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Jewish orphans evacuated from Odessa to Berlin at Ukraine war’s start are headed home again
ODESSA, Ukraine (JTA) – A year after Rabbi Mendy Wolff spirited 120 children and staff away from the Mishpacha Orphanage in this war-torn country to the safety of Berlin, he is preparing to bring them home.
That’s not because the war is over — far from it. One year after Russian tanks first rolled into Ukraine, fighting grinds on and much of Ukraine has been plunged into austerity conditions.
Instead, the children of Mishpacha are headed back to Odessa because of the high cost of keeping them fed, housed and educated in Germany. Chaya Wolff, Mendy’s mother and the wife of Odessa’s chief rabbi, Avraham Wolff, said the price tag was 750,000 euros — close to $800,000 — a month. They’ll join other Ukrainians who have returned to their homeland as it became clear that the war would not end quickly.
“We could have bought seven buildings for the [Jewish] community in Odessa with that money,” she said from Odessa, where she stayed along with her husband after the Russian invasion to care for remaining Jews in the city, where the Wolff family operates Chabad of Odessa. “But now the money is finished and it’s time to bring our children home.”
Mendy Wolff said that when he first headed to Berlin several days after Russia’s Feb. 24, 2022, invasion, he expected to return home in a matter of days. He had become the orphanage’s director overnight, when his parents tasked him with getting the children out of Ukraine. He and his wife, Mushky, had instructed their charges to pack two of each item of clothing.
German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier talks with refugee children from the Jewish community in Odessa at a Chabad center in Berlin two days after their arrival as refugees, March 7, 2022. (Clemens Bilan – Pool/Getty Images)
“As I was packing, I remember spotting my Megillat Esther on the shelf and thinking I won’t be needing that because Purim is two weeks from now and we’ll be back by then,” Wolff told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, referring to the biblical book traditionally read on Purim.
The journey to Berlin took 53 hours and traversed five international borders, but Wolff and his wife tried to make the atmosphere as fun as possible for the children.
“We sang songs all the way and even though most of the children knew what was happening, we made it feel like summer camp — only in the winter,” Wolff said.
Getting the children out of Ukraine meant pulling strings of all kinds, since most did not have passports or even original birth certificates. Most of the children in the orphanage have parents who are unable to care for them; Wolff got the parents’ permission to take the children out of the country, a challenging task in the chaos after the invasion. “That is why we didn’t escape on the first day of the war,” he told JTA from Berlin at the time.
For 40 children for whom no living relatives could be found, Rabbi Avraham Wolff and his wife, Chaya, signed on as legal guardians. The Chabad emissaries in Berlin managed to secure VIP status for the young refugees to bring them across EU borders as personal guests of German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, who greeted them on their arrival in the German capital.
The Wolff family operates Chabad of Odessa. Rabbi Avraham and Chaya Wolff are sitting. Rabbi Mendy Wolff, who has overseen the children relocated from the group’s orphange to Berlin, is at the center in the back row. (Courtesy Chabad Odessa)
The children and orphanage staff were joined by other Odessians: university students, single mothers and their own offspring. Their flight and warm welcome in Berlin captured international headlines.
“Everyone knew there was an orphanage coming,” Mendy Wolff told JTA in Berlin shortly after the group’s arrival. “It was an unbelievable hug. It made us feel good in our hearts.”
But even then, the high cost of caring for the children in Berlin was weighing on the volunteers who leapt to help them. “We’ve received an outpouring of support from the community and beyond, lots of clothes and other supplies, but what we really need now are financial donations — only the food for all the children costs about 5,000 euros every day,” one told the Associated Press at the time.
Over the course of the next 11 months, the Hotel Müggelsee, on the banks of Berlin’s largest lake of the same name, would become home to some 300 Jewish refugees. In that time, the group celebrated not just Purim but a full year of Jewish holidays, as well as the gamut of Jewish lifecycle events, from bar mitzvahs to births and brisses. The group recently celebrated the first birthday of the youngest child to make the trek from Odessa, Tuvia, who was just 5 weeks old when he arrived in Berlin.
