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Trump says Republicans ‘don’t like’ antisemites. Don’t trust him

President Donald Trump claims to be “the least antisemitic person” in the world, and, in a new interview with The New York Times, insisted that antisemites have no home in the Republican Party.

But with antisemitism erupting in right-wing circles, the narrative of Trump and the Republican Party as the Jewish people’s sole defenders is crumbling. And so is a form of Jewish politics that has catastrophically failed American Jews.

In response to the surge of left-wing antisemitism after Hamas’ massacre on Oct. 7, 2023, many American Jewish communities and institutions adopted a realpolitik approach for survival: support whichever candidates fight most fiercely in defense of Israel, and against campus antisemitism. That often meant standing behind Trump and his “Make America Great Again” base.

But staying in Trump’s good graces came with the condition of unequivocal loyalty. Questioning Trump, or the movements that backed his return to power, would be considered the epitome of disloyalty. Which meant that, in order to ensure the administration’s continued support for Jewish interests, Jewish groups working with Trump needed to disregard Republican antisemitism — see the widespread refusal to decry Elon Musk’s apparent Nazi salute after Trump’s inauguration.

That trade-off is no longer working.

Amid the growing popularity and influence of antisemites like Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens, and Nick Fuentes — whom Trump, in the Times interview, claimed not to know, despite the two’s infamous 2022 dinner —Trump and his right-wing allies have failed to meaningfully act.

Which means that Jews who have partnered with Trump, or hoped his second presidency would prove to be good for our people, need to start considering a new form of Jewish politics – one in which supporting Israel and paying lip service to combating antisemitism are not the only meaningful yardsticks.

Supporting liberal democratic values — equality, civil discourse and political order — must matter, too. Because when illiberalism thrives, Jewish communities are always endangered.

Authoritarianism, the journalist Anne Applebaum explained in her 2020 book Twilight of Democracy: The Seductive Lure of Authoritarianism, stands against complexity, debate, and the political norms that make democracies thrive. This breeding ground is ripe for conspiratorial thinking, which is almost always a pretext to antisemitism.

Applebaum saw that process unfold after the election of Poland’s Law and Justice party in 2016, when some of her acquaintances drifted from embracing illiberalism to becoming propagandists advancing age-old antisemitic conspiracy theories.

Disregarding facts, spreading conspiracies and refusing accountability are the playbook of Trump’s presidency. And that’s exactly the playbook that figures like Carlson, Owens and Fuentes follow — no matter how much Trump disowns the connection.

Carlson, who was fired from Fox News more than two years ago, has since used his extraordinarily successful podcast to platform Holocaust deniers and spread conspiracy theories about Jews and Israel. And Trump defended Carlson’s 2025 interview with Fuentes, an openly antisemitic far-right agitator who has rapidly gained influence in the wake of his fellow far-right activist Charlie Kirk’s murder.

It was up to listeners “to decide” for themselves about Fuentes’ antisemitic views, Trump insisted.

Vice President JD Vance similarly refused to condemn Carlson, who served as an influential surrogate for Trump’s re-election campaign.

Owens, who hosts one of the world’s most popular podcasts, has also been defended by the more mainstream right. Megyn Kelly, a former Fox host with four million YouTube subscribers, has repeatedly refused to condemn the absurd antisemitic conspiracy theories Owens has spread — whether they involve Jewish pedophile rings, Israel being responsible for Charlie Kirk’s assassination, or Jewish money controlling the United States.

So despite Trump’s weak condemnation of antisemites — “I think we don’t like them,” he told the Times — his actions, and those of his allies and defenders, send a contrary message.

That must push American Jews to ask: What went wrong in the calculus? How could once avowedly proud defenders of Jews and Israel backtrack like this?

For starters, we must acknowledge that this change is not sudden. Rampant antisemitism in Trump’s administration has rarely received serious attention from his Jewish supporters. During his first term, and since his second inauguration last January, high-ranking officials under his watch have promoted the antisemitic Great Replacement theory; mocked the Holocaust; and maintained ties to antisemites. The response from too many mainstream Jewish groups has been, effectively, a shrug.

They may have thought that ignoring that culture was part of the bargain needed to secure Trump’s allyship. Instead, it should have been a warning sign that Trump cared about antisemitism and Israel only so long as doing so served him — not because it was right to do so.

