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Letty Cottin Pogrebin wants Jews to own up to the corrosive power of shame
(JTA) — When a lawyer for Donald Trump asked E. Jean Carroll why she didn’t scream while allegedly being raped by Donald Trump, I thought of Letty Cottin Pogrebin. In her latest book, “Shanda: A Memoir of Shame and Secrecy,” she writes about being assaulted by a famous poet — and how the shadow of shame kept women like her silent about attacks on their own bodies.
That incident in 1962, she writes, was “fifty-eight years before the #MeToo movement provided the sisterhood and solidarity that made survivors of abuse and rape feel safe enough to tell their stories.”
Now 83, Pogrebin could have coasted with a memoir celebrating her six decades as a leading feminist: She co-founded Ms. magazine, its Foundation for Women and the National Women’s Political Caucus. She served as president of Americans for Peace Now and in 1982 blew the whistle on antisemitism in the feminist movement.
Instead, “Shanda” is about her immigrant Jewish family and the secrets they carried through their lives. First marriages that were kept hidden. An unacknowledged half-sister. Money problems and domestic abuse. An uncle banished for sharing family dirt in public.
“My mania around secrecy and shame was sparked in 1951 by the discovery that my parents had concealed from me the truth about their personal histories, and every member of my large extended family, on both sides, was in on it,” writes Pogrebin, now 83. “Their need to avoid scandal was so compelling that, once identified, it provided the lens through which I could see my family with fresh eyes, spotlight their fears, and, in so doing, illuminate my own.”
“Shanda” (the Yiddish word describes the kind of behavior that brings shame on an entire family or even a people) is also a portrait of immigrant New York Jews in the 20th century. As her father and mother father move up in the world and leave their Yiddish-speaking, Old World families behind for new lives in the Bronx and Queens, they stand in for a generation of Jews and new Americans “bent on saving face and determined to be, if not exemplary, at least impeccably respectable.”
Pogrebin and I spoke last week ahead of the Eight Over Eighty Gala on May 31, where she will be honored with a group that includes another Jewish feminist icon, the writer Erica Jong, and musician Eve Queler, who founded her own ensemble, the Opera Orchestra of New York, when she wasn’t being given chances to conduct in the male-dominated world of classical music. The gala is a fundraiser for the New Jewish Home, a healthcare nonprofit serving older New Yorkers.
Pogrebin and I spoke about shame and how it plays out in public and private, from rape accusations against a former president to her regrets over how she wrote about her own abortions to how the Bible justifies family trickery.
Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
I found your book very moving because my parents’ generation, who like your family were middle-class Jews who grew up or lived in the New York metropolitan area, are also all gone now. Your book brought back to me that world of aunts and uncles and cousins, and kids like us who couldn’t imagine what kinds of secrets and traumas our parents and relatives were hiding. But you went back and asked all the questions that many of us are afraid to ask.
I can’t tell you how good writing it has been. I feel as though I have no weight on my back. And people who have read it gained such comfort from the normalization that happens when you read that others have been through what you’ve been through. And my family secrets are so varied — just one right after the other. The chameleon-like behavior of that generation — they became who they wanted to be through pretense or actual accomplishment.
In my mother’s case, pretense led the way. She went and got a studio photo that made it look like she graduated from high school when she didn’t. In the eighth grade, she went up to her uncle’s house in the north Bronx and had her dates pick her up there because of the shanda of where she lived on the Lower East Side with nine people in three rooms. She had to imagine herself the child of her uncle, who didn’t have an accent or had an accent but at least spoke English.
You describe yours as “an immigrant family torn between loyalty to their own kind and longing for American acceptance.”
There was the feeling that, “If only we could measure up, we would be real Americans.” My mother was a sewing machine operator who became a designer and figured out what American women wore when she came from rags and cardboard shoes, in steerage. So I admire them. As much as I was discomforted by the lies, I ended up having compassion for them.
