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How the Holocaust is remembered in the land of Anne Frank
(JTA) — You’d think that in a country so closely identified with Anne Frank — perhaps the Holocaust’s best-known victim — cultivating memory of the genocide wouldn’t be a steep challenge.
That’s why a recent survey, suggesting what the authors called a “disturbing” lack of knowledge in the Netherlands about the Holocaust, set off alarm bells. “Survey shows lack of Holocaust awareness in the Netherlands,” wrote the Associated Press. “In the Netherlands, a majority do not know the Holocaust affected their country,” was the JTA headline. “The Holocaust is a myth, a quarter of Dutch younger generation agree,” per the Jerusalem Post.
“Survey after survey, we continue to witness a decline in Holocaust knowledge and awareness. Equally disturbing is the trend towards Holocaust denial and distortion,” Gideon Taylor, the president of the Conference of Jewish Material Claims Against Germany, which conducted the study, said in a statement.
Like other recent studies by Claims Conference, the latest survey has been challenged by some scholars, who say the sample size is small, or the survey is too blunt a tool for examining what a country’s residents do or don’t know about their history. Even one of the experts who conducted the survey chose to focus on the positive findings: “I am encouraged by the number of respondents to this survey that believe Holocaust education is important,” Emile Schrijver, the general director of Amsterdam’s Jewish Cultural Quarter, told JTA.
One of the scholars who says the survey doesn’t capture the subtleties of Holocaust education and commemoration in the Netherlands is Jazmine Contreras, an assistant professor of history at Goucher College in Maryland. Contreras studies the historical memory of the Holocaust and Second World War in Holland. In a Twitter thread earlier this week, she agreed with those who say that “the headline that’s being plastered everywhere exaggerates the idea that young people in NL know nothing about the Holocaust.”
At the same time, she notes that while the Netherlands takes Holocaust education and commemoration seriously, it has a long way to go in reckoning with a past that includes collaboration with the Nazis, postwar antisemitism, a small but vocal far right and a sense of national victimhood that often downplays the experience of Jews during the Shoah.
“It’s such a complex issue,” Contreras told me. “There’s no one answer to how the Holocaust is remembered in the Netherlands.”
Today is International Holocaust Remembrance Day, and I took the opportunity to speak with Contreras not only about Dutch memory, but how the Netherlands may serve as an example of how countries deal with Holocaust memory and the national stories they tell.
Our interview was edited for length and clarity.
Jewish Telegraphic Agency: Tell me a little bit about when you saw the survey, and perhaps how it didn’t mesh with what you know about the Netherlands?
Jazmine Contreras: My major problem is that every single outlet is picking up this story and running a headline like, “Youth in the Netherlands don’t even know the Holocaust happened there. They cannot tell you how many people were killed, how many were deported.” And I think that’s really problematic because it paints a really simplistic picture of Holocaust memory and Holocaust education in that country.
There are multiple programs, in Amsterdam, in other cities, in Westerbork, the former transit camp. They have an ongoing program that brings survivors and the second generation to colleges, to middle schools and primary schools all across the country. And they also have in Amsterdam a program called Oorlog in Mijn Buurt, “War in My Neighborhood,” and basically young people become the “memory bearers” — that’s the kind of language they use — and interview people who grew up and experience the war in their neighborhood, and then speak as if they were the person who experienced it, in the first person.
You also have events around the May 4 commemoration remembering the Dutch who died in war and in peacekeeping operations, and a program called Open Jewish Houses [when owners of formerly Jewish property open their homes to strangers to talk about the Jews who used to live there]. It’s really amazing: I’ve actually been able to visit these formerly Jewish homes and hear the stories. And, of course, the Anne Frank House has its own slew of programming, and teachers talk a lot about the Holocaust and take students to synagogues in places like Groningen, where they have a brand new exhibit at the synagogue. They are taking thousands at this point. The new National Holocaust Names Memorial is in the center of Amsterdam.
I think, again, this idea that children are growing up without having exposure to Holocaust memory, or knowledge of what happened in the Netherlands, is a bit skewed. I think we get into a dangerous area if we’re painting the country with a broad brush and saying nobody knows anything about the Holocaust.
