry Hamra said Wilson carried as his message throughout the sanctions fight. Moustafa also said it was the Hamra family’s testimony and meetings that helped bring around Rep. Gregory Meeks, the New Yorker who is the senior Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee, and Rep. French Hill, an Arkansas Republican, two other figures who had stood in the way of sanctions relief.
Hill did not comment on the role of the Syrian Jewish expats in relieving the sanctions but said in in a statement to JTA that the relief was necessary.
“The Trump administration is doing the right thing by re-engaging diplomatically and taking steps to help Syria rejoin the community of nations,” he said. “I will continue to work with my colleagues and stakeholders to ensure that American support advances responsible governance and lasting stability for the Syrian people.”
Meeks did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
Al-Sharaa was also in Washington during that period, working to build goodwill with the Trump administration. It was not al-Sharaa’s first meeting with Trump. In May 2025, al-Sharaa met with the president in Riyadh on the sidelines of a Gulf Cooperation Council summit.
Al-Sharaa had himself been designated a terrorist by the United States — a designation that was unwound only after Assad’s fall, with the bounty on his head lifted in December 2024 and the full designation removed in July 2025.
Ahmad Sharawi of the Foundation for Defense of Democracy said that meeting may have been the turning point for Trump’s decision to lift sanctions, which he did by executive order, though only those he could repeal unilaterally.
“What I think happened is that during President Trump’s visit to Riyadh, Mohammed bin Salman spoke with him, and convinced him in what I believe was a single conversation,” Sharawi said. “That’s when al-Sharaa met with Trump as well.”
He added, “I do think they [Syrian Jews] played a role with Congress when it came to the Caesar Act specifically, because it required congressional approval.”
Even with Saudi Arabia lobbying for sanctions relief, and, according to The New York Times, an intensive push by Syrian expatriates in the Gulf with stakes in development contracts and real estate in the rebuilding country, Congress still had to sign off on the repeal. Trump is a fan of al-Sharaa, calling him “attractive” and a “tough guy” when they met in Riyadh in May, Reports have already emerged of a Trump Tower planned for Damascus.
Moustafa knew that one of Syria’s other central challenges would be its relationship with Israel, a conflict that had never been formally resolved since Israel seized the Golan Heights in 1967. In the days after Assad’s fall, Israeli airstrikes destroyed up to 80% of Syria’s strategic military capabilities.
Moustafa vividly recalled the moment a missile struck outside the building where he had just finished a four-hour meeting with President al-Sharaa.
“About an hour after I left that meeting, Israel struck the front door of the presidential palace,” he said. “I heard it and watched it happen.” He added: “The Syrian president said to me, ‘I don’t want to go back to war for 7,000 more years.’”
Israel has maintained a harsh posture toward the new Syrian government since Assad’s fall. Netanyahu declared that Israel would not allow forces loyal to Syria’s new rulers to operate in southern Syria, and demanded full demilitarization of the provinces of Quneitra, Daraa, and Sweida.
An Israeli official told the Times of Israel that Netanyahu personally asked Trump not to lift sanctions on Syria during a visit to Washington, citing fears of a cross-border attack similar to Hamas’s Oct. 7 assault. Ron Dermer, Netanyahu’s close aide and minister of strategic affairs, was widely reported to have lobbied Congress to keep the sanctions in place, or at a minimum, to preserve conditions that would allow them to be reimposed.
Others in the Israeli security establishment are similarly skeptical. Sarit Zehavi, the founder and president of the Alma Research and Education Center in Israel, sees the new Syrian government as Islamist in all but name.
Zehavi’s family is originally from Damascus. As she recounted to JTA, her family of jewelers, among the wealthiest in the city, lived in the historic Beit Lisbona in the Harat al-Yahud, the old Jewish quarter.
When Bashar Assad was finally ousted in December 2024, Zehavi was eager to return and see her family’s home for the first time. Her own staff had to talk her out of it. “My research staff had to convince me that there is no chance that I am going to Damascus in the near future to see my father’s house because things are not going to get better,” she said.
She was hopeful at first, but reports of massacres committed against Alawites on the coast, and then against the Druze in Sweida, soured her faith in the new government.