It’s also a story of thwarted women, and all that lost potential of a generation in which few could contemplate a college degree or a career outside the home. Your mother worked for a time as a junior designer for Hattie Carnegie, a sort of Donna Karan of her day, but abandoned that after she met your dad and became, as you write, “Mrs. Jack Cottin.”
The powerlessness of women was complicated in the 1950s by the demands of the masculine Jewish ideal. So having a wife who didn’t work was proof that you were a man who could provide. As a result women sacrificed their own aspirations and passions. She protected her husband’s image by not pursuing her life outside the home. In a way my feminism is a positive, like a photograph, to the negative of my mother’s 1950s womanhood.
“I’m not an optimist. I call myself a ‘cockeyed strategist,” said Pogrebin, who has a home on the Upper West Side. (Mike Lovett)
You write that you “think of shame and secrecy as quintessentially Jewish issues.” What were the Jewish pressures that inspired your parents to tell so many stories that weren’t true?
Think about what we did. We hid behind our names. We changed our names. We sloughed off our accents. My mother learned to make My*T*Fine pudding instead of gefilte fish. Shame and secrecy have always been intrinsically Jewish to me, because of the “sha!” factor: At every supper party, there would be the moment when somebody would say, “Sha! We don’t talk about that!” So even though we talked about what felt like everything, there were things that couldn’t be touched: illness, the C-word [cancer]. If you wanted to make a shidduch [wedding match] with another family in the insular communities in which Jews lived, you couldn’t let it be known that there was cancer in the family, or mental illness.
While I was writing this memoir, I realized that the [Torah portion] I’m listening to one Shabbat morning is all about hiding. It is Jacob finding out that he didn’t marry Rachel, after all, but married somebody he didn’t love. All of the hiding that I took for granted in the Bible stories and I was raised on like mother’s milk was formative. They justified pretense, and they justified trickery. Rebecca lied to her husband and presented her younger son Jacob for the blessing because God told her, because it was for the greater good of the future the Jewish people.
I think Jews felt that same sort of way when it came to surviving. So we can get rid of our names. We wouldn’t have survived, whether we were hiding in a forest or behind a cabinet, a name or a passport, or [pushed into hiding] with [forced] conversions. Hiding was survival.
I was reading your book just as the E. Jean Carroll verdict came down, holding Donald Trump liable for sexually assaulting her during an encounter in the mid-’90s. You write how in 1962, when you were working as a book publicist, the hard-drinking Irish poet Brendan Behan (who died in 1964) tried to rape you in a hotel room and you didn’t report it. Like Carroll, you didn’t think that it was something that could be reported because the cost was too high.
Certainly in that era powerful men could get away with horrible behavior because of shanda reasons.
Carroll said in her court testimony, “It was shameful to go to the police.”
You know that it happened to so many others and nobody paid the price. The man’s reputation was intact and we kept our jobs because we sacrificed our dignity and our truth. I was in a career, and I really was supporting myself. I couldn’t afford to lose my job. I would have been pilloried for having gone to his hotel room, and nobody was there when he picked up an ashtray and threatened to break the window of the Chelsea Hotel unless I went up there with him.The cards were stacked against me.
In “Shanda,” you write about another kind of shame: The shame you now feel decades later about how you described the incident in your first book. You regret “how blithely I transformed an aggravated assault by a powerful man into a ‘sticky sexual encounter.’”
I wrote about the incident in such offhand terms, and wonder why. I wrote, basically, “Okay, girls, you’re gonna have to put up with this, but you’re gonna have to find your own magical sentence like I had with Behan” to get him to stop.
You write that you said, “You can’t do this to me! I’m a nice Jewish girl!” And that got him to back off.
Really painful.
I think that’s a powerful aspect of your book — how you look back at the ways you let down the movement or your family or friends and now regret. In 1991 you wrote a New York Times essay about an illegal abortion you had as a college senior in 1958, but not the second one you had only a few months later. While you were urging women to tell their stories of abortion, you note how a different shame kept you from telling the whole truth.