Have you anecdotal evidence or seen studies of Dutch kids about whether they’re getting the education they need?
Anecdotally, yes. I was invited to attend a children’s commemoration that they do at the Hollandsche Schouwburg theater in Amsterdam, which is the former Dutch theater that was used as a major deportation site. And it’s children who put on a commemoration themselves. Again, not every child is participating in this, but if they’re not participating in the children’s commemoration, then they’re doing the “War in My Neighborhood” program, or they’re doing Open Jewish Houses, or they’re taking field trips. That’s pretty impressive to me, and it’s pretty meaningful. They want to help participate in it in the future. They want to come back because it leaves a lasting impression for them.
Let’s back up a bit. Anne Frank dominates everyone’s thinking about Holland and the Holocaust. And I guess the story that’s told is that she was protected by her neighbors until, of course, the Nazis proved too powerful, found her and sent her away. What’s right and what’s wrong about that narrative?
Don’t forget that Anne Frank was a German Jewish refugee who came to the Netherlands. And I think that part of the story is also really interesting and left out. She’s this Dutch icon, but she was a German Jewish refugee who came to the Netherlands, and the Dutch Jewish community was single-handedly responsible for funding, at Westerbork, what was first a refugee center. I think that’s really complicated because now we also have a discourse about present-day refugees and the Holocaust.
Jazmine Contreras, an assistant professor of history at Goucher College, specializes in Dutch Holocaust memory. (Courtesy)
I’ve also never quite understood the insistence on making her an icon when the end of the story is that she’s informed on and dies in a concentration camp. The idea that the Franks were hidden here fits really well into this idea of Dutch resistance and tolerance, and her diary often gets misquoted to kind of represent her as someone who had hope despite the fact that she was being persecuted. In the 1950s, her narrative gets adopted into the U.S., and we treat it as this globalizing human rights discourse.
We don’t talk about the fact that she’s found because she’s informed upon, and we don’t talk about the fact that you had non-Jewish civilians who were informers for a multitude of reasons, including ideological collaboration and their own financial gain.
And when it was talked about most recently, it was about a discredited book that named her betrayer as a Jew.
That was a huge controversy.
I get the sense from your writing that the story the Dutch tell about World War II is very incomplete, and that they haven’t fully reckoned with their collaboration under Nazi occupation even as they emphasize their own victimhood.
On the national state level, they have officially acknowledged not only the extensive collaboration, but the failure of both the government and the Crown to speak out on behalf of Dutch Jews. [In 2020, Prime Minister Mark Rutte formally apologized for how his kingdom’s wartime government failed its Jews, a first by a sitting prime minister.] Now, the question is, what’s happening in broader Dutch society?
Unfortunately, there was an increase in voting for the Dutch far right, although they’ve never managed to get a majority or even come close to it.
Something else that’s happening is that many ask, “Why should Dutch Jews get separate consideration after the Second World War, a separate victimhood, when we were all victimized?” The Netherlands is unique because it’s occupied for the entirety of the Second World War — 1940 to 1945. There is the civil service collaborating, right, but there’s no occupation government. So it’s not like Belgium. It’s not like France, not like Denmark. And there was the Hunger Winter of 1944-45 when 20,000 civilians perished due to famine. You have real victimhood, so people ask, “Why are the Jews so special? We all suffered.”
And at the same time, scholarship keeps emerging about the particular ways non-Jewish Dutch companies and individuals cooperated with the Nazis.
The NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies in Amsterdam, which has done so much of this research, found that Jews who were deported had to pay utility bills for when they weren’t living there. You have a huge controversy around the the Dutch railway [which said it would compensate hundreds of Holocaust victims for its role in shipping Jews to death camps]. The Dutch Red Cross apologized [in 2017 for failing to act to protect Jews during World War II], following the publication of a research paper on its inaction. A couple of decades ago, the government basically auctioned off paintings, jewelry and other Jewish possessions, and in 2020 they started the effort to give back pieces of art that were in Dutch museums. Dienke Hondius wrote a book on the cold reception given to survivors upon their return. Remco Ensel and Evelien Gans also wrote a book on postwar Jewish antisemitism.
So a lot has been happening, a lot of controversies, and, thanks to all of this research, a lot happening in order to rectify the situation.
