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Scott Wiener, Jewish Democrat and critic of Israel’s war in Gaza, vies for Nancy Pelosi’s seat
Scott Wiener grew up helping his mother fold the newsletter for the tiny Conservative synagogue his parents built in rural New Jersey — a congregation so small it borrowed space from a Lutheran church. Half a century later, the California state senator is running for Nancy Pelosi’s seat, bringing a Jewish story rooted in survival to a political moment defined by division.
His view of Israel, shaped by family history and moral discomfort with the Gaza war, puts him at odds with an older generation of Jewish Democrats.
In an interview on Thursday, just hours after Pelosi announced she would step down following four decades of service in Washington, Wiener said his Jewish identity and stories of his ancestors escaping pogroms and fascism in Eastern Europe guide him to take a more human-centered approach to the Israel-Palestinian conflict — one that is often critical of Israel and reflects a broader realignment among Jewish Democrats in recent months.
“I care deeply about Israel as the home of one half of all Jews on the planet,” Wiener said. “And I want to recognize the basic humanity of both Israelis and Palestinians living there to a peaceful existence.”
Wiener, 55, is expressing a growing view among Democratic incumbents and candidates now running for office when speaking about Israel. He was an early supporter of a bilateral ceasefire, called the war in Gaza “indefensible,” and said he would back congressional measures to halt the sale of offensive weapons to Israel to protest the country’s leadership. “In my view, it’s a moral stain” on the U.S.-Israel alliance, he said about Israel’s conduct of the war.
And like Massachusetts Rep. Seth Moulton, who recently announced a primary challenge to Sen. Ed Markey, Wiener has promised not to take contributions from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which has become increasingly unpopular among some mainstream Democrats in recent years. “I’m not seeking AIPAC’s support because I have policy differences with AIPAC,” he said.
Wiener insisted that his view reflects that of the “large majority of Democrats in Congress” who don’t want to sever ties with Israel. “I strongly support the U.S.-Israel relationship,” Wiener said about his position. “I want Israel to have a government that is committed to democracy and to peace and a Palestine that is not being run by Hamas.”
At least six candidates have registered to compete in the June 2026 Democratic primary to succeed Pelosi in California. The field includes Saikat Chakrabarti, a former chief of staff to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, who has called the war in Gaza a genocide.
Who is Scott Wiener?
Born in Philadelphia, Wiener grew up in Turnersville, a rural town in southern New Jersey that he described as being conservative and Christian. When the family moved there in the early 1970s, their neighbors asked why they didn’t have horns, Wiener recalled.
In the 30-minute phone interview, Wiener said his ancestors fled pogroms and state-sponsored antisemitism in the early 1900s from Lithuania, Romania, Russia, and the borderlands of Belarus and Ukraine, arriving in Philadelphia between 1903 and 1909.
His childhood revolved around Judaism. His parents — a small business owner and a teacher — gathered a dozen Jewish families from nearby areas and founded a small Conservative congregation, B’nai Tikvah. At first, the group met in a Lutheran church, draping a sheet over the cross during services.
Rabbi Leonard Zucker, an Orthodox rabbi from Cherry Hill, would come to town each Friday before sundown and sleep at the Wieners’ home for Shabbat so he could walk to the synagogue. Wiener would help his mom, who was the treasurer, fold, stamp and mail the monthly newsletter to members. Within 15 years, the congregation grew to 150 families and moved into its own building.
“I did not have any friends outside of the synagogue until I was in 10th grade,” Wiener said. In public school, he experienced what he describes as a “fair amount of antisemitism.” He said kids called him a kike and a Christ-hater; someone tried to burn a cross on their lawn. He said his sixth-grade history textbook had a chapter about how the Jews begged the Romans to kill Jesus. In high school, he helped form a committee to address religious intolerance after a Christian minister delivered a sermon at a graduation.
Wiener came out as gay while at Duke University, and was elected president of his fraternity.
After college, he spent a year in Santiago, Chile, on a Fulbright scholarship, finding there a local synagogue where he could attend High Holiday services. He later moved to San Francisco to work as a litigation attorney at Heller Ehrman White & McAuliffe before becoming a deputy city attorney. He served on the Board of Supervisors for six years before being elected to the state Senate in 2016. At 6-foot-7, Wiener likes to note that he’s the tallest elected official in the California Legislature. He also co-chairs its Jewish Caucus.
