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The Israeli origins of Amitai Etzioni’s big ideas about community
(JTA) — “Although I was born in Germany, my formative years were spent in the early, idealistic days of the cooperative Jewish settlements, in pre-Israel, Palestine,” wrote Amitai Etzioni in his 2003 memoir, “My Brother’s Keeper.”
In writing about his early years in a cooperative settlement called Kfar Shmaryahu, the Israeli-American sociologist and polymath provided the origin story for the big idea that made him famous: communitarianism.
When Etzioni died May 31 at age 94, the obituaries noted how he came to Israel as a young refugee from Nazi Germany and fought in Israel’s war for independence. But few noted his early life in Israel shaped his life’s work. Nor did they note how far Israel had come — for better and for worse — in the years since he lived on a kibbutz, battled as a Palmach commando and studied at the Hebrew University.
Communitarianism is a social philosophy that emphasizes the importance of society, as opposed to the individual, in articulating the good.”[W]hile individual rights surely matter, these rights must be balanced with commitments to the common good — for instance, by protecting the environment and public health,” Etzioni explained.
He also held that the various liberation movements of the 1960s went too far in undermining authority figures and what he called “the accepted standards of upright conduct.”
Because it proposed a “third way” between liberalism and conservatism, communitarianism was also embraced — and ridiculed — on both sides of the aisle. Bill Clinton and Tony Blair were fans. Some labeled George W. Bush’s “compassionate conservatism” communitarian.
Etzioni left Israel in his mid-twenties for a teaching job at Columbia University. He opposed the Vietnam War and the nuclear arms race, activism that propelled him beyond the academy and into the role as a “public intellectual.” He taught ethics for two years at the Harvard Business School before launching into a hybrid discipline he called “socio-economics.” Hired by the Carter administration in 1979 as a senior adviser, he joined the faculty at George Washington University, where he taught international affairs for more than 30 years.
The theories behind communitarianism weren’t new, but Etzioni’s articulation came to wide public attention on the eve of the Clinton presidency, when, according to one profile, it was “supposed to be the Big Idea of the ‘90s, the antidote to ‘Me Generation’ greed and the cure for America’s cynicism, alienation and despair.”
“We need an awakening of values, of caring and commitment,” Etzioni told an interviewer in 1992. “The Communitarians are saying this is possible; in fact, it is inevitable.”
“It was as if I were growing up in a high school of communitarian theory and practice,” wrote Etzioni about his youth spent on an agricultural cooperative in Israel. (Courtesy of Yad Yitzhak Ben Zvi)
Although communitarianism never did live up to the hype, Etzioni became a reliable commentator and theorist in a host of fields and causes, including just war, bioethics, national security and privacy.
Although he occasionally wrote about Israel, his roots there were rarely front and center in his work or public image. In his memoir he notes that a lot of readers thought he was Italian. (“Amitai” comes from the Hebrew word for truth; he took “Etzioni” from a folk tale about a boy who learns to protect nature from a tree – “etz” in Hebrew.)
In his memoir, however, he delves deeply into his youth in Israel. “In those days, the country was quite different from what it has since become,” he writes. “[I]t was strongly imbued with the spirit of community (from which the term communitarian arises); most people were dedicated to serving the common good and to erecting a home for Jews escaping Nazi-dominated Europe. It was in that pre-Israel that I first knew the high that one gains when serving a cause greater than oneself.”
His parents were among the founders of the small farming community; a young Etzioni would attend co-op meetings with his father, where members would debate how cooperative they needed to be – a question, he writes, that was never settled.
“It was as if I were growing up in a high school of communitarian theory and practice,” wrote Etzioni.
He also discovered the limits of that practice after a year as a teen on Kibbutz Tel Joseph. He found the kibbutz “excessively communal,” with little tolerance for individuality or privacy. Communitarianism itself would often be attacked on the same grounds: Etzioni would later have a fierce antagonist in the American Civil Liberties Union, which felt some of his calls for limiting privacy and suspending individual rights in the name of the common good went too far.
Etzioni wrote movingly about watching friends die in the fighting for Israel’s independence. Although he never wavered in feeling the war was justified, he lamented that the Jews and Arabs might have avoided the bloodshed had they agreed to the two-state partition that, in 2003, he still felt was inevitable. Nor did he regret Israel’s founding: “The Jewish people require a homeland to protect them not merely from physical annihilation, but also from cultural devastation,” he wrote in 1999.