It sounds like a mixed story, of resistance and collaboration, and of rewriting the past but also coming to terms with it.
There’s a really complex history here of both wanting to present it as “everybody’s a victim” and that the resistance was huge. In fact, the data shows 5% of the people were involved in resistance and 5% were collaborators. So it’s not like this wholesale collaboration or resistance was happening. It was only in 1943, when non-Jewish men were called up for labor service in Germany, that they got really good at hiding people and by then it was too late.
Right. My colleagues at JTA often note that the Nazis killed or deported more Dutch Jews per capita than anywhere in occupied Western Europe — of about 110,000 Jews deported, only a few thousand survived.
Yes, the highest percentage of deportation in Western Europe.
A room at the Anne Frank House museum where she and her family hid for two years during the Holocaust in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. (Photo Collection Anne Frank House)
Since this week is International Holocaust Remembrance Day, let me ask what Holland gets right and wrong compared to maybe some other European countries with either similar experiences or comparable experiences.
The framing of that question is difficult because there’s so many unique points about the Holocaust and the occupation in the Netherlands. Again, it was occupied for the entirety of 1940-45. You have a civil service that was willing to sign Aryan declarations. The queen, as head of a government in exile in London, is basically saying, “Do what you need to just to survive.”
One of the big problems is there are people like Geert Wilders [a contemporary right-wing Dutch lawmaker] who practice this kind of philo-Semitism and support of Israel, but it’s really about blaming the Muslim population for antisemitism and saying none of it is homegrown. They don’t have to talk about the fact that there was widespread antisemitism in the aftermath of the Holocaust.
In the Netherlands they’re not instituting laws around what you can and can’t say about the Holocaust like in Poland [where criticizing Polish collaboration has been criminalized]. There are so many amazing educational initiatives and nonprofit organizations that are doing the work. And even these public controversies ended up being outlets for the production of Holocaust memory when survivors, but mostly now the second and third generations, use that space to talk about their own family Holocaust history.
Tell me about your personal stake in this: How did the Holocaust become a subject of study for you?
I specialize in Dutch Holocaust memory. I’m not Jewish, but my grandparents on my mother’s side are Dutch. For my first project I looked at relationships between German soldiers and Dutch women during the war during the occupation, and I eventually kind of made my way into the post war, when these children of former collaborators were still very marginalized in Dutch society. It ties into this. I do interviews with members of the Jewish community, children of resistance members and children of collaborators and how these memory politics play out.
What is the utility of events like International Holocaust Remembrance Day and the major Holocaust memorials in educating the public about the Holocaust and World War II?
International Holocaust Remembrance Day and May 4 result in the production of new memories about the Holocaust and the Second World War. I was at the 2020 International Holocaust Remembrance Day commemoration when the prime minister formally apologized. It was a really big moment, and it allowed the Jewish community, and the Roma and Sinti community, a space to remember and to share in that and to speak to it as survivors and the second and third generation.
Unlike the United States, the Netherlands is a small, insular country, so the relationship between the public and the media and academics is so close. So in the weeks before and the weeks after these memorials, academics, politicians and experts are publishing pieces about memory. That’s useful to the production of new memories and information about the Holocaust.
But what about the other days of the year? Will putting a monument in the center of Amsterdam actually change how people understand the Holocaust? That is a question that I think is harder to answer. The new monument features individual names of 102,000 Jews and Roma and Sinti and visually gives you the scope of what the Holocaust looked like in the Netherlands. But does that matter if somebody lives outside of Amsterdam and they’re never going to see this monument?
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Jewish students report intimidation and closures as Oct. 7 anniversary sparks campus unrest
The second anniversary of the Oct. 7 Hamas-led terrorist attack on Israel was marked by vigils, protests and heated confrontations that Jewish students say left them feeling unprotected on their own campuses, while administrators issued statements about safety and free expression.
In Montreal, one university pre-emptively shut down its downtown campus. At the University of Toronto’s Mississauga campus, a vigil honouring Palestinian ‘martyrs’ ended with Jewish students being escorted out a back door. In Toronto, a high school’s decision to play O Canada in Arabic on Oct. 7 earned a rebuke from Ontario’s education minister.
