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Israeli democracy may not survive a ‘reform’ of its Supreme Court
(JTA) — On Dec. 29, Israel swore in Benjamin Netanyahu’s sixth government. The Likud leader became Israel’s prime minister once more, and one week later, Israel’s long-anticipated judicial counterrevolution began.
In the Knesset Wednesday, newly minted Justice Minister and Netanyahu confidant Yariv Levin unveiled a package of proposed legislation that would alter the balance of power between Israel’s legislature and its Supreme Court.
At the core of this plan is a bill to allow the Knesset to override the Supreme Court. Levin’s proposals — which almost certainly have the immediate support of a Knesset majority, regardless of Levin’s assurances that they would be subject to “thorough debate” — would pave the way for Israel’s new government to pass legislation that curtails rights and undermines the rule of law, dealing a blow to Israeli democracy.
The dire implications of this proposed judicial reform are rooted in key characteristics of the Israeli political system that set it apart from other liberal democracies. Israel has no constitution to determine the balance of power between its various branches of government. In fact, there is no separation between Israel’s executive and legislative branches, given that the government automatically controls a majority in the parliament.
Instead, it has a series of basic laws enacted piecemeal over the course of the state’s history that have a quasi-constitutional status, with the initial intention that they would eventually constitute a de jure constitution.
Through the 1980s, the Knesset passed basic laws that primarily served to define state institutions, such as the country’s legislature and electoral system, capital and military. In the 1990s, there was a paradigm shift with the passage of two basic laws that for the first time concerned individuals’ rights rather than institutions, one on Human Dignity and Liberty (1992) and the other on Freedom of Occupation (1994). These laws enshrined rights to freedom of movement, personal freedom, human dignity and others to all who reside in Israel.
Aharon Barak, the president of Israel’s Supreme Court from 1995 to 2006, argued that these laws constituted a de facto bill of rights, empowering the court to review Knesset legislation and to strike down laws that violate civil liberties, a responsibility not explicitly bestowed upon the court in the basic law pertaining to the judiciary. In 1995, the Supreme Court officially ruled that it could indeed repeal legislation that violates the country’s basic laws, heralding an era of increased judicial activism in Israel in what became known as the “judicial revolution.” The court has struck down 20 laws since, a fairly modest number compared to other democracies.
The judicial revolution of the 1990s shifted the balance of power in Israel’s political system from one of parliamentary sovereignty, in which the Knesset enjoyed ultimate power, to one in which the legislature is restricted from violating the country’s (incomplete) constitution. Israel’s Supreme Court became a check on the legislative branch in a country that lacks other checks and balances and separations of power.
As a result of these characteristics, the Supreme Court currently serves as one of the only checks on the extraordinary power of Israel’s 120-member Knesset — which is why shifting that balance of power would have such a dramatic impact on Israel’s democracy.
Levin’s proposed judicial overhaul includes several elements that would weaken the power and independence of Israel’s Supreme Court. The plan includes forbidding the Supreme Court from deliberating on and striking down basic laws themselves. It would require an unspecified “special majority” of the court to strike down legislation, raising the threshold from where it currently stands.
Levin has also called for altering the composition of the selection committee that appoints top judges to give the government, rather than legal professionals, a majority on the panel. It would allow cabinet ministers to appoint legal advisors to act on their behalf, rather than that of the justice ministry, canceling these advisors’ role as safeguards against government overreach. Should a minister enact a decision that contravenes a basic law, the ministry’s legal advisor would no longer report the violation to the attorney general, and would instead merely offer non-binding legal advice to the minister.
The pièce de résistance is, of course, the override clause that would allow the Knesset to reinstate laws struck down by the Supreme Court by 61 members of Knesset, a simple majority assuming all members are present. The sole restriction on this override would be a provision preventing the Knesset from re-legislating laws struck down unanimously, by all 15 judges, within the same Knesset term.
This plan’s obvious and most immediate result would be the effective annulment of the quasi-constitutional status of Israel’s basic laws. If the Knesset’s power to legislate is no longer bound by basic laws, these de facto constitutional amendments no longer have any teeth. There are no guardrails preventing any Knesset majority from doing as it wishes, including violating basic human rights. The Knesset could pass laws openly curtailing freedom of the press or gender equality, for example, should it choose to do so.
