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‘Eichmann With a Kippah’? The Immorality Behind the Genocide Libel
Students accusing Israel of genocide at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, US, Nov. 16, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Brian Snyder
For the past few weeks, I’ve been regularly receiving hate messages calling me “Eichmann with a kippah.” The phrase appears in angry screeds from anonymous accounts — often by people apparently pretending to be Jewish women “ashamed” of me for defending Israel. The script never changes: Israel is Nazi Germany, Zionists are fascists, and the IDF is committing “genocide.”
The vocabulary may sound new. The hatred is not. This moral inversion — turning descendants of refugees and survivors of pogroms and genocides into the heirs of their murderers — is one of antisemitism’s oldest tricks, refitted for modern politics.
The “Genocide” Libel Long Predates Oct. 7
The claim that Israel is committing “genocide” didn’t arise after Oct. 7, 2023. Nor did it begin during the Gaza wars of 2008 or 2014. It’s decades old — part of a propaganda campaign that long preceded the current war.
Within hours of Hamas’ Oct. 7 massacre, and before Israel fired a single retaliatory shot, protesters from London to Los Angeles were already chanting “genocide.” The accusation was preloaded, not provoked — waiting to be forced into whatever followed.
Its roots trace back to the 1970s, when Soviet and Arab League propaganda began branding Israel “the new Nazis.” State-controlled media in Moscow, Cairo, and Damascus weaponized Holocaust imagery against the Jewish State, reframing Jewish survival as Jewish supremacy.
By the 1980s, “Zionist genocide” was a standard slogan — even as the Palestinian population in Gaza and Judea and Samaria grew faster than almost any on Earth.
The population growth numbers alone should have ended the claim. But this was never about demography or evidence. It was about demonology — portraying Jewish sovereignty itself as a moral offense.
Why “Israel = Nazis” Is Antisemitic
The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism explicitly lists “drawing comparisons between contemporary Israeli policy and that of the Nazis” as antisemitic. That’s not censorship — it’s moral lucidity.
Equating Israel with Nazi Germany desecrates Jewish memory while denying Jewish self-defense. It turns the Holocaust into a political weapon, stripping Jews of moral legitimacy and redefining their sovereignty and survival as crimes.
That’s why these comparisons surge whenever Israel fights back. They aren’t moral critiques but psychological projections — attempts to turn collective Jewish self-defense into the personification of evil.
The “Appeal to Authority” Fallacy
When challenged, those spreading the “genocide” libel typically resort to what Aristotle first called the appeal to authority fallacy. They list various academics and NGOs — the International Association of Genocide Scholars, UN commissions, and other self-declared arbiters — as if citation equals truth.
None of these are credible judicial bodies. Many are activist-driven and politically biased. The UN Human Rights Council has condemned Israel more than all other nations combined, including Iran, China, and North Korea. Even the highly politicized International Court of Justice has made no finding of genocide — only procedural rulings allowing South Africa’s case to proceed.
And even those arguments collapse under scrutiny. Before Oct. 7, the “genocide” claim was absurd: Israel had withdrawn from Gaza in 2005, leaving it under Palestinian rule, even as Gaza’s population doubled.
After Oct. 7, the same activists rebranded Hamas’ war — launched with barbaric mass murder and hostage-taking — as “Israeli genocide.” They ignored the central element of genocide: intent.
Israel’s actions show the opposite intent — an intent to avoid civilian casualties. It issues evacuation warnings, opens humanitarian corridors, coordinates aid deliveries, and risks soldiers’ lives in ground operations to spare noncombatants. No nation in history accused of genocide has ever done those things.
The Ethical Reality
If genocide requires intent to destroy a people, Hamas and its patron, Iran, fit that definition far better than Israel ever could.
Hamas’ charter calls for the extermination of Jews everywhere. Its leaders boasted that Oct. 7 was “only the beginning” and vowed to “repeat it again and again.”
Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, has long declared that Israel must be “wiped off the map” while arming Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis — all sworn to Israel’s annihilation.