But perhaps the most fascinating influence on Etzioni’s thinking was the year he spent in a Jerusalem institute set up by Martin Buber, the Vienna-born social philosopher. The formidable faculty included Gershom Scholem on Kabbalah, Yeshayahu Leibowitz on biology and Nechama Leibowitz on Bible.
Etzioni imbibed Buber’s ideas about “I and Thou” relationships – the “unending struggle between the forces that pushed us to relate to other human beings as objects, as Its, rather than as fellow humans, as Thous.”
Etzioni would call this “moral dialogue,” as in his definition of democracy: “[O]ur conception of right and wrong are encountered through moral dialogues that are open and inclusive. It is a persuasive morality, not a coercive one.”
Etzioni’s memoir and his obituaries recall a more hopeful political climate, when right and left could briefly imagine common ground around the common good. They also recall a different Israel, before it largely embraced the free-market economics of the West and let go of many of its communitarian values.
In 2013 Etzioni wrote about his own seeming irrelevance – he called it his “gradual loss of a megaphone” — after his brief flurry of influence. He had no regrets, nor loss of confidence: “Until I am shown that my predictions or prescriptions are ill-founded, or not of service, I will try to get out what must be said. I’ll keep pulling at the oars, however small my boat, however big or choppy the sea.”
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The post The Israeli origins of Amitai Etzioni’s big ideas about community appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Israel’s National Security Council Warns Israelis Abroad Not to Attend Passover Events in Open, Public Spaces
El Al planes are seen on the tarmac at Ben-Gurion International airport, near Tel Aviv, Israel, March 10, 2020. Photo: Reuters / Ronen Zvulun.
Israel’s National Security Council (NSC) has “strongly recommended” that Israelis traveling abroad avoid public Passover events, following its assessment that the ongoing war with Iran increases the risk of them being targeted in terrorist attacks around the world orchestrated by the Iranian regime.
The NSC issued the warning on Wednesday, one week before the Jewish holiday of Passover is set to begin, explaining that the Islamic Republic will increase efforts to carry out terrorist attacks against Israeli and Jewish targets abroad.
“Throughout Passover (as well as other spring holidays and commemorative days such as Shavuot, Memorial Day, and Independence Day) there are large gatherings of Israelis abroad. These constitute potential targets for terrorists, both organized and lone-wolf attackers,” the NSC said in a statement. “In light of the above, and based on the current situational assessment, the NSC calls on Israelis abroad to exercise increased precautionary measures in any country worldwide. We strongly recommend not attending Passover events that are unsecured or held in open, public spaces.”
“In recent weeks, several terrorist attacks, led by Iran and its proxies as well as lone-wolf attackers acting under Iranian inspiration, have been carried out or thwarted,” the NSC added. “Several attacks and attempted attacks have targeted synagogues and Jewish sites (explosives in synagogues in Belgium and the Netherlands, and an attempted attack on a synagogue in the United States).”
Regarding countries bordering Iran — including Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates and Gulf states — the NSC advised that Israelis should not participate in holiday events, including holiday meals, at venues identified with Israelis or Jews, “due to concerns that these will be targets for kinetic attacks by Iranian elements.”
A separate advisory on the same topic was published on March 5.
Last week, the NCS urged Israelis in the United Arab Emirates to exercise extreme caution as Iran continued its campaign of drone and missile attacks across the country and broader Gulf region, warning that their safety could be directly at risk.
Jews and Israelis living in the UAE were advised to avoid public events, synagogues, Israeli-linked businesses, and unnecessary gatherings, including at airports, unless holding a valid flight ticket.
In Wednesday’s statement, the NSC also advised Israelis abroad to take “increased precautions” in Asia, especially in Thailand and the Philippines, and said it strongly recommended Israelis not to stay in the region of the Sinai Peninsula, except if they are traveling to and from Taba Airport in Egypt.