Jewish girls could be, you know, plain or ordinary, but they had to be smart, and I had been stupid. I could out myself as one of the many millions of women who had an abortion but not as a Jewish girl who made the same mistake [of getting pregnant] twice.
The book was written before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. In the book you write powerfully about the shame, danger and loneliness among women when abortion was illegal, and now, after 50 years, it is happening again. Having been very much part of the generation of activists that saw Roe become the law of the land, how have you processed its demise?
Since the 1970s, we thought everything was happening in this proper linear way. We got legislation passed, we had litigation and we won, and we saw the percentage of women’s participation in the workplace all across professions and trades and everything else rise and rise. And then Ronald Reagan was elected and then there was the Moral Majority and then it was the Hyde Amendment [barring the use of federal funds to pay for abortion]. I was sideswiped because I think I was naive enough to imagine that once we articulated what feminism was driving at and why women’s rights were important, and how the economic reality of families and discrimination against women weren’t just women’s issues, people would internalize it and understand it and justice would be done.
In the case of Roe, we could not imagine that rights could ever be taken away. We didn’t do something that we should have done, which is to have outed ourselves in a big way. It’s not enough that abortion was legal. We allowed it to remain stigmatized. We allowed the right wing to create their own valence around it. That negated solidarity. If we had talked about abortion as healthcare, if we had had our stories published and created organizations around remembering what it was like and people telling their stories about when abortion was illegal and dangerous…. Instead we allowed the religious right to prioritize [fetal] cells over a woman’s life. We just were not truthful with each other, so we didn’t create solidarity.
Are you heartened by the backlash against restrictive new laws in red states or optimistic that the next wave of activism can reclaim the right to abortion?
I’m not an optimist. I call myself a “cockeyed strategist.” If you look at my long resume, it is all about organizing: Ms. magazine, feminist organizations, women’s foundations, Black-Jewish dialogues, Torah study groups and Palestinian-Jewish dialogues.
Number one, we have to own the data and reframe the narrative. We have to open channels for discussion for women who have either had one or know someone who has had one, even in religious Catholic families. The state-by-state strategy was really slow, but Ruth Bader Ginsburg wanted that. She almost didn’t get on the court because she didn’t like the nationwide, right-to-privacy strategy of Roe but instead wanted it won state by state, which would have required campaigns of acceptance and consciousness-raising.
So, the irony is she hasn’t lived to see that we’re going to have to do it her way.
You share a lot of family secrets in this book. Is this a book that you waited to write until, I’ll try to put this gently, most of the people had died?
I started this book when I was 78 years old, and there’s always a connection to my major birthdays. And turning 80 – you experience that number and it is so weird. It doesn’t describe me and it probably won’t describe you. I thought, this could well be my last book, so I needed to be completely transparent, put it all out there.
My mother and father and aunts and uncles were gone, but I have 24 cousins altogether. I went to my cousins, and told them I am going to write about the secret of your parents: It’s my uncle, but it’s your father. It’s your family story even though it’s my family, but it’s yours first. And every cousin, uniformly, said, “Are you kidding? You don’t even know the half of it,” and they’d tell me the whole story. I guess people want the truth out in the end.
Is that an aspect of getting older?
I think it’s a promise of liberation, which is what I have found. It’s this experience of being free from anything that I’ve hid. I don’t have to hide. Years ago, on our 35th wedding anniversary, we took our whole family to the Tenement Museum because we wanted them to see how far we’ve come in two generations.
—
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All 25 Jewish Lawmakers in US House Sign Statement on ‘Grotesque’ Antisemitic Bondi Beach Shooting
Rabbi Levi Wolff lights a menorah at Bondi Pavilion to honor the victims of a shooting during a Jewish holiday celebration at Bondi Beach, in Sydney, Australia, Dec. 15, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Hollie Adams
Every Jewish member of the US House of Representatives on Monday signed a bipartisan statement condemning the prior day’s antisemitic mass shooting at Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia, decrying the “grotesque” act of mass murder.