In Gaza, Hamas hides in hospitals and schools, fires rockets from residential areas, and turns its own civilians into human shields. It even has uniforms for parades but not for combat — deliberately fighting in civilian clothes to endanger its own population. Hamas has built more than 700 kilometers of tunnels, not to protect civilians, but to shelter its commanders and stockpile weapons. When Gazans try to flee to Israeli-designated safe zones, Hamas often blocks or attacks them to increase civilian death tolls.
This is not a liberation movement. It is a fascist death cult that thrives on civilian suffering. Every Palestinian death becomes Hamas propaganda.
Israel, by contrast, spends billions on defense — bomb shelters, Iron Dome, and precision weaponry — yet is condemned as genocidal for refusing to surrender to the openly genocidal forces Iran has armed and financed around it.
If the genocide label were applied honestly, it would have been used for Syria, where over half a million non-Alawites were slaughtered, or in Yemen, Sudan, and Ethiopia, where famine and ethnic killings reach truly genocidal levels. But the same NGOs and academics most vocal about “Israel’s genocide” are largely silent in the face of those atrocities. Their outrage isn’t proportional to suffering — it’s proportional to Jewish sovereignty.
The Psychological Comfort of the Lie
The “genocide” accusation persists because it serves two needs.
First, it comforts those who crave moral simplicity. Admitting that Hamas and Iran are fascist aggressors would mean acknowledging that evil exists outside the West — and that Jews are its target once again.
Second, it soothes those who resent Israel’s existence — who hate that Jews took “Never Again” seriously and built a thriving democratic state to ensure it. The libel restores the moral hierarchy they prefer: Jews as either evil or as victims, but never as defenders.
Calling Israel “Nazi-like” lets these moral poseurs feel righteous without learning anything. It turns ignorance into empathy and hashtags into heroism.
The Continuity of Antisemitic Tropes
From “Christ-killers” to “baby-killers,” from “poisoners of wells” to “genocide perpetrators,” the accusation never truly changes — only the vocabulary does.
Now a new smear circulates alongside “genocide”: “denier.” Anyone who defends Israel or questions Hamas’ death tolls is labeled a “genocide denier,” as if doubting Hamas propaganda were equivalent to denying the Holocaust. This isn’t moral reasoning. It’s moral sadism.
What we’re witnessing isn’t a policy debate but a war over moral reality. One side believes Jewish sovereignty and self-defense are rights; the other believes their crimes.
The Hatred That Never Dies
Those accusing Israel of “genocide” aren’t defending human rights. They’re heirs to a long tradition of antisemitic inversion — from medieval blood libels to Soviet propaganda — now repackaged as “justice.”
It should go without saying: Israel is not Nazi Germany. It is the living refutation of Nazi Germany — a pluralistic democracy where Jews, Muslims, Christians, and Druze, men and women alike, share full civil rights, and whose army does more to prevent civilian casualties than any military in history.
The “genocide” libel says less about Israel than about those who need to believe it. Because to accept the truth — that Jewish self-defense and sovereignty are not crimes — would mean confronting an ancient hatred they can’t let go of.
And that hatred, history shows, never dies. It just changes its vocabulary.
Micha Danzig is an attorney, former IDF soldier, and former NYPD officer. He writes widely on Israel, antisemitism, and Jewish history and serves on the board of Herut North America.
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Trump is still going after Palestinians in the U.S. Jews must keep protesting those antidemocratic efforts
Mohsen Mahdawi, a 35-year-old Palestinian, has been a permanent resident of the United States for the past 14 years. And as the U.S. government presses ahead with efforts to deport him over his pro-Palestinian advocacy at Columbia University, more than 1,000 Jews have come forward to defend him by signing an open letter I authored.
Why? At a time of particularly fractious division in the Jewish community over issues related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, how is it possible that so many Jews have come together in support of a Palestinian activist?