Jewish children from Odessa in war-torn Ukraine celebrate Purim 2022 with members of the Chabad Berlin Jewish community, March 17, 2022. (Omer Messinger/Getty Images)
For Wolff, the hardest part was grappling with the unknown. “It was very similar to what people experienced at the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. You don’t know who it will infect or how many people will die or how long you’ll need to live like this.”
Like many others, Wolff was certain that Russian President Vladimir Putin’s army would crush Ukraine in a matter of days. “With each passing day we saw that the Ukrainians were far more resilient than we had given them credit for and that the Russians weren’t as much as superheroes as we thought.”
The irony that Germany, and not Israel, became the host country for Jewish refugees from Eastern Europe is not lost on the Wolffs. While Mendy is reluctant to express political opinions of any kind, his mother, Chaya, is more forthright, saying that Israel had refused them entry.
Mark Dovev, the regional director of Nativ, the Israeli government office that facilitates immigration to Israel from the former Soviet Union, later told JTA that taking in a minor from another country is “tantamount to kidnapping.” Brushing off Dovev’s objections, Chaya Wolff said, “Just as Germany turned a blind eye, Israel could have also taken them in temporarily as refugees.”
The children and staff of Mishpacha Orphanage in Odessa pose outside the Hotel Mugglesee in Berlin, their home for nearly a year since fleeing war in Ukraine. (Courtesy Chabad Odessa)
Since German law bans homeschooling, the children were required to enroll in a local school as well as to learn German. German authorities allowed the student body to largely adhere to the Ukrainian curriculum, however, and they were taught by a handful of the women refugees who happened to be teachers. The hotel, which functioned as a dormitory, doubled as a branch of the local Chabad school — replete with classrooms and a schoolyard.
But keeping the refugees in Berlin came at a steep price, footed by various donors such as the International Fellowship for Christians and Jews as well as private donations. An online fundraiser netted $685,500 in small gifts from more than 5,000 donors — a significant tally, but far short of its $1 million goal. So it was mostly out of economic considerations, then, that the Wolffs decided to close up shop in Berlin and bring the refugees home later this month.
While some Ukrainians who fled the country say they have no intention of returning while the war rages, the Wolffs and their charges are hardly the first Ukrainians to make their way back home. Many of them have cited the high cost of life abroad, along with separation from family and guilt about abandoning their country, for coming back to a warzone. So many Ukrainians were returning last fall that the country’s leaders urged them to wait until this spring to return, lest they tax fragile infrastructure.
Ukrainians queue at the railway station in Przemysl, Poland, to depart for Ukraine, amid a reversal in migration patterns as the Ukraine war ground on, Dec. 20, 2022. (Dominika Zarzycka/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
According to Mendy Wolff, his group would be staying in Berlin were it not for budgetary concerns. Still, he said, there were many positive aspects about the decision to return home.
“Psychologically, it’s not easy being here. You’re not living like a human. It’s like living on borrowed time and in a refugee camp, albeit a luxury refugee camp,” he said. “I’m very excited to be in my own bed and my own blankets.”
For both mother and son, the responsibility of bringing the refugees back to a country that is still very much at war weighs heavily. Odessa is faring better than many other southern Ukrainian cities like Mykolaiv and Kherson to the east, which have suffered daily shelling. Still, air raid sirens sound multiple times a day and there is no electricity for 20+ hours. But as long as residents have access to bomb shelters and generators — including the kind made from car batteries that Avraham Wolff recently held a fundraiser to buy — Chaya Wolff describes it as “livable.”
“It’s not an easy decision and we hope it’s the right one,” Chaya Wolff said. “At the end of it all, we’re ‘believers, the children of believers,’” she added, quoting the Talmud.
Toby Axelrod contributed reporting from Berlin.