Taking that bargain was an aberration from the Jewish norm, and a damaging one.

“Given the realities of history,” Jonathan A. Jacobs, director of the Institute for Criminal Justice Ethics at John Jay College, has written,“Jews are fully alert to the ways that serious deficits of civility can be as menacing and lethal as discriminatory laws.”

There is a reason why American Jews have traditionally held a deep affinity for democratic societies: They understood the role that true democratic governance, and the values of liberal democracy, played in their safety.

History reminds us that whether in 20th-century Europe or today’s Middle East, systematic anti-democratic behaviors are a warning sign for Jews.

At the same time, this does not mean that democratic societies are the only consideration for Jewish safety.

The Australia Institute describes Australia’s democracy as “thriving,” yet only weeks ago, 15 people were killed at a Hanukkah celebration in Sydney, which came in the context of escalating antisemitism across the country — arsonist attacks on synagogues, calls for destroying Israel and isolation of Jewish communities.

That means democracy may not be enough to guarantee Jewish safety. But neither can it be disregarded.

The lesson for Jewish communities and institutions is that we must find leaders and politicians who will protect Jews in the short and long term. We must support a healthy democracy, and also fight for it to combat hate as effectively as possible.

That means backing politicians whose policies are not only favorable to Jewish safety and supporting Israel, but also toward democracy.

“Anyone who buys into the conspiracy myth that is the foundation stone of antisemitism,” Deborah Lipstadt, the former special envoy to Combat and Monitor Antisemitism, said in 2024, “has given up on democracy.”

If there is any lesson from the unmasking of right-wing antisemites, it is this: if Jews want lasting safety, they cannot secure it through transactional loyalty or selective outrage. The task is not to choose between fighting against antisemitism and for democratic values, but rather to insist upon both.

The post Trump says Republicans ‘don’t like’ antisemites. Don’t trust him appeared first on The Forward.

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A Chabad Jew was stabbed in NYC. He returned the next day to continue wrapping tefillin.

(JTA) — Less than 24 hours after he was stabbed in midtown Manhattan, Yosef, a Chabad-Lubavitch man from Crown Heights, was back on the same street where he’d been assaulted, popping into Diamond District businesses as usual to help employees wrap tefillin.

Yosef, 26, who did not share his last name to maintain his privacy, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that he was back on 47th Street on Thursday afternoon, the day after the stabbing, without missing a beat in his Monday-through-Thursday rounds even as police investigate the incident as a possible hate crime.

A number of the people he visited pieced together that the widely circulated footage of a man being stabbed the previous night was of him.

“They were in shock. They were obviously scared for me,” said Yosef, who has been wrapping tefillin and distributing Shabbat candles to Jewish Diamond District employees for about three years. He started that routine when his father, a Chabad Jew who works in the jewelry business, realized he needed his son’s help to handle the demand for those acts. Yosef told Chabad.org that he was “still shaken” by the attack a day later.

Still, he told JTA, “We can’t allow some hate to stop us.”

Yosef said he felt it was important to communicate that message because “we need more mitzvahs in the world, we need more light in the world.”

Yosef was taken to Bellevue Hospital on Wednesday evening around 6 p.m., where medical staff assessed that he had no internal bleeding and would not need stitches. No arrests have been made, but the assailant has been described as a woman in her 40s.

The attack has renewed concerns about security that have faced Chabad adherents and institutions, which often host public events and maintain a visible street presence. But the threat didn’t diminish their presence in midtown Manhattan on Friday.

Multiple Chabad men stood under a bright yellow tent on the sidewalk wrapping tefillin for a steady stream of workers in the heavily Jewish Diamond District.

“The Rebbe says that the way to defeat darkness is only through the addition of light,” said Shmuel Cohen, who was handing out small photographs of the movement’s late leader, the Lubavitcher Rebbe Menachem Mendel Schneerson.

Cohen told JTA that he had not heard about the attack that took place just down the block two days earlier, though his partner under the sidewalk tent had. Cohen said that the best way to respond is through “the observance of Torah and mitzvot without being ashamed of our Judaism but presenting it to everyone.”

