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Federal judge lets Hasidic abuse whistleblower’s civil-rights lawsuit against NYC move to trial

(New York Jewish Week) — A federal judge in Brooklyn has denied a bid by New York City and the estate of former Brooklyn District Attorney Charles Hynes to throw out a civil-rights lawsuit brought by Hasidic sex-abuse whistleblower Sam Kellner, clearing the way for a jury to hear claims that top prosecutors helped engineer his arrest to benefit a convicted child molester.

The 82-page ruling, by Judge Nina R. Morrison of the Eastern District of New York, is significant, as it effectively strips both the district attorney and the city of the legal immunity they would normally enjoy. Typically, absolute immunity protects prosecutors from civil suits over decisions about whether and how to bring criminal charges, while qualified immunity shields government officials from paying damages unless they violate clearly established legal rights.

“Justice for Sam has been a slow train coming. That train is now about to arrive,” said Niall MacGiollabhui, Kellner’s attorney, in a statement to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

The long saga leading to the judge’s decision began in 2008, when Kellner, a Borough Park resident, defied communal norms and reported his son’s sexual abuse by a prominent community member, Baruch Lebovits, to secular authorities. Working closely with a detective in the NYPD’s Special Victims Unit, Kellner helped locate and bring forward other alleged victims of Lebovits. His cooperation ultimately helped lead to Lebovits’ 2010 conviction on multiple counts involving another boy, identified as Y.R.

The Lebovits prosecution was a rarity in a community where few child sexual abuse cases ever make it to trial, let alone end in a substantial sentence. At the time, Hynes had been under mounting fire for how his office handled sexual abuse in the Hasidic community, with anti-abuse advocates arguing that the DA went easy on Hasidic offenders in deference to a Hasidic leadership capable of reliably delivering campaign contributions and a bloc vote.

For his involvement in the case, Kellner paid a steep price. Even though he obtained rabbinic permission to go to the authorities, community members branded him an informer or “moser,” a label that has serious consequences in Jewish tradition. He often left his house to find his tires slashed and his van papered with flyers calling for his death; people yelled threats at him on the street. He was also forced out of his synagogue and had trouble finding schools that would enroll his children; securing marriage matches for them took years.

Kellner says he also fielded a steady stream of offers of cash if he would just walk away from the case. He refused them all, saying that his son and the other boys were entitled to justice, even as he sank deeper into debt and isolation, becoming a cautionary tale for both supporters of abuse victims and critics who view cooperation with secular authorities as a betrayal.

But things only got worse for Kellner after Lebovits’ conviction. In 2011, he was arrested by the very same district attorney’s office that had used him to help put Lebovits behind bars. Prosecutors charged him with orchestrating an extortion scheme, alleging that he tried to use the very case he had helped build as leverage to extract hundreds of thousands of dollars from Lebovits’ family, and also accusing him of paying another witness to give false grand jury testimony against Lebovits.

People who had supported him fell away as he was branded an extortionist, a “crook” who would sell out his own son for money. Friends abandoned him, and even some family members kept their distance. “I wanted to vanish. I wanted that the floor would open up and I would fall into it,” he says.

Over time, however, the criminal case against Kellner unraveled amid mounting questions about the reliability and origins of the evidence against him, and in 2014 a Brooklyn judge dismissed the charges after the newly elected district attorney moved to drop the prosecution. Freed of the threat of prison, but maintaining that he had been framed for doing what the system asked of him, Kellner went on to file a federal civil‑rights lawsuit in 2017, accusing Brooklyn prosecutors of conspiring with allies of Lebovits to retaliate against him and upset Lebovits’ original abuse conviction.

In his filings, Kellner argues that these officials prosecuted him even though the DA’s office already possessed powerful evidence of Lebovits’ guilt and internal records suggesting that key witnesses against Kellner had been pressured — and, in one case, financially supported by Lebovits’ backers — turning the machinery of law enforcement against the father of a sex abuse victim in order to free a well-connected, convicted child molester.

For Kellner, the recent ruling is, in part, a kind of personal vindication.

“Wow, what a revenge. Fourteen years later and you exchange places with Charles Hynes. It is such a good felling that they are going to say ‘plaintiff Sam Kellner, defendant the City of New York and Charles Hynes.’”

But, more important, Kellner believes the judge’s decision offers proof that victims in his community can — and should — trust the justice system, no matter how slowly it moves.

“After my arrest, no rabbi was going to let a kid come forward, and then let that kid go to jail while the DA takes the side of the molester,” Kellner said.

Now, he believes, “these animals, these molesters should start feeling that they can no longer continue to molest in this neighborhood, and threaten the victims and get away with it because the DA will be on their side.”