“It took a while until I understood that what is happening in Syria is far from liberation,” she said.
Zehavi said she was surprised by the lobbying undertaken by her fellow Jewish expats. “It seems counterintuitive that Syrian Jews living in Brooklyn would try to get the sanctions lifted on someone who was in Al-Qaeda. He’s a jihadist,” she said, while reserving her sharpest criticism for the Trump administration’s decision to lift the Caesar sanctions without conditions.
“You need timed demands and benchmarks that would indicate that Ahmed al-Sharaa is truly what we all hoped he would be,” she said. “They lifted it without any conditions. That’s the main problem.”
Zehavi is skeptical that the Syrian Jewish community’s goals will be served by the move. “If what they said is true, that this way they can reestablish Jewish institutions in Damascus, that’s a very nice goal, and maybe they’re right,” she said. “But in the bigger picture, I’m not sure it will lead in a positive direction.”
Yosef Hamra had been scheduled to testify before the Helsinki Commission, the U.S. branch of the multiparliamentary human rights monitor, during his visit to Congress in November 2025, but the hearing was canceled. In a copy of his prepared remarks obtained by JTA, he wrote: “It is a shame that today the Caesar Act punishes the Syrian people, Muslims, Christians and Jews, Arabs and Kurds, for the crimes of a regime that has been deposed.”
Before he met with Trump, Yosef Hamra — wearing a kippah — recited a blessing over Ahmad al-Sharaa.
It was an ending fit for such an improbable alliance: a Palestinian-Syrian activist and a Syrian Jewish cantor working together to reopen a country ripped apart by 14 years of civil war. For the Hamras, the blessing was more than a public declaration of faith in the new government — it was proof that something had shifted. But whether Syria’s future would bring democracy and equality for its multi-ethnic population was a question neither Hamra nor Moustafa could answer.
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Ossoff vs. Collins: The choices facing Jewish voters in the Georgia Senate race
(JTA) — Georgia Jews will choose between a Democratic politician who wants to limit arms sales to Israel and a Republican with ties to white nationalists when they head to vote Tuesday in a Senate race that will help determine which party controls the chamber.
The race pits incumbent Jewish Sen. Jon Ossoff – widely expected to be a 2028 presidential contender – against GOP Rep. Mike Collins. The Republican challenger has received a good deal of media attention, as well as attacks by his opponent, over family members’ and former employees’ far-right political views. Ossoff, meanwhile, sparked outrage among some in the Jewish community when he became one of the earliest Senate Democrats to vote to halt certain arms sales to Israel.
Collins’ son-in-law, David Alan Scheer II, has invoked the Jewish Bolsheviks conspiracy theory propagated by Nazi Germany that blamed Jews for atrocities committed by the Soviet Union. He has also complained about Holocaust education and media on the subject.
“They don’t tell us the history of Germany before World War II,” Scheer said in a YouTube video last year, titled “I’m NOT a Judeo Christian.”
He continued, “All we’re told is Germany bad, Hitler evil, don’t ask questions. Holocaust, Holocaust, Holocaust. Here’s 50 movies every year about the Holocaust and why it’s so bad.”
In the same video, Scheer also said that “Jewish executives run the entire mainstream media complex” as well as “homosexual propaganda, they run all of the fraudulent banking systems and insurance scams. They are behind this orchestrated downfall of what was once the most prosperous nation in the world.” Israeli newspaper Haaretz has reported that Scheer apparently lives in a house built on property owned by Collins.
The Collins campaign did not return the Jewish Telegraphic Agency’s request for comment. But elsewhere Collins has addressed Scheer’s statements by saying, “I don’t believe or support those views.”
Scheer did not respond to a request for comment.
Meanwhile, a former Collins staffer had posted Nazi imagery and an image of what appeared to be himself in KKK robes, The Washington Post reported in August. Collins replaced another staffer — his chief of staff Kip Talley — in 2024 after Slate reported that he was in a group chat with streamer Nick Fuentes, widely accused of being one of the internet’s foremost antisemites, and white supremacist Richard Spencer. Slate reported that the chat was dedicated to trying to help Charles Johnson, who has been accused of promoting Holocaust denial and was in jail at the time.