This counterrevolution, in effect, goes further than merely undoing what occurred in the 1990s.
Most crucially, the Knesset that would once again enjoy full parliamentary sovereignty in 2022 is not the Knesset of Israel’s first four decades. Shackling the Supreme Court is essential to the agendas of the new government’s various ultra-right and ultra-religious parties. For example, the haredi Orthodox parties are eager to re-legislate a blanket exemption to the military draft for their community, which the court struck down in 2017 on the grounds that it was discriminatory. They also have their sights on revoking recognition of non-Orthodox conversions for immigrants to Israel, undoing a court decision from 2021.
The far-right, Jewish supremacist parties of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, meanwhile, see an opportunity to deal a decisive blow to an institution that has long served as a check on the settlement movement. They hope to tie the court’s hands in the face of oncoming legislation to retroactively legalize settlements built on private Palestinian land, which are illegal under Israeli law. But this is only the beginning: Neutering the authority of the court could pave the way for legal discrimination against Israel’s Arab minority, such as Ben-Gvir’s proposal to deport minorities who show insufficient loyalty.
The timing of Levin’s announcement Wednesday could not be more germane. The Knesset recently amended the basic law to legalize the appointment of Aryeh Deri, the Shas party leader who is serving a suspended sentence for tax fraud, as a minister in the new government. The Supreme Court convened Thursday morning to hear petitions against his appointment from those arguing that it is “unreasonable” to rehabilitate Deri given his multiple criminal convictions, a view shared by Israel’s attorney general. Levin’s proposals would bar the court from using this “reasonability” standard.
The Israeli right has long chafed at the power of the Supreme Court, which it accuses of having a left-wing bias. But a judicial overhaul like this has never enjoyed the full support of the government, nor was Netanyahu previously in favor of it. Now, with a uniformly right-wing government and Netanyahu on trial for corruption, the prime minister’s foremost interest is appeasing his political partners and securing their support for future legislation to shield him from prosecution.
In a system where the majority rules, there need to be mechanisms in place to protect the rights of minorities — political, ethnic and religious. Liberal democracy requires respect for the rule of law and human rights. Yariv Levin’s proposals to fully subordinate the Supreme Court to the Knesset will concentrate virtually unchecked power in the hands of a few individuals — government ministers and party leaders within the coalition who effectively control what the Knesset does. That those individuals were elected in free and fair elections is no guarantee that the changes they make will be democratic.
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Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens ‘Significantly Increased’ Anti-Israel Content in 2025, Study Shows
Tucker Carlson speaks at Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana, Oct. 21, 2025. Photo: Gage Skidmore/ZUMA Press Wire via Reuters Connect
Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens ramped up their anti-Israel and, in some cases, overtly antisemitic content over the last year, according to a new study, which tracked the prominent far-right podcasters’ disproportionate emphasis on attacking the Jewish state in 2025.
The Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI), a think tank based in Israel, used artificial intelligence to analyze the transcripts from 3,000 videos posted to the YouTube channels of Carlson and Owens, each of whom has collected more than five million subscribers. JPPI researchers looked at keywords around Jews and Israel, comparing how the populist-nationalist presenters spoke about those subjects compared to other nations and peoples.
The report identified February 2025 as when Owens initiated her anti-Israel shift, while noting Carlson intensified his focus on disparaging the Jewish state in April.
“Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens have significantly intensified their focus on Israel in recent months, accompanied by a marked escalation in anti-Israel rhetoric and, in the case of Owens, explicit antisemitism,” the research stated. “While both figures have long been known for their critical stance toward Israel, the study documents a sharp and recent increase in both the volume and intensity of negative content.”
The report described how for Carlson “the share of negative content about Israel rose sharply from 48.9% in the previous six-month period to 70.3% over the last six months,” while for Owens “the primary change in her case is quantitative — a substantial increase in the overall volume of such negative content.”
Specific instances of hate cited in the report included that “across multiple videos, both figures employ sharp rhetoric, including comparisons between Israel and Hamas, use of the term ‘genocide,’ accusations of deliberately killing children, and the circulation of conspiracy narratives alleging Israeli influence over the United States.”
Analysts deployed OpenAI’s o3 reasoning model to make the assessment regarding whether Owens or Carlson’s statements ran afoul of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism, which has been widely adopted by hundreds of governing institutions, including the US State Department, European Union, and United Nations.