For some, however, recent actions by the current DA, Eric Gonzalez, belie those sentiments. Just last month, Gonzalez drew sharp criticism from anti-abuse advocates for supporting the resentencing request of another convicted child molester from the Hasidic community, Nechemya Weberman, who has served about 13 years of his term.

Weberman was originally sentenced to more than 100 years for the sustained sexual abuse of a 12-year-old girl he was counseling, but that sentence was later reduced to 50 years through an administrative recalculation required by New York sentencing law. Gonzalez has argued that even the 50-year term is “unusually harsh” and out of step with sentences in comparable child-sex-abuse cases. His critics say he has caved to pressure from the same communal and political forces that arrayed themselves against Kellner and that his stance betrays survivors and undermines deterrence.

But Kellner still has faith.

“Until now, I was an example of why not to go to the DA,” he said. “They killed me. I am already 65. I was just over 45 when it started. They killed me. But I knew one thing: They are not going to have the victory that no one is going to come forward. Trust the system.”

The post Federal judge lets Hasidic abuse whistleblower’s civil-rights lawsuit against NYC move to trial appeared first on The Forward.

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Jewish witchcraft isn’t as weird as it sounds

Madonna, incongruously, may be largely responsible for introducing the public to a mystical, magical image of Judaism — one that went beyond old men bent over books, studying laws for keeping kosher or Shabbat. Her red string bracelet and her studies of kabbalah gave the religion a new air of mystery and occultism.

But Judaism has always been full of mystical, magical traditions. Jews made amulets to protect against the evil eye, or for luck and prosperity. They beseeched and pacified the dead. Rabbis wrote protective charms for their flock. Psychics and palm readers told the fortunes of Jews and non-Jews alike.

A new exhibit, “Jews are Magic: Occult Practices from Palmistry to Psychics” from YIVO and the Center for Jewish History, delves into the history of the occult in Ashkenazi Judaism. The display, which pulls from YIVO’s archives, has examples of occultism drawing from two Jewish communities: the shtetl and the city.

One side of the exhibit showcases letters to great rabbis asking for blessings and remedies, as well as written spells and amulets protecting against demons like Lilith. The other features photos and biographies of professional Jewish clairvoyants and fortune tellers, who worked mostly in urban areas serving both Jews and gentiles with seances, palmistry and the like, advertising in newspapers and performing on stages.

It’s a lot to cover, and it’s complicated not only by the history but by a quote from Deuteronomy, highlighted in the exhibit. It explicitly forbids those who “useth divination” as well as those who are an “enchanter, or a witch, or a charmer, or a consulter with familiar spirits, or a wizard or a necromancer.” It is a comprehensive list, and doesn’t mince words, calling all of these magicians “an abomination.” Yet even great rabbis and Talmudists wrote charms. How could magic be so pervasive in Judaism when it is so expressly prohibited?

This is the fundamental question of the exhibit, but the show is small and has limited space to fully examine the contradictions. Its artifacts span so much time that it is difficult to intuit the connections between, say, Terfren Laila — a traveling psychic born Else Terese Frenkel who wore a ruby-adorned turban and pretended to be from Singapore by way of India (despite her Yiddish accent) — and letters asking a Talmud scholar to heal a loved one.

Thankfully, to open the exhibition, YIVO held a panel discussion between two scholars, Rokhl Kafrissen, an expert in Ashkenazi women’s folk magic, and Samuel Glauber, whose expertise is Jewish occultism in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Moderated by YIVO’s Eddy Portnoy, the panelists discussed the ways that superstitions arose in shtetls and were mined by those looking to make a few shekels.

Kafrissen explained that magic was a normal part of Jewish life for centuries, largely practiced by women; their domain was the home, encompassing everything from health to wealth, including charms and remedies. And just because these women’s rituals weren’t a “normative” part of Judaism — which is to say, institutional or recorded by official religious texts — they were certainly a normal part of life. Women led rituals such as cemetery measuring, a practice in which string was used to encircle the graveyard while praying and later used to make “soul candles” for Yom Kippur, and removed the evil eye from anyone concerned they had been cursed — what Kafrissen called “everyday Ashkenazi magic.”

But over time, these rituals — long central to Ashkenazi life — were pushed out as some Jewish leaders hoped to modernize their religion. Science rose to take the place of folk magic, and people began to dismiss these practices, which were rarely written down, as mere superstition.

This sense that Judaism was full of magic, however, fed easily into Christian suspicions about Jewish witchcraft, and perhaps encouraged some of the urban psychics and spiritualists to lean on Judaism to increase their mystery.