StandWithUs Canada called Oct. 7 “a challenging day for Jewish and pro-Israel students,” saying many “fell victim to targeted harassment from antisemitic protesters” as they tried to mark the anniversary by displaying hostage photos and Israeli flags.
Montreal: Concordia closes, McGill sees flag burning and police warnings
In Montreal, Concordia University took the extraordinary step of closing its downtown Sir George Williams campus on Oct. 7, citing “the threat of extreme disruption.”
In a letter to students, vice-president and vice-chancellor Graham Carr said the decision was made “to protect our entire community” after two non-students were arrested the previous day—one allegedly carrying “a metal bar and several incendiary devices.”
“With hundreds of protesters from other universities and CEGEPs expected, as well as counter-protesters not linked to the university planning to gather outside our downtown campus this afternoon,” Carr wrote, “the threat of extreme disruption is simply too high to operate as usual. Acts of intimidation and violence have no place in our society.”
Concordia’s communications office had already reminded students that violence would not be tolerated and that those who wished to attend classes should be able to do so “without disruption or harassment.” But for many Jewish students, the shutdown felt like capitulation.
“It really scared many normal students who just want to go to class,” said Anastasia Zorchinsky, founder and co-president of the Startup Nation Concordia chapter. “It shows the university is giving in to the violence.”
Hundreds of officers—more than 600, according to Montreal police—patrolled the downtown core, sealing off sections of Ste-Catherine Street.
Outside Concordia’s Hall Building, about 80 counter-demonstrators, including Jewish Montrealers, Quebec nationalists and students from both Concordia and McGill, rallied in support of Israel before marching east toward McGill behind a billboard truck streaming images from the Oct. 7 massacre and other global atrocities.
At McGill University, which remained open but under restricted access, tensions escalated quickly. Several hundred pro-Palestinian demonstrators pushed through security gates to occupy the main lawn, setting off smoke bombs and ignoring police orders to disperse.
Zorchinsky who visited McGill, said she saw “fireworks in the middle of campus” and “a bloody Israeli flag” being burned on the ground. “It was just unbelievable and the police did nothing,” she told The CJN.
When a Jewish student unfurled an Israeli flag nearby, she said, police confronted him. “They said, ‘You’re going to get arrested if you don’t leave now,’” she recalled. “Then a few other students got their Israeli flags out and police came to us. They said it’s an order, you must leave now. We’re not negotiating.” Officers then physically escorted them off campus.
She described the experience as “unbelievable,” adding, “in that moment I understood that things are much worse than before.”
A Quebec Superior Court judge had denied McGill’s request weeks earlier for an injunction to restrict campus protests, finding that while evidence of antisemitic incidents was “extremely troubling,” the proposed order would not prevent future harm and could infringe on free expression.
McGill said it had “enhanced campus security measures” and that “academic activities will proceed as planned.”
Students such as Drew Sylver, who attends Concordia, said those promises rang hollow. “Statements are great, but action is what’s needed,” he told The CJN on Oct. 6. “Without visible consequences, the scene just repeats.”
Mississauga: Jewish vigil ends in confrontation
At the University of Toronto Mississauga (UTM), Jewish students gathered for a small vigil to commemorate victims of the Oct. 7 massacre. Hillel Ontario and StandWithUs Canada said the group was surrounded by demonstrators and escorted out a back door by security, calling it “a disgrace that, on the anniversary of the worst mass murder of Jews since the Shoah, Jewish students had to be escorted out a back door to protect them from an angry mob.”
The organizations described the event as “a moral failure and an institutional disgrace,” urging UTM to “immediately and unequivocally condemn this hateful mob and take action to hold those responsible accountable.”
The CJN reached out to the University of Toronto Mississauga for comment but did not receive a reply.
Toronto: anthem in Arabic on Oct. 7 prompts outrage
In Toronto, controversy erupted at Earl Haig Secondary School, where the morning broadcast of O Canada was played in Arabic. In an email statement, a Grade 12 student at Earl Haig told The CJN the anthem was followed by an announcement recognizing Islamic Heritage Month, and that the principal’s later message urging kindness made no mention of Jews, Israel or the Oct. 7 anniversary.