Israeli authorities also urged citizens to enter and exit Israel through Ben Gurion Airport. Those choosing to travel through Egypt or Jordan are advised only to use Taba Airport or Aqaba Airport in Jordan, “and avoid staying in these countries longer than your flight requires.” The NSC additionally recommended that Israelis try to avoid connecting flights in countries classified as Level 4 (high threat).
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A new book of contemporary Yiddish poetry with Russian translations
נישט יעדער ווייסט, אַז די ייִדישע פּאָעזיע לעבט און בליט נאָך אינעם 21סטן יאָרהונדערט. די נײַע זאַמלונג „איך קער זיך אום“, וואָס איז אַרויס אין מאָסקווע סוף 2025, קומט דווקא צו ווײַזן, אַז דאָס פּאָעטישע לעבן אויף ייִדיש גייט אָן ווײַטער — אין פֿאַרשידענע לענדער, שפּראַכן און סטילן. דאָס בוך האָט אַרויסגעגעבן דער ייִדישער פֿאַרלאַג „קניזשניקי“ מיט דער הילף פֿונעם פּריוואַטן אַרויסגעגעבער ברוך־לייב (באָריס) זײַטשיק.
די אַנטאָלאָגיע איז צווײ־שפּראַכיק אוןמע קען זי לײענען פֿון בײדע זײַטן׃ אײן טײל איז אױף ייִדיש, און דער צווייטער – אױף רוסיש. די אויסגאַבע שליסט אײַן צוועלף דיכטער. יעדער אײנער פֿון זײ ווערט פֿאָרגעשטעלט מיט צען לידער. אַוודאי זענען דאָ אַ סך מער ייִדישע דיכטער הײַנט אױף דער וועלט, אָבער, ווי עס שרײַבן אינעם אַרײַנפֿיר־וואָרט ברוך־לײב זײַטשיק און יואל מאַטוועיעוו, דער צונויפֿשטעלער און רעדאַקטאָר פֿון דער זאַמלונג, איז דער ציל געווען צו געבן אַ פּאַנאָראַמישן איבערבליק פֿון דער ייִדישער פּאָעטישער לאַנדשאַפֿט.
די צוועלף דיכטער רעפּרעזענטירן פֿאַרשידענע דורות און לענדער׃ לעוו בערינסקי, פֿעליקס חײַמאָוויטש, מיכאל פֿעלזענבאַום, וועלוול טשערנין, גיטל שעכטער־ווישוואַנאַט, ישׂראל נעקראַסאָוו, ברוריה וויגאַנד, שלום בערגער, יואל מאַטוועיעוו, מאַרעק טושעוויצקי, דוד־עומר כּהן און אַני הקטנה. זײ זענען געבוירן געוואָרן צווישן 1938 און 1993 און ווױנען אין ארץ־ישׂראל, רוסלאַנד, בעלאַרוס, די פֿאַראײניקטע שטאַטן, ענגלאַנד, פּוילן און האָלאַנד.
דער טיטל פֿון דער אַנטאָלאָגיע איז אַ שליסל צום בוך – אַ ציטאַט פֿון וועלוול טשערנינס ליד וועגן דעם אײביקן אומקער און זוכן אַ באַשטימטן צוועק. אין אָט דעם קאָנטעקסט מײנען די ווערטער אינעם טיטל, אַז די ייִדישע פּאָעזיע בײַט זיך און אַנטוויקלט זיך ווײַטער. דער פֿאַקט, וואָס מע שרײַבט הײַנט ווײַטער אױף ייִדיש און נײַע זאַמלונגען לידער זענען אַרױס כּמעט יעדעס יאָר, קען זײַן אַ חידוש אַפֿילו פֿאַר די, וואָס פֿאַרנעמען זיך מיט ייִדיש.