In a statement, Talley told Slate that he acted “solely in my personal capacity after hearing concerns that an acquaintance I have known for years was being mistreated in custody and denied basic medical care.”
The Georgia congressman also appeared at last year’s New York Young Republican Club gala, which drew controversy as it hosted white nationalists and a number of officials from Germany’s far-right AfD party. Fuentes said that he received an invitation that was later rescinded, and Jewish New York City Council member Inna Vernikov backed out of the event and suggested the decision was connected to antisemitism on the right.
Collins has responded to questions about his connections to these white nationalist elements by saying he condemns “all forms of antisemitism” and hate, and citing his support for Israel.
J Street, the liberal Jewish Middle East advocacy group, homed in on Collins’ far-right connections in a 15-second ad released last week that ended with the message, “Mike Collins: Dangerously extreme for Georgia.”
The attack ad was the first released in J Street’s $3 million campaign this year to take down six Republican candidates who are backed by the pro-Israel lobbying group AIPAC. In a piece for the Atlanta Jewish Times, Collins wrote earlier this month that he supports Israel “because my faith tells me to and because it is the right policy for America.”
Ossoff, meanwhile, has long targeted Collins over his white nationalist ties, calling him a “notorious bigot, antisemite and extremist” in June. Ossoff told Collins during a debate that he “hired half the Third Reich to staff your congressional office.”
The quip drew some pushback. “Jon Ossoff, my advice to him is, if you start calling your political opponents Nazis, maybe it’s time to shut up,” said The Atlantic’s center-right staff writer David Brooks, during a PBS NewsHour conversation about personal attacks in this year’s U.S. Senate races. “That’s just not what we do here in this country.”
Meanwhile, Collins’ Jewish supporters have said that Ossoff’s status as a Democrat — a party that increasingly includes strident anti-Zionist voices — is more damning than the headlines around Collins.
“At a time of rising antisemitism, at a time when Jewish Americans need friends, Mike Collins has been a friend to the Jewish community,” Sam Markstein, spokesperson for the Republican Jewish Coalition, told JTA. He said that Collins was “a friend to the Jewish community in the aftermath of Oct. 7” and pointed to his voting record on Israel.
Eric Levine, an RJC board member, said he has not been involved in this particular race but that extremes “must be condemned” on both sides.
“It is never a good thing to have ties to antisemitic/far-right figures,” he told JTA in a text. “I will also say, it is never a good thing to have ties to antisemitic/far left figures like Hasan Piker, [New York Mayor] Zohran Mamdani, [Michigan Senate candidate] Abdul el-Sayed and much of the DSA/Democratic caucus.”
Piker, an anti-Israel streamer who has campaigned with some left-wing Democratic candidates, has drawn heat for remarks about American Jews’ connection to Israel. Earlier this year, he named Ossoff positively as a “dark horse” contender for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination. Ossoff later distanced himself from Piker and has said he will not run for president in 2028. Ossoff endorsed El-Sayed after he won the Democratic nomination in Michigan.
Ossoff has also come under fire for his decision to vote to block certain arms sales to Israel during the height of the Gaza war in November 2024, a position that he has generally stuck to since then.
In July 2025 he voted to block a sale of rifles to Israel, citing mass starvation in Gaza caused by “the policies of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government,” but voted against a resolution that would block an air-to-ground munitions sale.
Ossoff wrote at that time that the U.S. “must continue to support the Israeli people, who face the persistent threat of rocket and missile attack and have been subjected to intense aerial bombardment from Iran, Lebanon, and Yemen.”
Though Ossoff called his commitment to Israel’s security “ironclad” in a Senate floor speech ahead of the arm sales vote, some Jewish voters and organizations said it rang hollow.
Michael Morris, publisher of the Atlanta Jewish Times, penned an open letter this August blasting Ossoff for “lying to me and your constituents” about his support for Israel.
Ossoff’s first vote against weapons in November 2024 spurred another critical letter from several Georgia Jewish organizations including synagogues, Jewish schools, the local Anti-Defamation League chapter and other groups. His vote also drew the attention of AIPAC, which released 30-second ads attacking U.S. senators — including Ossoff — who had voted to block weapons sales.