For Owens’ videos fed into the analysis, 45 percent initially came up as antisemitic. However, that number in the past six months “rose to roughly 75% — nearly double the rate for the previous six-month period.”
The report described how many of these videos by Owens described Jews as part of a “cult” or engaged in “Jewish supremacy.”
“Antisemitism on the American far right is now overt and out in the open,” JPPI Director-General Shuki Friedman said in a statement. “The data should serve as a flashing warning light for Israel and its leadership regarding the kind of support it can expect from the right, today and in the future. Only a determined effort to counter this extremism can help preserve this vital base of support in the United States.”
In November, The Algemeiner reported that Owens admitted she had become “obsessed” with the Jewish people.
A user asked Owens directly, “Why are you so obsessed with Jews?”
The longtime associate of Ye, the rapper formerly known as Kanye West, answered, “Because they are so obsessed with me. Feeling is mutual now.”
In March, Owens argued that Jeffrey Epstein-style blackmail plots undergirded the US-Israel relationship and that “this is the reason we don’t get to open the Epstein files, we don’t get to open the JFK files.” She asserted that a special relationship between the US and the Jewish state was actually “a form of gaslighting.”
In recent months, Carlson’s decision to platform white supremacist podcaster Nick Fuentes has roiled the American political right, prompting resignations within the Heritage Foundation following its president Kevin Robert’s choice to support his longtime friend’s decision to platform a vocal advocate of Adolf Hitler.
Carlson also provoked condemnations when appearing to suggest a Jewish hand behind the killings of both Jesus of Nazareth and conservative activist Charlie Kirk.
On Monday, the Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM) highlighted statements that Carlson had made during a Saturday interview with The American Conservative, the longtime paleo-conservative publication founded by perennial presidential candidate Pat Buchanan.
CAM described how in the interview, “Carlson described pro-Israel supporters as believing they are ‘specially chosen by God’ while viewing others as ‘sub-human.’ Such language echoes long-standing antisemitic stereotypes portraying Jews as inherently supremacist or morally corrupt. Carlson presented these claims as proof of Israel’s alleged ability to manipulate American public opinion. In doing so, he framed Jewish identity and support for Israel as tools of coercive power rather than political belief.”
Earlier this month, Carlson appeared at the Doha Forum in Qatar and announced his plans to purchase a home in the Arab monarchy which has long sponsored the Muslim Brotherhood and its Palestinian terrorist wing Hamas. His brother Buckley Carlson also suggested that the recent Islamist terrorist attack in Bondi, Australia which left 15 Jewish people murdered, was a false flag incident.
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Florida Gubernatorial Candidate Vows to Divest From Israel Bonds if Elected
Florida gubernatorial candidate James Fishback. Photo: Screenshot
James Fishback, a Florida gubernatorial candidate in the 2026 Republican primary, has pledged to direct all state government entities to “divest” from bonds issued by the Israeli government on his first day in office, a move that could pose a range of economic hurdles in Florida and has previously been lambasted by critics for singling out the Jewish state for political punishment.
In a campaign statement over the weekend, Fishback, chief executive of the investment firm Azoria, said that Florida state agencies and taxpayer-funded colleges have invested approximately $385 million in Israel Bonds over the past two years. He argued that public funds should never be invested abroad and vowed to redirect the money toward a statewide housing assistance initiative if elected.
“That money should have been invested in our communities. Instead, it was foolishly sent abroad to a foreign government,” the statement read.
Despite Fishback’s suggestion that Floridian money was “sent abroad,” however, Israel Bonds are investments, not aid. According to the Israel Bonds website, they are loans that investors make to the State of Israel, which are expected to be paid back in full, with interest.
Israel Bonds have historically yielded a positive return for Florida taxpayers. State and municipal funds across the US have invested in such bonds for years because they are considered low risk, consistent performers, and maintain creditworthiness among democracies with advanced economies. Observers have argued these bonds are valuable because they are predictable interest income and diversify public portfolios.
Fishback’s proposal echoes elements of the global boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement, which seeks to isolate Israel economically and has been condemned by lawmakers in Florida and across the US as discriminatory and counterproductive. Florida currently has anti-BDS laws on the books and has repeatedly affirmed its strong political, economic, and security ties with Israel.