“Many students and parents felt this was incredibly insensitive,” the student wrote in an email statement. “Our administration has continued to ignore Jewish and Israeli voices—this being yet another example.”
StandWithUs Canada said the decision “begs questions at the very least about the school’s sensitivities, and at worst, about an intentional desire to isolate and discriminate against Jewish students.” The group described the timing—on the day marking “the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust”—as “a coincidence too uncanny to ignore.”
Ontario Education Minister Paul Calandra criticized the move on X, writing that he was “disappointed that I would have to direct school boards [to] demonstrate appropriate respect for our National Anthem by ensuring that it is played only in its official form.” He said the incident “underscores that school boards should be focused on creating safe learning environments for all students, never at the expense of one community over another.”
Legal push: Tafsik files complaints over Oct. 7 incidents
Tafsik, a Jewish civil-rights organization that describes itself as a grassroots network combatting antisemitism and hate crimes in Canada, responded to the day’s events by announcing a wave of legal complaints to the Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario.
The filings name several institutions, including Earl Haig Secondary School, the University of Toronto, and multiple school boards and student unions.
“Yesterday was a brutal day for our community,” the organization said. “The horror of the October 7th massacre still hangs over us … but it wasn’t just the memory of that bloodshed that left us reeling. It was the sickening reality that once again, universities, schools, and unions chose to rally against us.”
Tafsik vowed to pursue accountability “with maximum intensity,” declaring that “Jewish safety and dignity are non-negotiable.” It also warned that individuals who incite hate or issue threats online would face “real, legal, expensive, and lasting consequences.”
Tafsik is on a rampage! Enough is enough!
Today our legal task force mobilized to go after institutions that mocked our community and celebrated October 7th massacre on campuses and schools across Ontario.
We have filed cases with the Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario against… pic.twitter.com/evTa0RVgBj
— Tafsik Organization (@Tafsikorg) October 8, 2025
‘Campus is unsafe’
By the end of the day, downtown Montreal remained under heavy police watch, and McGill’s lawns were littered with protest debris.
For Zorchinsky, who watched police push back Jewish students for displaying Israeli flags at McGill, the anniversary reinforced a grim pattern. “Campus is unsafe,” she said. “We all have to go there every single day, and the university itself should be changing that. Not us.”
She and others say they want more than symbolic gestures—they want consistent enforcement. “Without consequences, statements mean nothing,” Zorchinsky said.
With files from Joel Ceausu
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Minneapolis synagogue targeted with antisemitic, pro-Hamas graffiti on Oct. 7 anniversary
Graffiti targeting “zionists” and praising Hamas was spray-painted on the preschool wing of a Minneapolis synagogue on Tuesday night, the second anniversary of Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.
Rabbi Marcia Zimmerman said she was notified by one of Temple Israel’s neighbors about the vandalism. She said her first reaction was outrage and pain.
“This does not solve any problem, and blaming American Jews in Minnesota for what’s happening globally is hate speech, it’s antisemitism. It’s nothing different than that,” she said. “It’s not about political differences. It’s about hate.”
“Fuck Zionism” is spray-painted on the wall of Temple Israel. (Lonny Goldsmith/TC Jewfolk).
On the building was spray-painted “Watch out Zionists,” “Fuck Zionism,” and “Al-Aqsa Flood,” Hamas’ code name for the Oct. 7 attack. There were also 14 inverted red triangles spray-painted on the building — a symbol associated with Hamas, which has used it in videos produced by its military wing to signify Israeli targets. The symbol has appeared in other graffiti of Jewish institutions during theIsrael-Hamas war.
Zimmerman said a report has been filed with the Minneapolis Police Department and video footage has been turned over for the investigation. E-mails to the MPD seeking comment were not returned.
Steve Hunegs, the executive director of the Jewish Community Relations Council of Minnesota and the Dakotas, called the incident “harrowing.”
“It’s targeted and consciously imitating the mass terrorism of Oct. 7,” he said. “It doesn’t get much more antisemitic and violent than that, other than the actual perpetration of the horrific acts.”
Hunegs said the incident represents an escalation of anti-Israel rhetoric.