Asked about Collins’ far-right ties, Morris told JTA he did not believe they were disqualifying.
“Most of the complaints about him are about his son-in-law who is a virulent antisemite,” Morris said in a text. “But his son-in-law does not get to vote, and as a father of 4 girls I can tell you that we do not get ANY say in who our girls marry, so from that standpoint, I am not concerned.”
Morris also said that neither President Donald Trump nor President Joe Biden condemned the most extreme among their voters, and opined that when it comes to Collins’ own extreme backers, he “can maintain their support without taking in their position.”
A number of readers disagreed with Morris’ sharp criticism of Ossoff, however, and wrote letters to the editor expressing their disapproval, as well as their concern about Collins.
“Mike Collins has peddled antisemitism. He has surrounded himself with bigotry while refusing to denounce white supremacy,” wrote a reader named Richard Mitchell, who said he is from Atlanta. “These values do not represent Georgians and are fundamental to why I will not be supporting Collins this election.”
Halier Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, which has endorsed Ossoff, wrote in a statement to JTA that her organization recognizes Ossoff’s “steadfast support for Israel’s security and future as a Jewish and democratic state.”
“Georgia voters should remember that a vote for Mike Collins is a vote for Donald Trump, and Collins is one of the most extreme candidates on the ballot,” she wrote.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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Arab parties have rarely been full partners in governing Israel. It’s time to let them into the tent of Abraham.
Like a goal-line pileup in football, with half the players signaling a touchdown and the other half celebrating a defensive stop, everyone is claiming victory in Israel’s election. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu points to Likud’s status as Israel’s largest party. His opponents point to the loss of his governing majority. Did Netanyahu win? Did the opposition win? Those of us watching from the stands are waiting for the referee’s signal, unsure of what exactly is going on in the field.
The arithmetic is straightforward. In Israel’s 120-seat Knesset, a governing coalition needs 61 seats. Netanyahu’s bloc won 53. The principal Jewish-led opposition parties won 48. Israel’s Arab parties won an unprecedented 19 seats, nearly doubling their previous representation. Neither major bloc can govern alone. The election is over, but the overtime game of coalition politicking has just begun.
There are several paths forward. Netanyahu and his opponents could form a national unity government. Alternatively, either bloc could seek cooperation with Arab parties. The difficulty is that political leaders have drawn red lines against both possibilities.
Herein lies one of the most uncomfortable paradoxes of Israeli democracy: Arab citizens have exercised their democratic rights in extraordinary numbers, yet the very parties whose votes could break the political deadlock are those whom much of Israel’s political establishment refuses to consider as governing partners.
Arab parties have rarely been full partners in Israeli governing coalitions. During Israel’s early decades, Arab lists affiliated with the ruling party participated but enjoyed little autonomy. In the 1990s, Yitzhak Rabin relied on Arab parties from outside his coalition. In 2021, Mansour Abbas and his Islamist Ra’am party became the first independent Arab party to join an Israeli government. Ironically, Netanyahu himself had explored cooperation with Abbas earlier that year.
Since Oct. 7, political boundaries have hardened. The attack, the hostages, the war, the continuing grief and fear have shattered trust. Many Israeli Jews now regard cooperation with non-Zionist parties with profound suspicion. These anxieties cannot be dismissed; there remains a trauma through which much of Israeli society sees its present and future.
The predicament has been called a “dilemma from hell.” Either politicians find a way to cross red lines or Israel risks another election, another round of recriminations, another deepening of its internal divisions.
At the heart of this political dilemma lies a question as old as the Jewish people itself: Can the Jewish family make room for those who do not share its Jewish identity? Can we affirm our own destiny without excluding another?