“On a night meant for celebration, Jewish families in Australia, gathering in joy and peace on the first night of Hanukkah, were grotesquely targeted with hate and murderous intent. Sadly, this attack does not come as a surprise to the Jewish community of Sydney who have been raising a clarion call for local and national authorities to take concrete steps against a rising tide of antisemitism,” read the statement co-signed by the 25 lawmakers.
“We stand in solidarity with the Australian Jewish community and together extend our condolences to the family and friends of the people murdered and are praying for the complete recovery of the dozens wounded, and the entire Jewish community feeling besieged,” the statement continued.
The signatories of the letter were members of both main political parties: Reps. Brad Sherman (D-CA), Becca Balint (D-VT), Jake Auchincloss (D-MA), Suzanne Bonamici (D-OR), Steve Cohen (D-TN), Randy Fine (R-FL), Lois Frankel (D-FL), Laura Friedman (D-CA), Craig Goldman (R-TX), Daniel Goldman (D-NY), Josh Gottheimer (D-NJ), Sara Jacobs (D-CA), David Kustoff (R-TN), Greg Landsman (D-OH), Mike Levin (D-CA), Seth Magaziner (D-RI), Max Miller (R-OH), Jared Moskowitz (D-FL), Jerrold Nadler (D-NY), Jamie Raskin (D-MD), Jan Schakowsky (D-IL), Brad Schneider (D-IL), Kim Schrier (D-WA), Eugene Vindman (D-VA), and Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL).
The attack, which is suspected to have been carried out by a Muslim father-and-son duo from Pakistan, targeted Jewish families which gathered to mark the first night of Hanukkah. The murder spree left 15 people dead, including a 10-year-old child, and more than 40 others wounded. Australian authorities described the incident as a hate-driven assault aimed squarely at the Jewish community, as Jewish institutions across the US and the world were placed on heightened alert.
Monday’s statement, a rare show of bipartisan unity, was led by senior lawmakers including Sherman, along with Democrats and Republicans who stressed that defending Jewish life is not a partisan issue. The statement called on political leaders worldwide to take concrete action to protect Jewish communities and to reject efforts to excuse or normalize antisemitic rhetoric under any guise.
“Antisemitism is a cancer that eats at the core of society, whether in Australia, the United States, or anywhere it is allowed to take root and grow. We join leaders around the globe in condemning this evil act and in calling for justice, peace, and unwavering support for those affected. We also call on all leaders to do better standing up to antisemitism, bigotry, and hate. We must also do better in our work for a world where everyone can celebrate their faith and traditions free from discrimination and fear,” the statement read.
“Jews around the world will continue to gather this week to celebrate Hanukkah and its story of religious freedom and defiant optimism,” the statement continued. “As we light the menorah each night and remember the miracle of the festival of lights, let us proclaim that light is stronger than darkness, right is stronger than might, and justice is stronger than tyranny. Wishing all Jewish communities and the world around us strength and peace.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu condemned the attack as an act of antisemitic terrorism and reiterated that assaults on Jews abroad are inseparable from the broader campaign of hatred against the Jewish people and the Jewish state. Netanyahu also chided Australian leadership, pointing to a letter he sent the government which warned that their recognition of a non-existent Palestinian state could encourage more violence.
Australia Prime Minister Anthony Albanese defended his government’s decision to recognize “Palestine,” saying, “overwhelmingly, most of the world recognizes a two-state solution as being the way forward in the Middle East.”
Critics have argued that a two-state solution should be reached through negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians rather than preemptive unilateral declarations by other capitals.