Also on Friday, Chabad officials met with New York Police Department representatives for their annual meeting about security ahead of Chabad’s international conference in Crown Heights, the Brooklyn neighborhood where the movement is headquartered. The conference begins on Nov. 5.

Chabad has been targeted in multiple high-profile attacks in the past year, including the deadly Bondi Beach shooting in Australia in December. The following month, a man rammed a car into the doors of the Chabad-Lubavitch headquarters in Brooklyn, raising further questions over how the movement should balance its commitment to making its events accessible with security.

Meanwhile, Jews have been targeted in more than half of hate crimes committed in New York City in 2026, despite making up about 12% of the city’s population.

“Security is our top priority. Our goal is to provide an environment where every participant feels safe and can fully experience the purpose and spirit of the gathering,” said Rabbi Mendy Kotlarsky, a top organizer of the upcoming conference.

In the wake of the attack, Yosef said he is not concerned about going out in public as a visibly Jewish person and doesn’t plan to change how he approaches the world.

“I was wearing the same clothes on Tuesday and Wednesday and Thursday,” he said. “I didn’t change my routine.”

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

The post A Chabad Jew was stabbed in NYC. He returned the next day to continue wrapping tefillin. appeared first on The Forward.

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They met on a Birthright trip then married. Now this American Israeli couple’s internet fame has turned to infamy.

Ethan and Hila Klein first met at Yad Vashem — Israel’s Holocaust museum — in 2007, a meet-cute they recounted, giggling, years later for their millions of YouTube followers.

“I think I went up to her and said something like, ‘They had it coming, don’t you think?’” said Ethan, known for his edgy humor and infamous internet trends, including Vape Nation and Papa Bless. “No I didn’t say that. I wonder if you would have laughed though.”

They were on a Birthright trip, Ethan an American and Hila an Israeli soldier on leave to join the group. Soon after the trip ended, Ethan moved to Israel to be with Hila, and the two began making videos under the name H3H3 Productions (the H for Hila and the 3 standing in as an E for Ethan). They married, moved to America, and started a popular podcast.

A Jewish love story, until Thursday, when Hila, now mother to their three children, accused Ethan publicly of having a months-long affair.

“The betrayal I feel is immeasurable,” Hila said in an Instagram post. “My only family on this side of the world. How do I even begin to make sense of this?”

Ethan reposted her statement.

Their podcast is run by a handful of crew members who often chime in and participate in various skits and bits. The crew also shared a statement saying they stand with Hila and refuse to work with Ethan, though they added they don’t know what this will mean for the future of the show.

A couple roiled by Oct. 7

The left-leaning, secular couple’s videos and podcasts focused primarily on pop culture, internet drama and general politics, not Jewish or Israeli issues.

Both Ethan and Hila would make statements sometimes when tensions in Israel flared, and they would occasionally speak out against IDF actions that upset them.

In 2021, Ethan started a podcast with political commenter Hasan Piker, a controversial left-wing influencer, called Leftovers, a nod to their leftist politics.

Then came Oct. 7.

Ethan, an American Israeli dual citizen like Hila, was horrified by the attacks but quick to call the IDF genocidal in the aftermath. In their first episode together after Oct. 7, Ethan and Piker said the show would continue through their disagreements. The episode was tense, and it was their last.

As Piker’s rhetoric on Israel intensified and became at times antisemitic, the two began a nasty internet feud, culminating in a nearly five-hour livestreamed debate.

Piker posted about the news of the affair on X, sharing a video of Ethan and expressing disgust for men who cheat.

“Now this is a high caliber man [with] good morals,” Piker said sarcastically. He also posted “Judge me by my enemies” after sharing Hila’s statement.

Hila, who owns a makeup and clothing company, increasingly came under scrutiny by Piker and others after Oct. 7 for her service in the IDF. Artists refused to work with her. One model she hired publicly disavowed her after finding out she was Israeli.

The couple was harassed, sometimes online, sometimes in-person, as they attempted to take what they viewed as a nuanced stance in the aftermath of Hamas’ attack on Israel and the ensuing war in Gaza. The united front seemed to fortify their relationship, as Ethan, ever outspoken, routinely came to his wife’s defense.