One key reason is that the government is seeking to infringe upon the rights of someone who neither engaged in acts of violence nor supported them. In July, the Second Circuit Court overruled a prior district court judge’s dismissal of the deportation case against Mahdawi, giving new energy to the government’s efforts.
Mahdawi has committed no crime; the government has not even bothered to accuse him of doing so. Instead, he simply gave voice to his belief in the necessity of freedom for his people.
Jews of all ideological stripes can and should agree that it is wrong to penalize someone for the expression of their political views. They don’t need to go far back in time to recall that such tactics have often been used against Jews themselves — in the Soviet Union to suppress refuseniks who sought to manifest their identity as Jews; in the U.S. during the McCarthy era; and, most ominously, during the dark age of Nazi totalitarianism.
In drafting an open letter defending Mahdawi, focused on the attack on his political rights, I hoped that a diverse range of Jews would be willing to acknowledge that whether they agree or disagree with Mahdawi, the government’s targeting of him represents a threat to all of us.
I know Mahdawi personally. We met at a peace-building retreat in the summer of 2024. He was an enormously compelling presence who drew people together through his preternatural calmness and clarity of purpose.
Since then, I have come to see him as a unifier, not a divider. He’s an advocate of peace, not war. And he has the potential to become a leader of enormous charisma and potential.
So why has the Trump administration devoted so much attention to persecuting a Palestinian student who has repeatedly called out antisemitism, including at a Palestinian solidarity rally at Columbia?
The sad reality is that Mahdawi, like his fellow Columbia student Mahmoud Khalil, is being persecuted for the crime of being Palestinian.
The U.S. State Department came up with the logic-defying claim, in March 2025, that Mahdawi’s activities at Columbia “would have a potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences and would compromise a compelling U.S. foreign policy interest.” If this administration truly wishes to advance its foreign policy interests, then it should focus on reconstructing Gaza and building a framework for peace between Israelis and Palestinians, not targeting a devoted adept of non-violence like Mahdawi.
Many who signed the letter in support of Mahdawi joined in for the simple reason that they believe it is un-American to discriminate against people on the basis of their political views. Some who added their names felt, as I did , that there was another compelling reason to sign on: that Mahdawi’s activism gives the lie to the prevalent myth that to be pro-Palestine is to be antisemitic. This proposition gets buried in the raging discourse around antisemitism and Israel today.
It is essential to recognize that support for the cause of Palestinian freedom and self-determination is not the political or moral equivalent of antisemitism. It is a precondition to a world in which Israeli Jews and Palestinians live peaceably together. And it is a cause that Jews, by virtue of their own historical experience of exile, should be eminently capable of both understanding and supporting.
Mohsen Mahdawi perfectly exemplifies the position. He is fierce in his advocacy for Palestinian rights. And he is fierce in his opposition to all forms of identity-based discrimination, including and especially, antisemitism. He deserves better from the U.S., and we Jews must vigorously oppose the profound miscarriage of justice being directed against him.
David N. Myers teaches Jewish history at UCLA.
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Lawmakers seek 100-foot buffer zone around houses of worship to protect prayer goers from protests
(JTA) — A bipartisan group of lawmakers introduced a federal legislation Thursday in the House and Senate aimed at protecting houses of worship from disruptive demonstrations, following a series of protests outside of synagogues this year.
The Right to Worship Act was introduced by Sens. Ted Cruz, a Texas Republican, and Elissa Slotkin, a Michigan Democrat, alongside Reps. Brad Knott, a North Carolina Republican, and Tom Suozzi, a New York Democrat. It would establish a 100-foot “buffer zone” around houses of worship during religious services — mirroring similar legislation recently enacted in New York.
“The First Amendment guarantees every American the right to freely exercise their faith, and Congress has a duty to ensure that guarantee is met,” Cruz said in a statement Thursday.
The legislation would also establish civil penalties for offenders and provide pathways for individuals, including state attorneys, to seek court orders and damages in federal court. While the legislation would target protesters who knowingly disrupt scheduled religious services, houses of worship would not be required to make their schedules public.