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Dutch Police Arrest 22 After Anti-Israel Protests, Vandalism at Amsterdam Venue During IDF Cantor Performance
Anti-Israel protesters clash with police outside Amsterdam’s Concertgebouw, breaking through barricades and setting off smoke bombs during a demonstration against a performance by the IDF’s chief cantor. Photo: Screenshot
Dutch police arrested 22 people on Sunday after anti-Israel protests outside an Amsterdam concert hall erupted into violent clashes during a performance by the Israel Defense Forces’ official cantor.
Around 200 demonstrators gathered outside Amsterdam’s famed Concertgebouw to protest a performance by Shai Abramson, the IDF’s chief cantor, who has previously performed at several Israeli military ceremonies.
Even though Abramson was originally scheduled to lead the Concertgebouw’s annual public Hanukkah concert, the venue canceled his appearance last month following backlash over his ties to the Israeli military.
After the announcement sparked international outrage, the Concertgebouw offered Abramson the chance to perform at two private concerts later that evening while skipping the main Sunday afternoon concert.
Widely circulated on social media, footage showed anti-Israel protesters chanting antisemitic slogans, breaking through barricades, and carrying signs with inverted red triangles — a symbol used in Hamas propaganda to mark targets.
“October 7, 2023: The day indigenous people rose up against their occupier,” one of the signs read, referring to the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.
Paar demonstranten gooiden een hek om. Paar agenten van de arrestatie-eenheid hebben ze met hulp van de ME uit de groep gehaald. Dat ging er hardhandig aan toe pic.twitter.com/dxtxPg1jsQ
— Jesper Roele (@JesperRoele) December 14, 2025
As riot police worked to contain the crowd and maintain public order, protesters set off smoke bombs, leaving one officer with minor injuries, Dutch News reported.
Local law enforcement arrested 22 people for offenses including violating assembly rules, possessing fireworks, and resisting arrest.
Het was een orgie van Jodenhaat, vandaag op het Museumplein en vlak voor de ingang van het #Concertgebouw, waar Holocaustoverlevenden werden uitgescholden voor nazi’s. Met instemming van een tokkie in toga.
Dit is racisme, dit zijn de nieuwe nazi’s, dit is het pure Kwaad. pic.twitter.com/Ho8DC9dQ4y— Bart Schut (@bpschut) December 14, 2025
On Monday, the anti-Israel group Pal Action NL claimed responsibility for vandalism at the concert hall, sharing photos on its Instagram account showing red paint splattered across the walls.
“Last night, after Het Concertgebouw allowed IOF war criminal and official cantor of the Zionist settler colony, Shai Abramson, to perform, some activists decided to pay a little visit,” the group wrote in its post.
“Het Concertgebouw now has Palestinian blood on their hands, and it will take a LONG time to wash away …” the statement read. “A warning to all other venues and institutions in the country considering platforming Zionists, don’t. Or we will be visiting.”
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Antisemitism Threatens US National Security, Analysts Warn
From left to right: Hudson Institute senior fellow Michael Scott Doran, Hudson Ravenel B. Curry III Distinguished Fellow in Strategy and Statesmanship Walter Russell Mead, and Hudson trustees chair Sarah Stern. Photo: Screenshot.
Geopolitical competition, the rise of artificial intelligence, and declining faith in the capitalist economic model and liberal democracy are contributing to the resurgence of antisemitism taking place across the Western world, some of the leading foreign policy experts in the US said on Friday during a conference held by the Hudson Institute in Washington, DC.
Titled, “Antisemitism as a National Security Threat,” the eight-hour event examined antisemitism as a challenge to the execution of a sound American foreign policy and a tactical advantage to “revisionist powers” such as China and Russia which aim to overturn the international order and supplant the US as the world’s leading superpower. Moreover, they stressed that the vanguard of the “new” antisemitism – Candace Owens, Tucker Carlson, and Nick Fuentes – are not new characters on the world stage but rather the latest iteration of a social type which has always emerged in periods of disruptive change to convert public uncertainty about the future into domestic upheaval.