Glauber’s research focuses on this latter, urban category, a far cry from the shtetl folk magic. These Jewish men and women took part in a craze that enraptured far more than just Jews — seances and fortune-telling were trendy throughout the Victorian era and beyond, and its Jewish performers did not only serve Jews. (Though those suspected to be Jewish were covered hungrily by the Jewish press.) They worked magic on stage and sold their services to eager consumers hoping to speak to the dead or know the future.

Some of these performers tried to hide their Judaism, like the turban-wearing Laila, who managed to become famous enough to tell the fortunes of celebrity clients in Los Angeles and London. Another was trusted by Stalin.

Others, such as Abraham Hochman, were open about their Judaism; Hochman helped the Jewish immigrant community in New York by using his supposed psychic abilities to help women who had arrived in the city find runaway husbands. (The problem was so pervasive that the Forverts had a “Gallery of Missing Husbands” column to do the same.) One branded himself a mystical rabbi, leaning into Judaism’s mystique, which led to an audience, Glauber said, made up mostly of Christian barmaids.

Much of this information discussed by Glauber and Kafrissen is not included in the exhibit, which largely consists of fragments of papers from YIVO’s archives. The end of their discussion touched briefly on yet another rich source of magic: modern Hasidism. But neither the discussion nor exhibit had space to expand on this topic, making it hard to find the throughline between demon-warding amulets and today’s Judaism.

Still, no exhibit or discussion can capture the subject in its entirety. What “Jews are Magic” does best is spark curiosity, and a desire to learn more. That, in itself, is a kind of Jewish magic.

The exhibit ‘Jews are Magic’ is on display from May 26 to Dec. 31 2026 at the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research in the Center for Jewish History in New York City.

The post Jewish witchcraft isn’t as weird as it sounds appeared first on The Forward.

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Staunch Israel critic and Gaza trauma surgeon Adam Hamawy wins NJ-12 primary

(JTA) — Adam Hamawy, the staunch Israel critic who served as a trauma surgeon in Gaza, is expected to join Congress after winning the Democratic primary in New Jersey’s 12th district on Tuesday.

The political novice held a 12-point margin ahead of second-place candidate Brad Cohen with 86% of the vote in, even as he faced questions over his past ties to Omar Abdel-Rahman, the “Blind Sheikh” convicted on terrorism charges in 1995. Hamawy’s camp had called the questions “gross and bigoted” and said the attacks against him were “getting more desperate than ever.”

At a time when Israel is becoming increasingly unpopular among Democratic voters, Hamawy’s victory makes him the latest in a string of vocally pro-Palestinian progressives to win Democratic elections in blue districts in this year’s midterms, following fellow New Jersey candidate Analilia Mejia and Chris Rabb in Pennsylvania.

“The Democratic establishment just got a wake-up call!” wrote PAL PAC, a pro-Palestinian group that had endorsed Hamawy, on X. “This victory proves what we have known all along: Standing firmly and unapologetically for Palestinian freedom is a WINNING platform.”

Hamawy, who is credited with having saved Sen. Tammy Duckworth’s life during the Iraq War, was also boosted by $2 million in spending by American Priorities, a super PAC that aims to counterweight the pro-Israel lobbying group AIPAC by installing pro-Palestinian progressives in Congress. He was endorsed by a slew of left-wing politicians and campaigned alongside the streamer Hasan Piker, who’s been accused of antisemitic rhetoric. He is set to succeed Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman, who is retiring at the end of her term.

As an opponent of Israel’s Iron Dome missile defense system and a supporter of a complete arms embargo and the right of return for Palestinian refugees, Hamawy will become one of Congress’ sharpest Israel critics if he wins November’s general election, which he is expected to do in the deep-blue district.

Hamawy said that he finds antisemitism “abhorrent” and that he is “deeply worried about its continued rise” in a statement to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency last week.

“As a Muslim, I understand what it feels like to face bigotry, to feel unsafe in your community and to have your loyalty to this country questioned,” Hamawy said. “In this country, we have seen recent attacks at both synagogues and mosques. I see our safety as intertwined.”

Asked about Jewish constituents who disagree with his stance on Israel, Hamawy told JTA, “I hope we can still connect on shared values and goals, including peace, justice, safety and dignity.” He added that his door “will always be open.”

Ken Martin, chair of the Democratic National Committee, did not mention Hamawy’s pro-Palestinian advocacy in a statement congratulating him on his win.

“As a veteran, combat surgeon, and small business owner, Adam Hamawy has continually served his community and our country. He is a proven fighter for working families,” Martin said. “We look forward to welcoming him to Congress, where he will continue the fight to lower costs, expand access to healthcare, and make life more affordable for New Jersey families.”