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Israeli singer says he is tuning out ‘stop the genocide’ chants as he heads into Eurovision final
(JTA) — As alternative Eurovision events gathered momentum across Europe in protest of Israel’s participation in the famously schmaltzy singing contest, Israeli candidate Noam Bettan, fresh off the semifinals in Vienna, said he chose to look past chants of “stop the genocide” that marred his performance and focus instead on the “huge wave of love and support,” including from non-Israelis in the crowd and online.
Bettan performed “Michelle” at the Wiener Stadthalle on Tuesday amid audible heckling from protesters, prompting security to remove four people from the arena. Bettan said he registered the noise but quickly turned his attention to the crowd’s support.
“There was booing at the beginning, but a second passed and immediately I felt a huge wave of love and support,” he told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in a Zoom interview on Wednesday. “It carried me, you know, on stage.”
Alongside the Israelis cheering him on was a sizable group of spectators Bettan said were not Israeli, judging by their faces and by the flags of other countries some were waving. “I felt a lot of love from them and I chose to see this side of this story,” he said.
The European Broadcasting Union, the alliance of public broadcasters that runs Eurovision, allowed Israel to remain in the contest — Europe’s largest live television event — despite months of pressure to bar it over the Gaza war. The decision led to the contest’s biggest boycott yet, with five countries, with Spain, Ireland, the Netherlands, Slovenia and Iceland withdrawing from participation. Nemo, the Swiss singer who won Eurovision in 2024, returned their trophy to the EBU in protest.
The backlash has also produced parallel programming across Europe, including alternative Eurovision events in several countries, including those not officially boycotting the contest, among them Italy, Austria and Germany. The controversy also spilled into Eurovision’s fan spaces, where Israel was initially left out of an official cafe initiative showcasing competing countries through food and music before a local cafe stepped in with falafel and bagels with lox, and, according to AP, security detail outside.
Critics of Israel’s inclusion have accused the EBU of hypocrisy for expelling Russia after its 2022 invasion of Ukraine while allowing Israel to remain. Amnesty International secretary general Agnès Callamard called the decision an “act of cowardice” that serves to “deflect attention from and normalize [Israel’s] ongoing genocide.”
Israel’s President Isaac Herzog said EBU’s decision demonstrated “solidarity, fellowship, and cooperation,” and that the country “deserves to be represented on every stage around the world.”
As was the case in the last two years, pro-Palestinian marches took place outside the venue, with more planned for Saturday’s final, which Israel advanced to alongside nine other qualifying countries.
Barred under EBU rules from commenting directly on the politics around Israel’s participation, Bettan spoke instead about the “crazy” amount of support online, including from people outside Israel and beyond Jewish audiences.
“I get a lot of messages from people all over the world, supporting me personally. I’m honored that I have the privilege to touch other hearts and that’s my main goal here,” he said.
Bettan said he received advice from Israel’s last three Eurovision contestants, Yuval Raphael, Eden Golan and Noa Kirel, who all told him to “make this experience the most memorable possible.”
Raphael, a survivor of the Nova music festival massacre, won the public vote last year but finished second once Eurovision’s national jury scores were added to the audience tally, making her result another flashpoint in the debate over Israel’s place in the contest. The EBU changed this year’s voting rules, reducing the number of votes each viewer can cast from 20 to 10 and adding new limits on promotional campaigns by participating broadcasters.
The New York Times drew on last year’s voting controversy, arguing that Israel had turned Eurovision into a soft-power platform. In an article whose original online headline said Israel had “co-opted” Eurovision before it was later changed, the Times reported that Israel had spent more than $1 million over several years on campaigns that included social media ads urging people to use all their votes to influence the results.
But critics of the charge say it is not only selective — the Times itself noted that other countries have also mobilized diaspora communities to vote — but treats as scandalous what Eurovision was built to do: allow countries to sell a version of themselves through music and national branding.
“When the Times accuses Israel of using Eurovision as a soft-power tool, it is accusing Israel of participating in Eurovision,” Hen Mazzig, a writer and pro-Israel activist, wrote on Substack.