His childhood memories shaped one of his signature legislative victories: a law requiring that antisemitism be explicitly addressed in the state’s ethnic-studies curriculum. The bill, signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom last month, builds on existing civil rights protections to ensure that students of all faiths and backgrounds can participate in public education free from harassment, bullying or bias.
Wiener said he doesn’t consider himself very religious. He rotates between various San Francisco synagogues — Congregation Emanu-El, Sherith Israel and Sha’ar Zahav — on the High Holidays and special occasions.
Wiener’s views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
In his statement days after Oct. 7, Wiener declared that “Hamas must be entirely eliminated,” and condemned the subsequent pro-Palestinian protests, one of which disrupted a Halloween pumpkin carving event he hosted in 2024.
But as Israel’s military campaign in Gaza intensified, his rhetoric shifted. Weeks into the war, he had already called for a negotiated ceasefire.
By mid-2025, he was calling the bombardment of Gaza “indefensible,” and in September of this year, he said the Israeli plan to invade Gaza City was “abhorrent and unacceptable.”
In the interview, Wiener said the war in Gaza went “far and beyond self-defense” and rooting out terror. “The obliteration of Gaza and the scale of death among Palestinians,” he said, “is an immoral thing.”
The post-Pelosi test
Pelosi, who often spoke of her pride in her Jewish grandchildren and her father’s early support for Israel’s founding, represented a generation of Democrats for whom unwavering pro-Israel support was a given. Wiener’s bid to succeed her could signal the start of a different era.
In a fundraising email sent Wednesday, the day after Zohran Mamdani, a critic of Israel, was elected New York City’s first Muslim mayor, AIPAC warned that “anti-Israel forces in America are energized, mobilized, and taking the fight directly to us.” The race for Pelosi’s seat could become a key test of how Congress approaches Israel in the years ahead.
Support from Jewish Democrats, including Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and retiring Rep. Jerry Nadler of New York, for a bill restricting offensive arms sales to Israel highlights the growing divide within the party over how to back an ally.
Wiener said his support for restricting U.S. arms sales to Israel would apply only under a right-wing government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. “We have to ensure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are not being used to do what Israel just did in Gaza,” he said. “We need to be able to strike that balance and have that kind of relationship where it’s not just a blank check.”
“I hope that changes,” he added. “I hope the conversation can be led by the broad middle — by people who simply want peace.”
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‘We’re saying ‘no’ to Mamdani’: Orthodox teens demonstrate outside Gracie Mansion
In a sea of kippot and black skirts, more than 200 Orthodox middle school and high school students gathered outside Gracie Mansion on Friday, conducting morning prayers and giving speeches.
“I like protesting against Mamdani,” Rami Fishman, a 16-year-old student, told the Forward. “He’s not a great guy. I’ll take an opportunity to speak out against him.”
Prominent Modern Orthodox preparatory schools Ramaz and SAR organized the gathering with Congregation Kehilath Jeshurun, the synagogue that sponsors the institutions. Organizers said that comments Mayor Zohran Mamdani made over the summer attacking AIPAC and Israel drove their efforts. Rabbi Bini Kraus, principal of SAR, said the experience was also intended to teach students about “their civic responsibilities.”
“It’s fun,” Fishman said. “We’re praying and we’re saying ‘no’ to Mamdani.”
Fishman, a junior at SAR, said he liked waking up late and he was enjoying meeting students from another school. Kraus told the Forward students were missing three periods by participating, but noted prayer is part of the school’s curriculum and the gathering wasn’t taking away from their studies.
Students and parents could opt out, with Kraus noting some declined to participate. Nearly 400 alumni and members of Congregation Kehilath Jeshurun signed a petition against the gathering.

In their speeches, students touched on fears of antisemitism, being proud Jews and supporting Israel openly. One 8th grader called on Mamdani to prioritize the safety of the Jewish community.