The biblical precedent
This is not the first time the Jewish people have confronted the question of whether there is room in the Jewish family for those who do not share its identity. The question goes back to the very first Jewish family. In the biblical account, Abraham and Sarah are blessed with Isaac, their long-awaited son. But Isaac is not Abraham’s firstborn. Years earlier, Sarah had given her Egyptian maidservant Hagar to Abraham, and Hagar had borne Ishmael. When Isaac arrives, Sarah perceives Ishmael as a threat. Biblical commentators debate her motivations: Was Ishmael behaving dangerously? Was Sarah concerned about inheritance? Whatever her concerns may have been, Sarah’s demand is unequivocal: “Cast out that woman and her son.” Despite Abraham’s distress, Hagar and Ishmael are sent into the wilderness.
The first Jewish family could not find a way to live together.
Jewish, Christian and Islamic traditions have long associated Ishmael with the ancestry of Arab peoples. It raises the question. What if Isaac’s covenantal destiny had not required Ishmael’s expulsion? What if Abraham’s tent had been large enough for Isaac to remain Isaac, Ishmael to remain Ishmael, and both to know they belonged?
We cannot rewrite Genesis. But given the crossroads Israel faces today, we can ask whether its tragedy must remain ours.
Three considerations make this moment worthy of serious political imagination.
First, consider Israel’s internal political health. Imagine what cooperation across entrenched political divisions might communicate to Israeli society. Coalition politics have always required compromise: Religious parties negotiate military-service exemptions and yeshiva funding. Why should negotiations with Arab parties be categorically unthinkable?
Not all Arab parties are alike, and their differences matter. Mansour Abbas condemned the atrocities of Oct. 7 and has acknowledged Israel’s Jewish character. Surely the “Start-Up Nation” can devise an agreement that safeguards Israel’s security and Jewish character while giving Arab representatives substantive governance over the issues affecting their communities.
Second, consider Israel’s international standing. Israel faces mounting criticism and accusations of discrimination and apartheid. Arab participation in government would not resolve the Palestinian question or erase existing inequalities. But imagine the Jewish state’s democratic promise expressed not only through Arab citizens voting, or the oft-cited presence of Arab pharmacists, but through Arab representatives sharing responsibility at the highest levels of government. What happens in Israel does not stay in Israel. Those of us who defend Israel in the public square understand the significance such an arrangement could carry.
Third, and perhaps most importantly, consider Israel’s Arab citizens. Their communities face violent crime, inadequate policing, infrastructure deficiencies, housing shortages and educational disparities. Effective representation matters. As the saying goes, nobody brings a rental car to the car wash. People invest in institutions in which they have a stake. Giving Arab representatives governing responsibility would strengthen the sense that Israel belongs to all its citizens.
An Israeli friend offered a simple observation this week: “If everyone keeps their pre-election promises, we’re going to have another election.” His comment reminded me of hatarat nedarim, the Jewish legal institution for annulling certain vows. Judaism takes promises seriously. Yet Jewish law also recognizes, as reflected in the tradition of hatarat nedarim and the familiar words of Kol Nidre, that commitments made without full knowledge of future circumstances may, under prescribed conditions and for the greater good, be reconsidered. What good could be greater than the future welfare of the Jewish state?
Jews love invoking Abba Eban’s famous observation that the Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. I can’t help but wonder if this is a moment that future generations will turn that observation back on us.
Perhaps what appears to be a dilemma could become an opportunity to break political deadlock and reconsider entrenched patterns of exclusion – a moment calling for political imagination across the spectrum.
It is the great “what if” of our people, from the first Jewish family to the present day. What if Abraham had found a way to keep Ishmael in the fold? Israel’s leaders now have a chance to recognize possibilities that have longed seemed out of reach; its citizens have a chance to give those leaders the political room to act, and together the opportunity to summon the courage and collective imagination to build a Jewish and democratic state capacious enough for all who seek a place within the tent of Abraham.
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American Jews have fought BDS for 20 years. Israel’s election just handed them the winning move.
For decades, the American Jewish community has battled the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement against Israel. Now, in the aftermath of the election there, it has the opportunity to deal it the biggest blow yet. All it has to do is send one clear message to the Israeli opposition leaders: Join with the Arab parties.
