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Unique Carnegie Hall concert to honor Japanese diplomat Sugihara, who saved 6,000 Jews
For most of his life, Chiune Sugihara received little recognition for the dramatic actions he undertook as Japanese vice-consul to Lithuania on the eve of World War II: the rescue of some 6,000 Jews from Poland and elsewhere from the Nazi death machine.
For decades, the Jewish world remained largely ignorant of his heroism. When, in 1985, Yad Vashem, the World Holocaust Remembrance Center located in Israel, honored the unassuming retired diplomat as a Righteous Among the Nations, Sugihara was too old and sick to travel to Jerusalem to accept the award. He died shortly after.
But his renown has grown in the years since his death, and now Sugihara is being celebrated in a new way with an extraordinary piece of music composed to commemorate his heroic actions.
On April 19 at Carnegie Hall, Japanese-American-Israeli cellist Kristina Reiko Cooper will perform this original piece of music โ Lera Auerbachโs Symphony No. 6, โVessels of Lightโ โ accompanied by the New York City Opera Orchestra conducted by Constantine Orbelian.
The gala concert, organized by Yad Vashem and the American Society for Yad Vashem, which commissioned the piece, will pay tribute to Sugiharaโs legacy.
Along with the honorary Dutch consul in Lithuania, Jan Zwartendijk, Sugihara issued life-saving visas to the Jews trying to escape Europe through a complex, illegal scheme involving fake transit visas via Japan to the Dutch-speaking Caribbean island of Curaรงao.
Not a single Jew actually traveled to that faraway island off the coast of Venezuela, home to the oldest surviving synagogue in the Americas. But the operation โ carried out under the noses of Lithuaniaโs Nazi occupiers โ enabled thousands of Jews to resettle in Shanghai, leading to eventual freedom.
โBeing half-Japanese myself, I understand the culture, and I know as a Japanese person that opposing authority goes against every fiber of our being,โ Cooper, the cellist, said this month in an interview near her home in Tel Aviv. Born in New York to a mother of Japanese descent, Cooper later converted to Judaism and moved to Israel. She and her husband, Leonard Rosen, are
raising their three children as Orthodox Jews.
โEverybodyโs heard of Schindler, who had a factory. But Sugihara had nothing to gain from this. In fact, he had everything to lose,โ said Cooper, a visiting professor of music at Tel Aviv University. โHe didnโt want recognition and never spoke to anybody about it. He didnโt even know that he had saved anybody until the very end of his life.โ
Cooper, who studied at Julliard and comes from a long line of musicians โ her father is a pianist and her mother a violinist and former concertmaster of the American Symphony โ has a special personal connection to the Sugihara story.
Her husbandโs father, Irving Rosen, was one of the Jews whose lives was saved by Sugiharaโs actions. Armed with papers enabling Rosenโs family to leave Lithuania and emigrate to Curaรงao via Japan, the entire family traveled via the Trans-Siberian Railway from Vilnius to Moscow to Vladivostok, then by sea to Japan โ and eventually Shanghai.
โI became obsessed with this story and wanted people to know about it, especially given everything thatโs going on in the world with the rise of authoritarian governments, mass dislocations, refugees, wars, rising antisemitism and anti-Asian hate,โ Cooper said. โIโm not a writer, a filmmaker or an actress. Iโm a musician. People had asked me, โWhy not put together a nice concert in tribute to Sugihara?โ But I wanted to write something that could last forever.โ
Japanese diplomat Chiune Sugihara saved thousands of Jews during the Holocaust. (Courtesy of Yad Vashem)
With the backing of Yad Vashem and the American Society for Yad Vashem, Cooper asked Auerbach to write the piece, a 40-minute composition for solo cello, choir and orchestra involving 130 performers, including Yiddish โwhisperers,โ allusions to Psalm 121 and an introductory piece by Japanese composer Karen Tanaka titled โGuardian Angel.โ
At Carnegie Hall, Cooper, who plays on an Italian-made Guadagnini cello from 1743, will perform Auerbachโs moving, large-scale symphonic work as a soloist. Sheโll also perform in Prague on March 27, Los Angeles on May 18, in Californiaโs Napa Valley on July 18 and in Warsaw on October 8.
โMost people do not pay attention to history, because theyโre so wedded to current events,โ said the Carnegie Hall eventโs co-chair, Peter Till, a board member of the American Society for Yad Vashem. โBut this is even more relevant today because of the rise of extremist hate groups. Theyโll forever deny that it exists, or ignore it, or say it couldnโt happen here, but hate continues
to repeat itself and people have to face up to it.โ
The Sugihara story is especially compelling, Till said, because itโs the first event of its kind that links Holocaust survivors with Asia in general โ and Japan in particular.