Neturei Karta, a Haredi group that opposes Zionism, protested against the student group by waving Palestinian flags, chanting and holding signs in support of Mamdani. The NK group chanted “Antizionism is not antisemitism,” and called for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to be arrested during his visit to New York next week. Mamdani, who campaigned on arresting Netanyahu, recently acknowledged he does not have the authority to do so.
Michael Rapaport, an actor and staunch supporter of Israel, came to support the students saying it was “moving,” and “not a political statement.”
“These are kids,” Rapaport told the Forward, “they can’t even vote. This is a beautiful, beautiful, beautiful prideful thing.”
Vigil? Demonstration? Protest?
Organizers did not describe the gathering as a form of protest, instead referring to it as a vigil or communal prayer. However, the event involved classic hallmarks of a protest. A handful of participants waved or wore Israeli flags, and organizers acquired a permit for noise amplification.
“Our students have been going out for decades, really, when things matter,” Kraus said.
He noted he demonstrated for Soviet Jewry when he was a student at the school.
A reporter asked Mamdani about the demonstration at a press conference Wednesday.
“I welcome them,” he said. “They can have a vigil, or I’ve heard some describe it even as a ‘protest.’ Whatever it is intended to be, they have the room and space to do so outside of Gracie Mansion. I think that at the time that they are there, I will probably be somewhere else across the city.”
Rabbi Chaim Steinmetz, senior rabbi at Kehilath Jeshurun, said Thursday, “That’s the right response.”
Kraus, however, said he hoped the mayor would change his mind and attend. If he did, he would hear singing, praying and concerns “expressed respectfully.”
“Maybe that will move him,” Kraus said.
Some alumni and parents opposed the demonstration
The petition against the demonstration stated, “This gathering needlessly inflames tensions between the mayor and the Modern Orthodox Jewish community, as opposed to inviting him into conversation as a potential ally working for the shared safety of all New Yorkers.”
Much of the signatures are anonymous, with only school and class year listed.
The petition also said the schools risked portraying the Modern Orthodox community “as a political monolith opposed to the mayor.”
“They don’t want it to look like the Modern Orthodox community is a monolith, but the Modern Orthodox community really is a monolith on this,” Steinmetz said. “The Modern Orthodox community is, by and large, quite Zionist and really takes the security and safety of the state of Israel very seriously.”
A 2024 poll conducted by Nishma Research found 94% of the Modern Orthodox community identifies as Zionist, compared to 51% of Haredi Jews.
Halachic Left, an observant organization that says its members have “deep connections” to institutions in the Modern Orthodox community, helped circulate the petition. In a statement to the Forward, the organization insisted there is a “full range of views in the Modern Orthodox community on Israel, Zionism, and Mayor Mamdani.”
“The mayor has shown a willingness to respect and speak with our community,” read the statement. “We should be partnering with and engaging the mayor rather than castigating or insulting him.”
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I love ‘Seinfeld’ — why doesn’t the rest of my generation?
Seinfeld had a mythic presence in my childhood. The show went off the air three years before I was born, but that didn’t stop it from permeating my psyche.
When I was little, growing up in Bethesda, Md., my parents would regale me with summaries of their favorite family-friendly episodes. There’s the one where George quits his job in a huff, then shows up the next day and simply pretends he never quit. Or when Elaine runs out of toilet paper, only to have the woman in the next stall refuse to “spare a square” — a scene that prompted my mom to start carrying tissue paper in her purse.
Around middle school, I finally became old enough to watch Seinfeld myself. I recorded the reruns that aired on TBS on our DVR and set out to watch every episode, eager to see the stories that had become a part of my family lore.
Suddenly, all the times my dad warned me against the perils of “double dipping” made more sense. (See: Season 4, Episode 19, “The Implant,” when George gets into a fight at a funeral reception for putting a half-eaten chip back into the communal dip).
I had never felt quite so represented by a piece of media: the dry humor, the cynical outlook, the blunt banter, the overbearing parents. It all felt like home.
The Jewishness of Seinfeld was undoubtedly part of the appeal. It wasn’t just that Jerry was Jewish; it was the sensibility — the neuroses, the kvetching, finding the comedy in life’s everyday absurdities. The characters felt like caricatured versions of my craziest relatives.