Many Israelis, such as The Democrats party leader Yair Golan, are making the same argument. Arab Israelis voted in historic numbers in this week’s national election, winning a total of 19 seats with all votes counted. Together Zionist and Arab parties would, with 67 seats, become the country’s ruling coalition and bring an end to the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot pledged not to bring Arab parties into his coalition, and doing so would be no easy task. But if pressure builds at home and abroad — and if he gets cover and encouragement from Jewish leaders around the world — he might find a way. It’s a big ask of Eisenkot and more conservative opposition members, but it’s the right ask.
Breaking that one promise would enable Eisenkot to keep many more. He could pass his top legislative priorities, including an independent inquiry into Oct. 7, a crackdown on Jewish terrorism in the West Bank and a restoration of democratic norms.
Those are the immediate — and sufficient — Israeli reasons. There is a more basic one: a democracy shouldn’t treat the votes of 20% of its citizens as treyf. And from abroad, there’s an added benefit, one that could have a long-term impact on Israel’s well-being: Undermining the BDS movement.
For a generation, the movement to boycott, divest and sanction the Jewish state has called on governments, businesses and institutions to pull their investments from Israel, cancel Israeli academics and performers, and ban the import of Israeli goods.
It hasn’t succeeded — yet. Israeli international exports surged to $169 billion in 2025, the highest ever, and more than 35 states have passed anti-BDS laws. But BDS has been notching some major wins: In June, United Auto Workers delegates voted — barely — to divest from Israel bonds, the first major union to do so. Internationally, at least 50 universities, institutions and academic groups ended cooperative programs with Israeli universities, and there have been more than 1,000 cases of academic boycotts, cancellation of student exchange programs and research grants.
Some of that is in direct response to the Gaza War, but the BDS movement has built the infrastructure that turned outrage over the war into concrete actions.
The BDS movement has also normalized, or tried to normalize, the idea that entities that do business with Israel are complicit in apartheid, that Israel is a sham democracy and that Zionism is racism. BDS supplies the vocabulary of anti-Israel diatribes on social media.
Now Israel’s election provides a historic opportunity to prove BDS wrong, to take the steam out of a movement that shows no sign of slowing. Bringing together Jews and Arabs in a ruling coalition would be the single greatest blow to BDS.
For decades, American Jewish leaders and organizations have lobbied government officials, organized counter-petitions and worked to stem the BDS tide.
That job can now either get much easier, or immeasurably more difficult. A Jewish-Arab ruling coalition that acts on the issues of crime and under-investment plaguing Israel’s Arab communities would belie BDS advocates’ claim that a Jewish state and democracy are mutually exclusive.
That same Jewish-Arab partnership would have to work toward resolving Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza disaster — but those enormous tasks will be much easier with a strong majority and in a country not facing constant international pressure.
And if those 19 Arab seats amount to nothing? If the Jewish parties do all within their power to disempower Arab citizens who turned out in historic numbers?
Try arguing against the BDSers then. Try defending Israel as “the only democracy in the Middle East” when 20% of its citizens were just shut out of national representation.
Of course, there are other good reasons to bring the Arab parties into the government. One of them is written into Israel’s Declaration of Independence, which promises Arab inhabitants of the State of Israel, “full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its provisional and permanent institutions.”
For decades many Arab Israelis didn’t believe that sentence because they didn’t experience it. They stayed home, many because they refused to participate in a system that they believed would never truly serve them. This time, enraged by the Gaza War, fearful of violence in their own community and disgusted by the overt racism of Netanyahu’s Kahanist cabinet ministers, they chose to vote.
“I also wanted to show that Palestinians can participate when we choose to, and that our exclusion cannot be blamed on our refusal to enter the political arena,” wrote the journalist Nagham Zbeedat in Haaretz.
Seeing Arab Israelis dance in celebration when the election results were announced is a testament to the power of democracy and the hope it brings.
I know that what gives hope to American Jews like me instills fear in many Israelis. Palestinians from Gaza came over a border and slaughtered their loved ones.
But Palestinian citizens of Israel did not join the terror — something Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar counted on them doing. Arab Israelis were killed alongside their Israeli Jewish neighbors. And in many cases, they rescued Jews under attack.
American Jewish institutions need to step up and fight as hard for including Israeli Arabs in a new government as they do against boycotting Israel. Because fighting for democracy and fighting against BDS — it’s the same fight.
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