โThis is as much about the music as it is an expression of humanity, of people from diverse cultural backgrounds coming together to save lives,โ he said. โFor Yad Vashem, this is a very important event because it shows the depth of understanding.โ
Of the roughly 28,000 non-Jews whoโve been designated by Yad Vashem as Righteous Among the Nations, only 40 were diplomats. Sugihara is the only Japanese citizen so honored.
โOn the whole, the eligibility process for diplomats is slightly different than for ordinary rescuers, because they had immunity,โ said Joel Zisenwein, director of Yad Vashemโs Righteous Among the Nations Department. โIn most cases, they were not at physical risk. But many of them had defied the guidelines and official policies of their foreign offices. Sugihara is even more interesting because he represented an ally of Nazi Germany.โ
Zisenwein said Sugihara provided between 2,100 and 3,500 transit visas, though the exact number is not known.
โLiterally, all rescuers from the Holocaust era have passed away, so people accepting the award are generally descendants or even grandchildren of the recipients,โ Zisenwein said. โItโs interesting that Sugihara received his award for actions prior to the German invasion of Lithuania. Most of the Jews he rescued were Polish refugees who had fled there in 1939. Many countries claim to have their own โSchindlers.โ But here indeed was an individual who saved thousands of Jewish lives.โ
Japanese-American-Israeli cellist Kristina Reiko Cooper has a special personal connection to the Sugihara story. (Vardi Kahana)
The eveningโs master of ceremonies will be Zalman Mlotek, who is also artistic director of the National Yiddish Theatre Folksbiene. Tickets and sponsorships are still available for the event.
โItโs not just the people Sugihara saved. Itโs the worlds of those thousands of people,โ said Mlotek, whose father, Joseph Mlotek, was a 21-year-old Yiddish poet working at a newspaper in Warsaw when World War II broke out. After fleeing to Lithuania, the family heard about Sugihara and was able to obtain transit visas to Shanghai, where the elder Mlotek and his brother Abram spent the war years.
โMy father became a Yiddish activist here in New York and set up a network of 200 Yiddish schools all over the country. He published books with my mother and did concert tours for Yiddish musicians,โ said Mlotek, 71. โI look at myself today, as artistic director of the Yiddish theater for 20 years, carrying on this same legacy that would have been decimated had it not been for the heroism of Sugihara.โ
Auerbachโs composition had its world premiere last November in the Lithuanian city of Kaunas (known in Yiddish as Kovno), where Sugiharaโs story took place. Additional performances are scheduled for cities around the world through 2024.
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The post Unique Carnegie Hall concert to honor Japanese diplomat Sugihara, who saved 6,000 Jews appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Israelโs messy election result: Five scenarios for what could happen next
Israelโs election has produced a messy result: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahuโs governing bloc has suffered a major defeat, losing perhaps 11 seats compared with its victory in 2022. Yet the country could still end up with Netanyahu as prime minister. Or a broad unity government that preserves part of the existing order. Or a repeat election.
According to near-final results, Netanyahu and his allies have won just 53 seats in the 120-member Knesset, down from the 64 that gave them a comfortable majority four years ago. The opposition has secured 67 seats, one of the strongest showings for the anti-Netanyahu camp in decades. You might think this would be interpreted as a decisive rejection of the incumbent government and a mandate for political change โ yet things are not exactly so.
The complication is that the oppositionโs seats include 19 held by Arab parties, whose dramatic electoral gains appear to have been driven by a surge in turnout among Israelโs Arab citizens. The Jewish-led opposition parties together hold just 48 seats, leaving them well short of the 61 needed for a parliamentary majority. And several of their leaders have promised to avoid a coalition with the Arab parties.
That pledge was always difficult to reconcile with Israelโs electoral math โ as well as with the promise of equality in its Declaration of Independence. Indeed, the moderate camp has for decades depended on Arab votes for a parliamentary majority, even when Arab parties remained formally outside the governing coalition. The promises in this round were designed to reassure Jewish voters moving away from Netanyahuโs right-wing bloc, many of whom distrust the Arab parties on security, Palestinian nationalism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Now opposition leaders may have to choose between their principal campaign objective โ removing Netanyahu, which the country needs desperately โ and a secondary promise that should never have been made.
Further complicating the picture are Likud allegations of fraud โ expected standard operating procedure โ which on Thursday received a boost by reports of an investigation that Qatar might have bribed Israeli Arabs to vote.
A major wild card is President Trump, who seems determined to save Netanyahu and may pressure the main opposition leader, Gadi Eisenkot, to acquiesce. No one should be surprised if Trump engineers another Iran war โ or, conversely, promises peace plans with the Palestinians and Saudi Arabia โ to scramble the Israeli equation in ways that might help his fellow right-wing populist.
There are several possible routes to a government, each involving concessions and risks.