ווי עס שרײַבט דער מיטרעדאַקטאָר וואַלערי דימשיץ אין זײַן הקדמה צום בוך׃ „מענטשן, וואָס זײַנען ווײַט פֿון דער הײַנטצײַטיקער ייִדישער ליטעראַטור, גיבן פֿון צײַט צו צײַט אַ ביטערן קרעכץ און טענהן, אַז ייִדיש, שױן אָפּגערעדט פֿון דער שפּראַכס ליטעראַריש לעבן, איז געבליבן אינעם עבֿר.“
די שאַפֿער פֿונעם בוך וואַרפֿן אָפּ אַזעלכע פֿאַרשפּרייטע סטערעאָטיפּן. זײַטשיקס און מאַטוועיעווס אַרײַנפֿיר־וואָרט איז באַטיטלט „נײַע רינגען פֿון דער ׳גאָלדענער קײט׳“ — די קייט, וואָס פֿאַרבינדט די מאָדערנע ייִדישע דיכטונג מיט דער לאַנגער טראַדיציע פֿון פֿאַרגאַנגענע דורות. די הײַנטצײַטיקע פּאָעטן זענען נישט קײן אײנצלנע איזאָלירטע עפּיזאָדן, נאָר טײלן פֿון אײן גרױסן ליטעראַרישן פּראָצעס.
אין דער זעלבער צײַט געהערט יעדער פֿון זײ צו דער ליטעראַרישער טראַדיציע פֿון זײַן לאַנד און סבֿיבֿה. הײַנט, ווי מיט אַ הונדערט יאָר צוריק, זענען ייִדישע דיכטער פֿילשפּראַכיק. זײ זענען אױפֿגעוואַקסן אַלע מיט אַנדערע ליטעראַטורן אַרום זיך – די רוסישע, אַמעריקאַנער, פּױלישע. דעריבער ברענגען זיי מיט זיך זײער לאָקאַלע ירושה.
די אַנטאָלאָגיע ווײַזט אױך ווי פֿילפֿאַרביק ס׳איז די וועלט פֿון דער הײַנטיקער ייִדישער פּאָעזיע׃ די דיכטער האָבן גאַנץ פֿאַרשידענע סטילן און טעמעס. פֿון דער וויסנשאַפֿטלעך־טעכנישער רעוואָלוציע בײַ לעוו בערינסקי ביז צום „חסידישיזם“ פֿון דוד־עומר כּהן; פֿון טושעוויצקיס „דזשאָגינג“ (לויפֿלען) אין וויליאַמסבורג ביז שעכטער־ווישוואַנאַטס ליד וועגן דעם קאָוויד; פֿון מאַטוועיעווס קבלה־מאָטיוון ביז וויגאַנדס שפּילן מיטן ייִדישן פֿאָלקלאָר. די געזאַמלטע ווערק שטײַגן איבער אַלע דערוואַרטונגען.
דאָס אױסזען פֿונעם בוך קען אַרױסרופֿן עפּעס אַן אַנדער רושם. די הילע – פּרעכטיקע „רײזעלעך“ מיט בלומען און חיות – דערמאָנט אין דער ייִדישער פֿאָלקסקונסט און מע קען דענקען, אַז דאָס בוך האָט עפּעס אַ נאָסטאַלגישן טעם. אָבער נײן, דער תּוכן פֿון די לידער איז ווײַט פֿון דער שטעטל־עסטעטיק. אַגבֿ, וועגן די קאָמפּליצירטע באַציִונגען מיטן אימאַזש פֿון אַ שטעטל רעדט דאָס טרױעריק־איראָנישע ליד פֿון שלום בערגער אין זײַן ליד „דער ייִדישער ליטעראַטור“:
דער ייִדיש־דיכטער שעפּט פֿון שטעטל־חלום
אַ טעם געמישטן פֿון חרוסת־כרײן,
נאָר פֿונעם שטעטל איז אַנטלאָפֿן יעדער,
און צו דעם שטעטל קען מען ניט דערגײן.
דאָס בוך איז די ערשטע דוגמא פֿון אַן אַרומנעמיקער צווײ־שפּראַכיקער אַנטאָלאָגיע פֿון דער הײַנטיקער פּאָעזיע אױף ייִדיש, הגם אַ קורצע באַשיידענע אַנטאָלאָגיע פֿון אַזאַ מין איז דערשינען אינעם אַלמאַנאַך „ביראָבידזשאַן“ אין 2023. הגם עס זענען געווען עטלעכע לידער־אַנטאָלאָגיעס אױף ייִדיש (צום בײַשפּיל, „אַ רינג“, 2017) איז „איך קער זיך אום“ די ערשטע ברייטע פּרעזענטאַציע פֿון דער טעמע פֿאַר אַ נישט־ייִדיש־רענדניקן עולם. דאָס מאַכט די זאַמלונג אױך אַ מין מאַניפֿעסט גופֿא – ייִדישע פּאָעזיע איז לעבעדיק, זי האָט אַ שטאַרק און זיכער קול. פּאָעזיע אױף ייִדיש דאַרף פֿאַרנעמען אַ גלײַך אָרט צווישן אַלע אַנדערע הײַנטצײַטיקע פּאָעטישע טראַדיציעס און קען זײַן אינטערעסאַנט דעם ברייטן עולם אױסער דער ייִדישיסטישער סבֿיבֿה.