“We’re seeing that someone would take the time to, in the middle of the night on Oct. 7, to vandalize the synagogue with the most incendiary, venomous message you could possibly find,” he said. The perpetrators, Hunegs said, decided “terrorism against Jews is worthy of celebration, and [they’re] going to take that message to an iconic synagogue in the heart of Minneapolis.”
Zimmerman said that she heard from Gov. Tim Walz and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey, who is Jewish and has attended services at Temple Israel. He said in a tweet that the vandalism was “a reminder that hate still tries to find a foothold” but that it would not find on in the city.
“People are reaching out and in that, you feel a connection and camaraderie and support,” Zimmerman said. “Which is very helpful, but it doesn’t take away the horror of the message. It does help to not feel so alone.”
Zimmerman said she is a proud Zionist who also wants to see an end to suffering in Gaza — something that she said whoever spray-painted the graffiti did not understand.
“If you do understand the nuance and the complicated realities of the world and see each other as human, then you don’t do this. It’s disregarding the humanity of others by promoting hate and promulgating hate,” she said. “But it’s not going to stop us from continuing to do our work and to do interfaith work and to move forward in being proud of being Jewish and teaching about Israel and making sure that we work towards peace and towards the mission of being in the city and supporting the city.”
This story originally appeared on TC Jewfolk, an independent publication covering Jewish life in Minneapolis.
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Jewish freelance journalist Emily Wilder is detained as Israeli military intercepts Gaza aid flotilla
(JTA) — Jewish freelance journalist Emily Wilder, reporting for Jewish Currents, a progressive Jewish publication, was detained by the Israeli military on Monday while covering an aid flotilla bound for Gaza.
Wilder set sail from Italy last week aboard The Conscious, one of dozens of boats that aimed to reach Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid to the besieged enclave.
But that effort was cut short when Wilder, along with the other journalists and aid workers on her voyage, was intercepted by the Israeli military and detained. The military has intercepted, detained and deported activists sailing to Gaza multiple times in recent weeks.
Jewish Currents has been staunchly against the war in Gaza, calling Israel’s campaign there a genocide and advocating for the Palestinian cause. In an email to subscribers, publisher Daniel May said the publication sent Wilder on a flotilla because of the value of the reporting she could produce.
“Jewish Currents commissioned Emily’s reporting because we know that Israel’s unprecedented restrictions on journalists have facilitated the war crimes perpetrated in Gaza,” May wrote. “We also know that the flotillas are an important story in themselves.”
Wilder was a member of Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine, both anti-Zionist groups, as a student at Stanford University, from which she graduated in 2020. The next year, she was fired from the Associated Press in 2021 due to her social media posts about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since then, according to her LinkedIn, she has worked as a freelancer and a human rights researcher.
Wilder was also documenting the voyage on her Instagram account, which has not posted an update since she and her crew were detained.
“Today, the @gazafreedomflotilla’s Conscience sets sail from the boot of Italy, with hopes of bringing ~70 media and medical workers across the Mediterranean to Gaza’s shores amid Israel’s blockade on international press and killing of doctors and journalists,” wrote Wilder last week in a post.
Israel’s foreign ministry blasted the flotilla participants in a post on X Tuesday.
“Another futile attempt to breach the legal naval blockade and enter a combat zone ended in nothing,” the post read. “The vessels and the passengers are transferred to an Israeli port. All the passengers are safe and in good health. The passengers are expected to be deported promptly.’
In the email, May directed readers to sign a Change.org petition calling for her release and to urge the California native’s representatives, including Democratic Sens. Adam Schiff and Alex Padilla, to advocate for her.
Last week, dozens of other boats that were part of the Global Sumud Flotilla were also intercepted, and hundreds of participants were detained and later deported, including Swedish activist Greta Thunberg who alleged that she had been “kidnapped and tortured” by the Israeli military. (Another flotilla effort including Thunberg was intercepted by the Israeli military in June.)
“My office has now confirmed that a second flotilla carrying vital humanitarian aid … has been intercepted, and nearly 145 passengers and crew detained,” wrote California Democratic Rep. Jimmy Comez in a statement. “Among the detained is my constituent Emily Wilder, a member of the press, who was reporting on the flotilla’s attempt to bring humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza.”
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