The EBU sent Israel a formal warning over the weekend for sharing promotional videos featuring Bettan in several languages urging viewers to give Israel the maximum 10 votes, saying it was “not in line with our rules nor the spirit of the competition.”
The polyglot from Ra’anana, who was born in Israel to parents from Fance, explained the decision to perform “Michelle” in Hebrew, French and English.
“Half my heart beats in Hebrew and the other half beats in French,” he said. “English gives another color, rhythm and energy. It’s also more international. I can touch more people.”
Bettan, who bookmakers have predicted will come in sixth place, shrugged off concerns about being beaten by rivals in Saturday’s final, saying the atmosphere backstage had been warm throughout and that the other singers were “really, really nice.”
“I’m not worried at all. I’m just really happy to be here,” he said. “I don’t feel like I’m in a competition. I feel like we are in the same experience all together.”
But for all the camaraderie and support from around the world, Bettan said he always kept in mind that he was “singing to my people back home.”
“I know it sounds like a cliche, but it gives me so much strength,” he said.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Israeli singer says he is tuning out ‘stop the genocide’ chants as he heads into Eurovision final appeared first on The Forward.
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Released Murderers of 75 People Are Running for Fatah Leadership Positions
People hold Fatah flags during a protest in support of the people of Gaza, as the conflict between Israel and Hamas continues, in Hebron, in the West Bank, Oct. 27, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma
Today, at the Eighth General Conference of the Fatah Movement, at least 32 released terrorists who together murdered or were responsible for the murders of 75 Israelis and others will be running in the leadership elections for the Fatah Central Committee and Fatah Revolutionary Council.
Fatah is the party headed by Mahmoud Abbas, who also leads the Palestinian Authority (PA).
Director of the PLO Commission of Prisoners’ Affairs, Raed Abu Al-Humus, revealed the list of candidates a week ago. Among the 32 terrorists are 15 murderers who in total murdered 22 people, eight terrorists who orchestrated attacks in which 53 people were murdered, and nine other terrorists who carried out attacks and terror activity against Israelis (see list below).
Abu Al-Humus repeated what Palestinian Media Watch (PMW) has already exposed — that terrorists who have been imprisoned more than 20 years were granted membership in Fatah’s Conference:
The Palestinian leadership and the Fatah leadership honored the recently released prisoners [i.e., terrorists] from Fatah by approving the membership of anyone who served 20 years or more [in prison], which allowed the membership of 388 members, including some released female prisoners.
[PLO Commission of Prisoners’ Affairs, Facebook page, May 8, 2026]
Abu Al-Humus explained:
It was necessary that we adequately represent the magnitude of the struggle and sacrifice of hundreds and thousands of years that were burned in prisons, show loyalty to the resolute brothers we left behind, reflect our culture, affiliation, and commitment to the Fatah leadership and its [Fatah] Chairman [and PA President Mahmoud Abbas], and be part of the decision-making process. [emphasis added]
[PLO Commission of Prisoners’ Affairs, Facebook page, May 8, 2026]
The following is the list of terrorist candidates as published by the PLO Commission of Prisoners’ Affairs:
“Candidates for the [Fatah] Central Committee:
Zakariya Muhammad Abd Al-Rahman Zubeidi [i.e., senior Fatah terrorist]
Tayseer Salem Al-Bardini [i.e., involved in murder of 1]”
“Candidates for the [Fatah] Revolutionary Council:
- Ahmed Abd Al-Qader Ibrahim Salim [i.e., terrorist convicted of murder]
- Ahmed Ali Mahmoud Abu Khader [i.e., responsible for murder of 9]
- Ahmed Mustafa Ahmed Bisharat [i.e., murdered 1]
- Ismail Aref Daoud Oudeh [i.e., 3 counts of attempted murder]
- Ayman Ibrahim Farhan Al-Awawdeh [i.e., murdered 1]
- Bassel Imad Subhi Arif [i.e., murdered 1]
- Bassel Suleiman Amin Al-Bizreh [i.e., terrorist]
- Jihad Jamil Mahmoud Abu Ghaban [i.e., deliberate manslaughter]
- Hassan Farouq Bahri Al-Dam [i.e., terrorist]
- Khalil Mahmoud Yusuf Abu Arram [i.e., responsible for murder of 5]
- Rateb Abd Al-Latif Abd Al-Karim Hreibat [i.e., terrorist]
- Rabia Ibrahim Hussein Dar Rabia [i.e., deputy leader of a Hezbollah-directed terror cell]
- Shadi Muhammad Hussein Ghawadreh [i.e., murdered 1]
- Saleh Qanni Saleh Mansour [i.e., responsible for murder of 2]
- Issam Mahmoud Muhammad Al-Faroukh [i.e., murdered 1]
- Ammar Mustafa Ahmed Mardi [i.e., murdered 1]
- Abd Al-Rahim Abd Al-Qader Muteir Abu Houli [i.e., Fatah terrorist]
- Adnan Muhammad Hassan Abayat [i.e., responsible for murder of 8]
- Qutaiba Muhammad Saleh Musallam [i.e., terrorist]
- Kamal Jamil Mahmoud Abu Shanab [i.e., Fatah terrorist, involved in murder]
- Majed Ismail Muhammad Al-Masri [i.e., terrorist]
- Muhammad Ibrahim Nimr Naifeh [i.e., responsible for murder of 13]
- Muhammad Ahmed Mahmoud Al-Sabbagh [i.e., murdered 3]
- Muhammad Adel Hassan Daoud [i.e., murdered 2]
- Muhammad Abd Al-Karim Hassan Zawahreh [i.e., murdered 1]
- Mansour Saleh Mansour Shreim [i.e., responsible for murder of 11]
- Nasser Musa Ahmed Abd Rabbo [i.e., murdered 1]
- Nasser Muhammad Yusuf Naji Abu Hmeid [i.e., responsible for murder of 4]
- Yusuf Abd Al-Hamid Yusuf Arshid [i.e., murdered 5]
- Yusuf Abd Al-Rahman Abd Al-Muhsin Al-Skafi [i.e., responsible for murder of 1]”
[PLO Commission of Prisoners’ Affairs, Facebook page, May 8, 2026]
The author is a contributor to Palestinian Media Watch, where a version of this story first appeared.
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Kristof column alleging Israeli abuse of Palestinian prisoners sparks outrage, scrutiny and debate among Jews
(JTA) — A New York Times column by Nicholas Kristof published Monday detailed graphic allegations of sexual abuse of Palestinian prisoners by Israeli guards, amplifying claims that guards had used dogs to rape Palestinian detainees.
As the allegations in the column, “The Silence That Meets the Rape of Palestinians,” sparked a widening online debate over their credibility, Jewish groups and leaders began weighing in with a mix of condemnation, skepticism and concern over conditions in Israeli prisons.
Israel has rejected all of the allegations in Kristof’s column, which included claims that guards inserted objects into Palestinian detainees’ rectums, beat detainees’ genitals and subjected them to systematic humiliation. The Israeli Foreign Ministry described his writing as “one of the worst blood libels ever to appear in the modern press.”
“In an unfathomable inversion of reality, and through an endless stream of baseless lies, propagandist Nicholas Kristof turns the victim into the accused,” the ministry said in a statement, adding that the country would “fight these lies with the truth – and the truth will prevail.”
Related: From Rutgers speaker to Kristof column, disputed dog rape claim against Israel goes mainstream
Several progressive Jewish groups and Israeli human rights organizations welcomed the scrutiny the column has placed on Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. But many others in the Jewish community have expressed outrage over reporting they consider dubious and agenda-driven.
The American Jewish Committee echoed the foreign ministry’s condemnation, calling the allegation that Israel trains dogs to rape prisoners a “modern-day blood libel,” a reference to historic antisemitic myths accusing Jews of ritual murder.