Fishback’s antagonistic stance toward Israel represents a stark contrast to sitting Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has repeatedly signaled support for Israel and condemned anti-Israel movements as a symptom of antisemitism. Florida has been among Israel’s strongest allies at the state level, with successive governors expanding trade ties, supporting Israeli innovation, and opposing international efforts to isolate the country. Any attempt to reverse that policy would likely face legal challenges as well as resistance from lawmakers in both parties.
Last month, Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton purchased $5 million in Israel Bonds, bringing its total investment up to $8.2 million and making it the largest university investor in the US.
Under Fishback’s proposal, the divested funds would be used to create a $385 million down-payment assistance program called “Rise and Shine,” offering $10,000 grants to married Florida couples. The candidate also outlined a broader housing agenda, including restrictions on institutional and foreign ownership of single-family homes and calls to eliminate property taxes and reduce insurance premiums.
Fishback, a successful investor, entered the gubernatorial race on a slate of populist agenda items. He has raised eyebrows in recent weeks by flirting with members of the antisemitic Groyper movement and signaling acceptance of its leader, Nick Fuentes.
During a December appearance on Rift TV, a podcast hosted by antisemitic social media pundit Elijah Schaffer, Fishback said that he finds “the audience of young men who follow and watch Nick Fuentes to actually be incredibly informed and insightful.”
Observers have noted that Fishback’s attempts to entice younger, more online portions of right-wing audiences are a microcosm of the growing rupture between Gen Z and older conservatives on the topic of Israel. Recent polls have indicated a collapse of support for Israel among young Republicans, with this portion of the party expressing more skepticism of providing military aid to the Jewish state. Large swaths of GOP voters under 30 have more broadly voiced vocal criticism of US support for Israel and the supposed influence of the America Israel Public Affairs Committee, a prominent pro-Israel lobbying group, in US politics.
Recent surveys have also shown a substantial rise of antisemitic views among younger cohorts of the Republican Party.
Fishback’s candidacy remains a longshot, however. A recent poll from The American Promise showed US Rep. Byron Donalds leading the field with 38 percent support among likely Republican voters. Lt. Gov. Jay Collins trailed far behind at 9 percent, while Fishback registered just 2 percent and former Florida House Speaker Paul Renner garnered 1 percent. Nearly half of respondents, 49 percent, said they remained undecided.
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Mikveh unearthed beneath Western Wall plaza shows evidence of Temple’s destruction
Archaeologists have uncovered a 2,000‑year‑old Jewish ritual bath beneath the Western Wall Plaza in Jerusalem that bears ash and destruction debris from the Roman conquest of the city in 70 C.E., officials said.
The find, announced Monday by the Israel Antiquities Authority and the Western Wall Heritage Foundation, lies just west of where pilgrims once entered the Temple Mount, offering a rare physical link to everyday life in late Second Temple Jerusalem.
The mikveh, hewn into the bedrock, measures approximately 10 feet long; 4 feet, 5 inches wide; and 6 feet, 1 inch high, with four steps leading into the bath. It was found sealed beneath a destruction layer dated to the year 70 C.E., filled with ash, pottery shards and stone vessels.
“Jerusalem should be remembered as a Temple city,” Ari Levy, the excavation director for the Israel Antiquities Authority, said in the announcement. “As such, many aspects of daily life were adapted to this reality, and this is reflected especially in the meticulous observance of the laws of ritual impurity and purity by the city’s residents and leaders.” Levy noted that stone vessels, which do not contract ritual impurity under Jewish law, were common in the area.
Heritage Minister Rabbi Amichai Eliyahu said the discovery “strengthens our understanding of how deeply intertwined religious life and daily life were in Jerusalem during the Temple period” and underlined the importance of continuing archaeological research in the city.
Mordechai (Suli) Eliav, director of the Western Wall Heritage Foundation, described the mikveh and its contents as a vivid historical testament: “The exposure of a Second Temple period ritual bath beneath the Western Wall Plaza, with ashes from the destruction at its base, testifies like a thousand witnesses to the ability of the people of Israel to move from impurity to purity, from destruction to renewal.”
Researchers say the mikveh likely served both local residents and the many pilgrims who visited the Temple in the years leading up to the Roman siege.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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