My affection for the show was strong enough that I skipped a classmate’s bar mitzvah party to see Jerry Seinfeld perform stand-up live at the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C. I don’t remember any specific jokes he told that night, just how wowed I was that Seinfeld was just as funny in person as on TV.
But explaining my newfound obsession to my peers, I was often met with blank stares. Few of my friends had watched Seinfeld at all. Those who tried an episode on my advice reported back that they found the show dated. Yet the lack of interest could not be explained by a lack of nostalgia for ’90s TV; those same friends came to love Friends and Sex and the City.
This Gen Z disinterest in Seinfeld seems to extend beyond my inner circle: A 2022 YouGov survey of 1,000 adults found a generational divide in the Seinfeld fandom: 14% of 18- to 29-year-olds said they loved the show, versus 22% of those 30 to 44, 27% of those 45 to 64 and 32% of those 65 and older.
To be sure, Seinfeld still has its young fans, as evidenced by the show’s continued life in memes and modern riffs on the plots. But that enthusiasm seems to stop short of the broad, mainstream appeal the show once commanded. Today, shows like The Office or Parks and Recreation seem like the cultural touchstones that Seinfeld once was.
So why hasn’t Seinfeld caught on more with my generation? I have a few theories.
For one, much of the humor in Seinfeld revolves around awkward situations: a date gone wrong, an annoying friend you can’t get rid of, a social obligation you can’t escape. Whether trapped in conversation with a “close talker” or endlessly waiting for a table at a Chinese restaurant, the characters are constantly stuck in situations they’d rather avoid.
But modern technology has made it increasingly possible to live a frictionless existence. Awkwardness has become less relatable and more readily labeled “cringe.” Instead of asking someone on a date in person, just use the apps. Instead of breaking up, ghost. Want to avoid the Soup Nazi’s wrath? Just order Uber Eats.
Indeed, Kramer’s entire character is more difficult to imagine today. He’s constantly barging into Jerry’s apartment unannounced, eating out of his fridge and answering his landline phone. But Americans have grown less connected to their neighbors over time; only a quarter of young adults regularly interact with those who live around them — a sharp drop from 51% of young adults in 2012.
Another reason may have to do with how my generation watches television. Today, the entire series is on Netflix, alongside thousands of other shows competing for our attention. Contrast that with my parents, who watched Seinfeld one episode at a time as it aired, every Thursday night over Chinese takeout.
Famously dubbed the “show about nothing,” Seinfeld isn’t especially suited to binge-watching. There’s no need to watch the episodes in order. There are no major cliffhangers, and any romance is fodder for jokes rather than character development.
Some of the disconnect may also be cultural. When Seinfeld first aired, NBC Entertainment President Brandon Tartikoff — a New York Jew himself — famously worried that the show was “too New York, too Jewish” to connect with a wider American audience.
“Who will want to see Jews wandering around New York acting neurotic?” he asked.
Evidently, many people did. But amid rising antisemitism, I wonder whether Jewishness has lost some of its cultural cachet.
These days, it seems increasingly difficult to enjoy a Jewish artist’s work without being asked to account for that artist’s views on Israel. Seinfeld’s outspoken support for Israel after Oct. 7, along with his inflammatory comments comparing the pro-Palestinian movement to the Ku Klux Klan, have prompted calls to boycott his acts. Ironically, the exception to this rule seems to be the invincible Larry David, who has managed to escape cancellation perhaps because his comedic persona is built around being the butt of every joke.
Of course, it’s also possible that Seinfeld is just old. The laugh track is annoying. The production quality looks unmistakably ’90s. Its references are dated.
But I’d hate for a new generation to write off Seinfeld. So if you’re under 30 and not already a fan, watch a few episodes. You can start with my favorite: “The Marine Biologist.” Once you get to the punchline, maybe you’ll see some of what I see in the show.
Or, maybe, I’m just an old soul. Not that there’s anything wrong with that!
The post I love ‘Seinfeld’ — why doesn’t the rest of my generation? appeared first on The Forward.
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An Israeli poet was scheduled to do a reading in New York. Then her publisher called.
It was supposed to be a party to celebrate the revival of a nonprofit poetry press and to welcome a beloved Israeli poet back to an America quite different from the one she visited decades ago.