Their show lost thousands of subscribers, but loyal fans stuck with them — fans who now say they are gutted and confused by the news of the affair. Many in disbelief noted that Ethan had Hila’s face tattooed on his arm less than two years ago as a surprise for her.

“The greatest thing a man can do for his children is to love their mother,” says the quote surrounding the tattoo.

The Forward attempted to contact the Kleins through their work emails and did not immediately hear back.

The post They met on a Birthright trip then married. Now this American Israeli couple’s internet fame has turned to infamy. appeared first on The Forward.

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These Jewish college students have some ‘nonnegotiables’ for El-Sayed

At the University of Michigan, first-year student Robert Kashan, 18, and sophomore Jacob Reich, 19, sat behind a large blue sign. “Some things are nonnegotiable,” it declared in all caps.

The sign laid out their requirements for any candidate seeking their support: a commitment to Jewish safety, “including for Zionist Jews,” and supporting Jewish statehood in Israel, among other positions.

“Zionism is a legitimate part of the Democratic coalition, and a lot of us are feeling less represented by the Democratic Party,” Kashan told the Forward.

The students are part of a broader “Nonnegotiable” movement in Michigan, a coalition of Jewish Democrats who are spelling out their dealbreakers for candidates ahead of the Senate election between Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed and Republican nominee Mike Rogers. 

The movement has attracted national attention, with hundreds of rabbis across 34 states signing on to the “Nonnegotiable” demands. Meanwhile, about 20 students at the University of Michigan have publicly signed, while hundreds more offered support anonymously, according to Reich.

The “Nonnegotiable” supporters aren’t saying whom they’ll vote for if their concerns aren’t addressed — or whether they’ll vote at all. But they are pushing back against the assumption that Jewish voters will, as the saying goes, “vote blue no matter who,” urging El-Sayed to engage with their demands if he hopes to earn their support.

That’s in contrast with two other Jewish political camps, including a group called Michigan Jews for Democracy that endorsed El-Sayed. Their petition, which has garnered almost 1,000 signatures, notes that some signatories hold reservations about El-Sayed but are voting for him nonetheless as a check on President Trump.

“We understand that a vote is not a valentine; it’s a strategic chess move,” the petition reads.

A competing petition, dubbed “Michigan Jews Against Extremism,” has drawn hundreds of signatures from Michigan Jews who plan to vote for Rogers. That petition similarly emphasizes that Rogers voters may still have reservations about the candidate: “Our vote for Mike Rogers does not require that we agree with him on every issue or that we support President Trump,” it reads.

“Nonnegotiable,” meanwhile, rejects the idea that Jewish voters would have to choose between Zionist and Democratic values. Some have criticized the nonnegotiable movement for ignoring the reality of the electoral choice at hand. Others have called it “a veiled attempt to excuse the actions of Jewish Democrats who want to feel validated about voting for Mike Rogers.”

But Kashan and Reich, who met at Hillel and plan to major in political science, said the “Nonnegotiable” movement was the only way they could see themselves engaging in the election, as they felt increasingly pulled between their identities as Democrats and as Jews.

Some Michigan Jews have expressed alarm at El-Sayed’s questioning of whether Israel should exist as a Jewish state and his decision to campaign alongside controversial Twitch streamer Hasan Piker, who has been accused of antisemitic rhetoric. Rogers, who Trump has endorsed, earlier this week called El-Sayed “anti-Jew.”

In a letter to Michigan Jews, El-Sayed has vowed to “stand up against antisemitism and take the threat of violence against our Jewish community incredibly seriously.” He has also hired a Jewish liaison in the final weeks leading up to the election.

This will be the first election when Kashan, who just turned 18, is eligible to vote, and Reich’s first national election after voting in a local primary in his hometown of Palo Alto, California. For both, voting Democratic in their first major election had once seemed like a given.

“I’m a Jewish Democrat, and I want Democrats to take the Senate,” Reich said. “I want to vote for a Democrat in my own state.”

They’re still holding out hope that will happen — and that, with less than two weeks until the Nov. 3 election, El-Sayed will sign on to their petition.

And if he doesn’t? Neither student is ready to say.

The post These Jewish college students have some ‘nonnegotiables’ for El-Sayed appeared first on The Forward.

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