“Allegations of abuse toward Palestinians deserve serious, rigorous investigation,” the AJC continued. “Yet this piece, while opinion, appeared to be presented as an investigative report and fell alarmingly short of that standard while amplifying inflammatory narratives that have real-world consequences in a time of surging hatred toward Israelis and Jews worldwide.”
One of the most widely circulated allegations from the piece came from an anonymous Palestinian journalist, who said Israeli guards had ordered a dog to mount and penetrate him while he was blindfolded and handcuffed. The column also cited conversations with over a dozen former Palestinian detainees, who described sexual abuse or humiliation by Israeli settlers or security forces.
In the wake of the column’s publication, some pro-Israel voices are renewing their campaign against The New York Times, which they believe is biased against Israel. Pro-Israel groups, including EndJewHatred, Stop Antizionism, Hineni and the Movement Against Antizionism, are planning a protest outside the newspaper’s New York City headquarters on Thursday.
Michelle Ahdoot, EndJewHatred’s director of programming and strategy, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that the column had been “hurtful and angering,” adding that she believed it was “direct cause of true incitement and violence against the Jewish people.”
“We’ve been calling on The New York Times and other media sources to stop the lies and stop the incitement that’s a result of this horrific reporting, and this, frankly, was the straw that broke the camel’s back,” she said.
The column’s critics, who also include a handful of Palestinian voices who have previously condemned Hamas, have pointed to Kristof’s reliance on a report issued by an NGO that Israel has alleged for more than a decade serves as a Hamas propaganda operation.
While Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, a Palestinian writer and advocate in the United States, wrote that he had “no doubt” that “incidents of sexual abuse have occurred in Israeli prisons,” he criticized the sourcing used in Kristof’s piece, writing in a post on X that Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, a Geneva-based NGO, and others have “troubling records on accuracy, conduct, and associations.”
“They are not credible sources, even if the article relied on others as well,” Alkhatib wrote. He said that other Palestinian testimonies were “anonymous due to shame and fear of retaliation for reporting sexual torture, which complicates verification but does not automatically invalidate their claims.”
Simone Rodan-Benzaquen, the senior envoy for Europe at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, similarly criticized Kristof’s use of Euro-Med’s report in a post on X. Euro-Med’s leaders have long drawn accusations from Israel of being Hamas operatives, and the NGO has faced scrutiny for referring to the Israeli hostages taken by Hamas as having been “arrested and moved to the Gaza Strip” and for claiming that Israel steals the organs of deceased Palestinians.
“This is not a human rights organization with a bias,” Rodan-Benzaquen wrote. “It is an organization whose leadership has documented family and organizational ties to Hamas, operating under institutional cover at the heart of our democracies, and is cited by the @nytimes.”
Hen Mazzig, an Israeli activist, also maligned Kristof’s citation of a tweet by Shaiel Ben-Ephraim in a Substack post, pointing out that he left UCLA amid accusations of sexual harassment in 2020. (Ben-Ephraim has acknowledged that he engaged in “inappropriate behavior” at the time.)
Ben-Ephraim’s viral tweet from April, which Kristof linked to in his claim that Israel had trained dogs to rape Palestinian detainees, listed a series of alleged testimonies from Palestinians’ unnamed Israeli guards who claimed they had experienced or seen the practice.
“The accusations against Israeli settlers and security officials deserve serious investigation,” Mazzig wrote, later adding, “But if you are willing to platform a man accused of sexual harassment, and an organization that calls Jewish rape allegations propaganda, to make your case on the same topic, the conversation is over.”
Ehud Olmert, the former Israeli prime minister, told the Free Press that his comments in the column appearing to validate the allegations appeared out of context. Many have also questioned the timing of Kristof’s column, coming just a day before a widely anticipated report from an Israeli civil commission about the extent of sexual violence during Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel.
Neither The New York Times nor Kristof responded to questions from JTA. But a spokesperson for the newspaper, Charlie Stadtlander, defended the column and its author late Tuesday, writing online about a viral claim that it could be retracted, “There is no truth to this at all.”