אױב מע זוכט וואָס צו קריטיקירן אינעם בוך, קען איך אָנמערקן, אַז עס זענען דאָ נאָר דרײַ דיכטערינס קעגן נײַן דיכטערס. די פּראָפּאָרציע שפּיגלט אָפּ, צום באַדױערן, דעם אמתדיקן מאַנגל פֿון פֿרױען־שטימען אין דער ייִדישער פּאָעזיע. אָבער איך בין אָפּטימיסטיש – מירצעשעם וועלן מיר הערן מער און מער נײַע פֿרוייִשע קולות. ווער ווײסט, אפֿשר אין אַ פּאָר יאָר אַרום וועט מען קענען אַרױסגעבן אַ גאַנצע אַנטאָלאָגיע פֿון הײַנטיקע ייִדישע דיכטערינס.
The post A new book of contemporary Yiddish poetry with Russian translations appeared first on The Forward.
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At least 40% of Russia’s Oil Export Capacity Halted, Calculations Show
The Druzhba oil pipeline between Hungary and Russia is seen at the Hungarian MOL Group’s Danube Refinery in Szazhalombatta, Hungary, May 18, 2022. Photo: REUTERS/Bernadett Szabo
At least 40% of Russia’s oil export capacity is at a halt following Ukrainian drone attacks, a disputed attack on a major pipeline and the seizure of tankers, according to Reuters calculations based on market data.
The shutdown is the most severe oil supply disruption in the modern history of Russia, the world’s second largest oil exporter, and has hit Moscow just as oil prices exceeded $100 a barrel due to the Iran war.
Russia’s oil output is one of the main sources of revenue for the national budget and is central to the $2.6 trillion economy.
UKRAINE HAS INCREASED ATTACKS
Ukraine intensified drone attacks on Russia’s oil and fuel export infrastructure this month, hitting all three of Russia’s major western oil export ports, including Novorossiysk on the Black Sea and Primorsk and Ust-Luga on the Baltic Sea.
According to Reuters calculations, about 40% of Russia’s crude oil export capabilities – or around 2 million barrels per day, were shut as of Wednesday after the most recent attack.
That includes Primorsk and Ust-Luga as well as the Druzhba pipeline, which runs through Ukraine to Hungary and Slovakia.
Kyiv has also targeted pipeline oil pumping stations and refineries. Kyiv says it aims to diminish Moscow’s oil and gas revenue, which accounts for around a quarter of Russia’s state budget proceeds, and weaken its military might.
Russia says the Ukrainian strikes are terrorist attacks and has tightened security across its 11 time zones.
PORTS, PIPELINES, AND TANKERS
Ukraine said that part of the Druzhba pipeline was damaged by Russian strikes at the end of January, while both Slovakia and Hungary demanded Kyiv restart the supplies immediately.
The Novorossiysk oil terminal, which can handle up to 700,000 bpd, has been loading oil below plan since damage from a heavy Ukrainian drone attack early this month.
In addition, frequent seizures of Russia-related tankers in Europe have disrupted 300,000 bpd of Arctic oil exports flowing from the port of Murmansk, traders said.
With its westward export routes under fire, Moscow must rely on oil exports to Asian markets, but those routes are limited due to capacity, traders said.
Russia continues uninterrupted supplies via pipelines to China, including the Skovorodino-Mohe and Atasu-Alashankou routes, as well as ESPO Blend exports by sea via the port of Kozmino.
Together, the three routes account for some 1.9 million bpd of oil.
Russia also continues to load oil from its two far eastern Sakhalin projects, shipping about 250,000 bpd from the island.
Traders also say that Russia is supplying the refineries in neighboring Belarus with around 300,000 bpd of oil.