The bill’s sponsors say the measure is aimed at conduct rather than the content of protesters’ speech.
“No one should have to push through a hostile crowd or shout over a bullhorn in an attempt to pray,” said Jonathan Greenblatt, the CEO and national director of the Anti-Defamation League, which helped lawmakers draft the legislation.
It’s the latest attempt at passing federal legislation aimed at insulating houses of worship from protest, following Suozzi’s “SACRED Act” legislation, a similar bill he introduced in April but which has not progressed in the House.
Those efforts have now been joined by Slotkin, who is Jewish, and Cruz, who has often taken aim at antisemitism within the Republican coalition over the past year.
“Exercising your right to worship should not require you to exhibit particular courage as you enter your synagogue, church, mosque, temple, mandir, or gurdwara,” Suozzi said in a statement.
The New York City Council passed a local buffer zone bill in March following a series of pro-Palestinian protests outside of synagogues that hosted Israeli real estate expos. While Jewish groups and leaders heavily advocated for the measure, it also faced opposition from civil rights leaders who said it would have a chilling effect on First Amendment protections.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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Over 95% of Canadian Jewish university students report exposure to antisemitism
(JTA) — Nearly all Jewish students surveyed on Canadian university campuses said they have experienced or witnessed antisemitism, according to a new government-commissioned report.
The survey from the Department of Canadian Heritage found that 95.7% of Jewish students said they were exposed to antisemitism, with 70% saying their university did not take antisemitism seriously and 22% reporting physical violence against Jews.
“Antisemitism on Canadian campuses is neither isolated nor episodic,” said Jack Jedwab, the report’s main author, at a press conference in Ottawa on Wednesday. “It can reasonably be described as systemic.”
The surveyed students anonymously detailed rhetoric, discriminatory treatment, vandalism, intimidation and physical attacks from their classmates as well as professors and administrators. Some 45% said they experienced Holocaust denial or distortion often or sometimes, and 65% said they encountered it “at least rarely.”
One respondent said they had witnessed a friend who wears a kippah being chased out of a school building by a group of students who shouted, “There is a Jew … let’s get him.”
Another student described a professor writing that “we need to kill all Zionists, that she had worked with them and saw how evil they were.” Students also said they were pressured by peers and professors to give their opinions on Israel because they were openly Jewish.
Some 36% of respondents complained about course content or classroom discussions that “they experienced as antisemitic or biased,” while 34% said “a professor introduced Jews, Judaism, Israel, or Zionism when unrelated to the course subject.”
The survey, out Wednesday as part of a report titled Campus Antisemitism and Student Experiences, included about 900 Jewish students from schools across Canada. It was originally conducted for the government’s special envoy on antisemitism, a role that Prime Minister Mark Carney’s administration dissolved alongside an Islamophobia envoy earlier this year.
Carney replaced those offices with a new Ministerial Advisory Council on Rights, Equality, and Inclusion, which he announced in June after saying that the country was “failing Jewish Canadians.” The new council was introduced as a push to unify the government’s approach toward combating systemic prejudice, but some Jewish groups decried the elimination of distinct envoys.
Pressure has mounted on Carney’s administration to stem the tide of antisemitic attacks in Canada since 2023, including gunfire at Jewish schools and synagogues and attacks on Jewish businesses and community centers.
On the same day the report was released, an Oklahoma-based organization called Jewish Tulsa made news for urging President Donald Trump’s administration to offer refugee status to Jewish Canadians.
“With the urgency around the challenges and the inaction we see in Canada, an asylum pathway makes sense,” Joe Roberts, who leads the conservative think tank, told The Canadian Press. He said that his family moved from Ontario to Tulsa after witnessing antisemitic graffiti in his neighborhood.
Martha Piper, former president of the University of British Columbia, said the campus antisemitism report revealed “a shocking presence of campus antisemitism throughout this country along with a troubling institutional failure to respond.”
“The results suggest a university culture that is not welcoming to Jewish students and systemically tries to exclude and vilify them,” said Piper.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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