On Wednesday morning, he also rejected claims that Kristof’s column had been timed in relation to the Oct. 7 sexual violence report, which he said the Times had not known about before its release. The newspaper covered the report late Tuesday.
Kristof, too, has waved off concerns, dismissing criticism that the piece ran in the Times’ opinion section rather than its news pages. He also greeted skepticism about the possibility of training dogs for sexual assault with “exasperation.”
“I appreciate the intense interest in my column,” Kristof wrote in a post on X. “For skeptics, why not agree on Red Cross and lawyer visits for the 9,000 Palestinian ‘security’ prisoners? If you think these abuse allegations are false, such monitoring visits would be protective. So why not?”
Allegations of abuse against Palestinian detainees in Israel surfaced repeatedly before and during the war in Gaza, including in testimonies by detainees and prison guards by Reuters and the Associated Press, albeit not necessarily in as much detail as many of the cases described in Kristof’s piece. In January, reports obtained by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel from the country’s Public Defender’s Office found evidence of widespread, systematic abuse in Israeli prisons against Palestinians.
In March, Israeli military prosecutors canceled indictments against five IDF reserve soldiers who were accused of sexually assaulting a detainee at the Sde Teiman detention facility, a case that was caught on video and sparked international outcry.
And in January, an Israeli human rights group, B’Tselem, released a report alleging sexual abuse in Israeli prisons. The group cited the column in a post on X Tuesday, writing that “the international community continues to stand by and allow Israel to commit crimes against the Palestinian people” even as the column and others report on them.
Kristof’s column is indeed prompting some to give new attention to the conditions in Israeli prisons, its ostensible purpose. Some Jewish critics of the column are emphasizing that they find the broad allegation of abuse in Israeli prisons plausible, troubling and deserving of scrutiny and action. Many point to comments boasting of poor conditions in prisons by Itamar Ben-Gvir, the far-right minister who has overseen the Israel Prison Service since late 2022, to say they believe that abuse may have worsened, and the consequences diminished, in recent years.
Jeremy Ben-Ami, head of the liberal Zionist advocacy and lobby group J Street, wrote on Substack that while “disputed” details in the piece must be “rigorously investigated,” the report’s “serious allegations of systemic abuse cannot simply be waved away because they are painful or politically inconvenient.”
The Nexus Project, a liberal-leaning antisemitism watchdog, took aim at the Israeli Foreign Ministry’s assessment of the column, writing in a post on X that “to weaponize the term ‘blood libel’ to dismiss Kristof’s thorough reporting is dangerous.”
Other progressive Jewish groups have also called for the allegations in the piece to be investigated, including the rabbinic group T’ruah, which demanded “an impartial independent investigation, so the perpetrators can be brought to justice.”
Elissa Wald, a Jewish activist living in Oregon, argued in a Substack essay late Monday that while she believed The New York Times had a “strong anti-Israel bias,” many things could be true at once.
“The wide[s]pread, knee-jerk denial of everything Kristof wrote by many of my fellow Jews is incredibly troubling to me,” she wrote, adding, “Just as we don’t know enough to immediately believe everything written in this piece, especially given the context we’re all familiar with, I also don’t think we know enough to immediately discount and dismiss it all.”
Others worried that Kristof’s approach might set back the effort to get to the bottom of these allegations. Israeli policy analyst and pro-Israel influencer Eli Kowaz argued in a Substack post that Kristof had foregrounded the most sensational allegations in his piece and neglected claims that were more documented, including Ben-Gvir’s rhetoric and a recent report by the Israeli Public Defender’s Office documenting systematic violence from prison guards.
“By Thursday, the conversation will be about Euro-Med’s credibility and whether unverified accounts can be trusted,” Kowaz wrote. “The documented case — the one that required no advocacy org, no anonymous source, no unverifiable claim — will be largely beside the point. That is what this kind of journalism costs, and someone should say so.”
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