But politics in that new America intervened, canceling the party.
Hamutal Bar-Yosef, a contemporary icon of Israeli poetry, had planned to be in New York City this week to read from the new English translation of her collection The Miraculous Mistake.
Bar-Yosef’s book is one of three volumes coming out this fall by Sheep Meadow Press, an American nonprofit that had been dormant since its founder, renowned Jewish poet Stanley Moss, died in 2024.
The scheduled reading was also part of a new chapter for Poets House, a national poetry library and meeting place in Manhattan, which, after a four-year hiatus sparked by the pandemic, reopened in 2024 and began offering rental space.
But as conversations about the upcoming event unfolded, Greg Miller, the new head of Sheep Meadow, grew concerned. Bar-Yosef, who is 86, had just received one of Israel’s most prestigious literary awards, the Bialik Prize for a lifetime of achievement in poetry. But not everyone at Poets House seemed enthusiastic about welcoming her, he told the Forward.
Given her elevated profile and the anti-Israeli climate now pervading the literary world, Miller called off the event. He said select staff from the Poets House offered to help him find a new venue in the spring.
“As a result of this conversation and others it was important for someone who is representative of Israel right now to have security,” Miller said. “And so I made the decision we were going to postpone and find a more appropriate venue, the right spot for her that will give her the audience she deserves.”

Poets House did not respond to the Forward’s inquiries. Bar-Yosef declined to be interviewed for this story.
Sheep Meadow and Poets House have a long history, going back 40 years since Sheep Meadow founder Moss also helped found Poets House as a place that “exists to create a welcoming home for poets, poetry readers and for those who are exploring poetry.”
Moss, whose Almost Complete Poems won the National Jewish Book Award for Poetry in 2016, founded Sheep Meadow Press in 1977 as a nonprofit press with a particular focus on international poets in translation.
Thursday’s event was going to feature a reading of poems from Soon, Moss’s final collection of poems completed in his 99th year. Miller also planned to share the stage with Bar-Yosef to read from his own new collection Green Runs Through It.
Moss and Bar-Yosef appeared together for a reading at the 92nd Street Y when Sheep Meadow published an English translation of Night, Morning, one of her nine poetry collections.
But much has changed for Israeli and Jewish authors since then and especially since the Israel-Hamas War began on Oct. 7, 2023. According to a PEN America report published in July, editors have increasingly ignored submissions, rejected them outright or asked agents not to submit Israeli authors in the future.
Miller said it comes down to what the word Zionism means for audience members. Bar-Yosef believes in a homeland for the Jewish people and the state of Israel, Miller said. For years, she has helped transport Palestinian children from the West Bank to hospitals inside Israel. She has Palestinian family members. A prolific prose writer, literary scholar and translator, at least three of her poetry books have been translated into Arabic. She also has published in journals that include Arabic and Hebrew writers.
But because others have imposed their own meaning on the Z-word, finding a safe and welcoming space in the U.S. for an Israeli to read poetry free of indictment has become a challenge.
“I don’t want to be the shillelagh of the left or the right,” Miller said. “I don’t want Hamutal to be that either.”
Bar-Yosef’s latest collection of verse, originally published in Hebrew in 2020, explores grief through the various losses in her life including the death of her older brother in the War of Independence, the suicide of one of her sons, the murder of family members in the Shoah and choices that have become clear long after the fact and too late to right the wrongs.
“It is poetry that addresses harsh realities directly, eschewing pathos and sentimentality, and refusing to hide behind musicality or fluidity—qualities that can otherwise veil the blemishes and scars of reality,” one reviewer wrote in Haaretz when the original Hebrew edition was released in 2020.
A description of the collection by its distributor, Wesleyan University Press, describes it as “a glimpse of holy solidarity, of a time, perhaps some 500 years in the future, where there will be no need for steel doors and bomb shelters” – a reference to the poem Five Hundred Years, which opens with: “It’s hard to believe, but five hundred years ago people like us had slaves.”
It ends with: “That is how they will talk about wars and terrorist attacks as a way of settling disputes or salvaging pride after five hundred more years, perhaps even less.”
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