One area that antisemites have identified as a stronghold is the rising field of artificial intelligence, Jude Rosenblatt, founder of an AI consulting firm, told attendees while appearing via webcam.
“The AI, unfortunately is quite antisemitic itself. We’ve done a lot of research about this. I can explain it in greater detail if you want, but it turns out that AI is very antisemitic and then when it undergoes safety training, it actually becomes more antisemitic. And it is very concerning that underneath the hood, AI is deeply antisemitic,” Rosenblatt explained. “But if it remains deeply antisemitic underneath the hood, then it’s going to, as it becomes more deeply incorporated into everything, people are going to increasingly lose agency to something which is antisemitic and is going to undermine all of our interests.”
The Algemeiner has reported extensively in recent weeks on how neo-Nazis, jihadi terrorists, and others have weaponized AI both to target the Jewish people and, more broadly, expand their propaganda, recruitment, and operations.
The conference also touched on the rise of the so-called “new right.” From the advent of the Cold War until the election of Donald Trump, the American right or “conservative movement” was associated with a “strong” and “active” American foreign policy consensus rooted in a pragmatic assessment of the national interest even as it often embraced a missionary project of spreading liberal democracy and capitalism around the world.
Recently, however, right-wing social media pundits such as Tucker Carlson and Nick Fuentes have argued for America’s retreating from the world stage by citing, implicitly and explicitly, antisemitic conspiracies which claim that Jews incite wars and social upheaval for profit and the pursuit of power. In doing so, they have uttered torrid encomiums to the leaders and governments of China, Russia, Venezuela, and Iran.
The lies and historical revisionism the new right promotes is poisoning public debate and creating a climate in which American leaders are incentivized to make poor strategic decisions for the sake of achieving short term political goals, according to experts.
“It started off with anti-Ukraine in the populist world,” Hudson Institute senior fellow and director of the Keystone Defense Initiative, Rebecca Heinrichs, said, speaking during a panel titled “The Grand Chessboard.”
“It’s antisemitism for the purpose of undermining Americans’ confidence in ourselves and in our post World War II role in the world. That is very dangerous because we can’t come to consensus on anything else we need from a grand strategy perspective if American scapegoat our problems to the Jews and if they believe that Israel is no longer an ally but it never was, and in fact that we were on the wrong side of World War II, which is now the narrative being pushed,” she continued.
The conference ended with a keynote address delivered by renowned scholar and foreign policy analyst Walter Russell Mead. An alumnus of Yale University, Mead’s most recent work includes his critically acclaimed examination of the US-Israel relationship titled, The Arc of the Covenant: The United States, Israel, and the Fate of the Jewish People.
Mead discussed antisemitism across the ages as one consequence of utopian social engineering and its perennial quest to construct societies unalloyed by outsiders and nonbelievers.
“When you want to have a comprehensive political order that embodies all good things and lays out rules for how everyone should behave and think and so on, you sooner or later run up against those stubborn Jews who will not bend to the need of Baal, who will not sacrifice to the emperor or whatever the element of the coercive element of your utopia is,” Mead said. “Today in the Islamist Middle East, we see the same thing, a utopia. If everyone would just accept Islam and live in the light of these eternal truths, everything would be fine. There would be justice, there would be prosperity, there would be freedom. But there are Jews.”
He continued, “The European union’s vision of a world of peace in international order keeps getting disturbed by that traumatizing presence of a Jewish state that follows the logic of its own survival rather than the idealistic hopes and dreams that we see in Brussels.”
Mead concluded by arguing that the American tradition offers not only a guide for building a society which, while being imperfect, is inclusive to all but also an antidote to antisemitism.
“Other people reject the American idea of a free society in favor of some kind of a blood and soil nationalism. Again, you’re just not going to get there because it’s kind of obvious that we’re sort of diverse. We’ve got a bunch of people from whose blood and whose soil is it going to be there?” he said.
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.