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

The post Staunch Israel critic and Gaza trauma surgeon Adam Hamawy wins NJ-12 primary appeared first on The Forward.

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Scott Wiener wins spot in general election for San Francisco House seat as a Jewish critic of Israel

California State Sen. Scott Wiener advanced Tuesday as the frontrunner to succeed former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi in Congress, in a contest closely watched in Jewish politics after Wiener called Israel’s actions in the Gaza War a genocide and called for a halt to arms sales to Israel.

Wiener, a 55-year-old progressive Democrat who is Jewish, advanced with the most votes, with  42% of the ballots with about half counted as of Wednesday morning in California’s top-two primary for the deep-blue San Francisco district Pelosi has represented for nearly four decades. In November’s general election he will face the runner-up Democrat, San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, who is backed by Pelosi.

In his victory speech, Wiener promised to fight the Trump administration’s “disaster of a regime” that has “commandeered this country, that is tearing down our democracy and the rule of law, that is getting us into disastrous wars.”

“I’m polite but not quiet,” he added. “I’m not going to wait my turn.”

Wiener’s possible arrival in Congress comes amid a broader reshaping of Jewish Democratic politics, as a more progressive and younger generation of Jewish candidates increasingly embraces a more critical approach toward Israel.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict became a key issue that defined his congressional campaign. In an interview with the Forward last year, after announcing his bid, Wiener said his approach reflects that of the “large majority of Democrats in Congress” who don’t want to sever ties with Israel but are critical of the policies of the right-wing government.

Wiener’s declaration in January accusing Israel of genocide caused an uproar among Jewish leaders and voters nationally and prompted his resignation as co-chair of the California Jewish Caucus.

Wiener had already positioned himself as a progressive on Israel. He was an early supporter of a bilateral ceasefire, called the war “indefensible” and said he would back congressional measures to halt the sale of offensive weapons to Israel. But his declaration of genocide came under duress, after he faced widespread backlash from progressive voters when he refused during a candidate debate to say whether or not he believed Israel was committing genocide.

The episode reflected both the political pressures facing Jewish members of Congress and the changing landscape of Democratic leadership.

Wiener is running in the company of Massachusetts Rep. Seth Moulton, who is challenging incumbent Sen. Ed Markey in Massachusetts; Brad Lander, running against Rep. Dan Goldman in New York; and Daniel Biss, the Democratic nominee for the Illinois seat represented by retiring Rep. Jan Schakowsky, all of whom promised not to take contributions from the Israeli government-allied American Israel Public Affairs Committee.

These Jewish candidates remain supportive of Israel’s existence and reject efforts to isolate the Jewish state. But they are now more willing to embrace language that would have been politically unthinkable for mainstream Jewish elected officials just a decade ago, when figures such as retiring congressman Jerry Nadler and the late Reps. Nita Lowey and Eliot Engel, all of New York, were the faces of progressive Jewish politics. Pelosi, who often spoke of her pride in her Jewish grandchildren and her father’s early support for Israel’s founding, led a generation of Democrats for whom unwavering pro-Israel support was a given.

Wiener’s election would signal the start of a new era. Notably absent from Wiener’s remarks on Tuesday were references to Israel, antisemitism or his Jewish identity.

Other California races

Other high-profile California races saw progressive candidates outside the bubble as centrist and conservative candidates advanced in open primaries where the top two vote-getters advance to the general election.

In Los Angeles, with about half of votes counted, Republican ex-reality TV star Spencer Pratt (29.5% of the vote) appears poised to advance to the general election, along with incumbent Democratic Mayor Karen Bass (36.5%). Nithya Raman — a democratic socialist who once won a pro-Israel endorsement — lags well behind them with about half the votes counted. Billionaire Democrat (and former synagogue president) Adam Miller was a distant fourth, with 4% of the vote.

And with a slew of Democrats splitting votes in the governor’s race, Republican talk show host Steve Hilton led all candidates with 27% of the vote, closely trailed by Xavier Becerra (26%), who was the health and human services secretary under President Joe Biden. Billionaire progressive Tom Steyer had just under 20% of the vote with about half of the votes counted.

Rep. Brad Sherman of Los Angeles will advance to the general election, staving off a challenge from fellow Democrat Jake Levine, a former Biden administration official.

Rep. Ro Khanna had 57% of the vote in his Silicon Valley district, meaning he will most likely win the office without a runoff. Khanna is one of the most outspoken critics of Israel in Congress.

The post Scott Wiener wins spot in general election for San Francisco House seat as a Jewish critic of Israel appeared first on The Forward.

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