1. An opposition government supported by the Arab parties
The most direct path would be for Eisenkot to accept the parliamentary support of the Arab parties and form a government backed by the 67 lawmakers elected in opposition to Netanyahuโs bloc. This could involve bringing Raโam, the pragmatic Islamist party led by Mansour Abbas that joined the governing coalition in 2021, into the government, and perhaps relying on outside support from the Joint Arab List, which is less Zionist-friendly.
The latter arrangement would allow the Jewish-led opposition to control the cabinet while giving Arab parties considerable influence without requiring them to assume responsibility for policies they oppose.
They could concentrate initially on domestic priorities, on which they all agree, including restoring democratic institutions, establishing a state commission of inquiry into the Oct. 7 failures, addressing the cost of living, combating crime in Arab communities and reversing controversial authoritarian reforms of Netanyahuโs outgoing government. Additional parliamentary support on individual issues could help reduce dependence on any single faction.
Avigdor Lieberman, the anti-Netanyahu, anti-religious nationalist whose Yisrael Beiteinu party won seven seats, could prove the toughest obstacle. Opposed to a coalition that relies on an Arab safety net, he could potentially demand a turn as prime minister in exchange for his support. Conceivably, some from Netanyahuโs bloc might later join in as well.
2. A unity government under Netanyahu, excluding the far right
A second possibility is a broad national unity government joining Netanyahuโs Likud with most of the Jewish-led opposition while excluding his ultranationalist partners, especially the globally toxicย Itamar Ben-Gvir. Such an arrangement would command a substantial parliamentary majority and could be presented as an answer to Israelโs political divisions and security challenges.
Trump, who aggressively endorsed Netanyahu, will probably push for this, and Eisenkot could be receiving some phone calls from the White House.
Netanyahu would argue he should be the prime minister of such a government โ or at least go first in a rotation. Heโd argue his Likud is still the largest party, but that is actually irrelevant under the Israeli system โ only the blocs count.
For Netanyahu, unity would offer an opportunity to shed his most controversial partners while remaining at the helm, claiming national reconciliation.
For Eisenkot and other opposition leaders, the political cost would be enormous. Having campaigned to end Netanyahuโs rule and won a 67-seat majority, they would look weak. They also could find themselves responsible for government decisions that would enrage their supporters, like additional settlements in the West Bank.
3. Defections from the opposition give Netanyahu another majority
A third possibility involves Netanyahu persuading opposition lawmakers to change sides, allowing him to assemble a governing majority despite his blocโs electoral defeat.
Netanyahu could also attempt to recruit such individual lawmakers through ministerial appointments, policy concessions or promises of political influence. Parliamentary rules governing defections could complicate these efforts, particularly for lawmakers seeking to break away individually. But it is possible. One potential figure is, again, Lieberman, whose Yisrael Beiteinu party has been among Netanyahuโs fiercest opponents. A former defense minister and veteran coalition negotiator, Lieberman holds nationalist positions closer to the traditional right than to the liberal opposition, although his longstanding hostility toward Netanyahu would make any reconciliation dramatic โ and he has ruled it out. But he has also ruled out a coalition with the Arabs.
The prospect of major cabinet portfolios, a broader realignment of the right and the avoidance of another election could nevertheless become appealing options.
The broader implication is that Netanyahu could retain power through post-election maneuvering.
4. A unity government under Eisenkot, with Netanyahu in senior ministry
A fourth scenario, albeit unlikely, would flip the odd assumption that Netanyahu must lead a unity-government.ย Using his leverage in parliament, Eisenkot could become prime minister with Netanyahu accepting a senior cabinet position, perhaps as foreign minister or defense minister. Netanyahu would remain a prominent national figure, potentially representing Israel abroad or overseeing a major policy portfolio, while Eisenkot assumed responsibility for leading the government.
There would, however, be significant legal complications. Netanyahuโs ongoing criminal trial blocks him legally from serving as an ordinary cabinet minister rather than prime minister (which, due to a loophole, is possible). Assigning him a portfolio would require legislation and invite judicial scrutiny.
Another main obstacle: Netanyahu is pathologically fixated on retaining the premiership, and almost no one in Israel thinks he would accept such an arrangement over new elections.
5. Another election
The final possibility is that the parties fail to reach an agreement and Israel returns to the polls.
President Isaac Herzog plays an important procedural role, consulting parliamentary factions and assigning the task of forming a government to a Knesset member. The process could begin next week, and the initial mandate normally lasts 28 days, with a possible 14-day extension. Further procedures allow other candidates to seek a majority before another election becomes necessary.
A prolonged deadlock could leave Netanyahu heading a caretaker government while Israel prepares for another election โ which is why he probably would not mind.
Another election would raise questions about whether the exceptionally high Arab turnout that helped produce the oppositionโs majority could be sustained. Arab voter participation has historically fluctuated, and the latest result could represent either a lasting political transformation or a temporary surge driven by the campaign โ then suppressed by bitterness over their exclusion.
For the Jewish-led opposition, returning to the polls would risk squandering its electoral achievement while giving Netanyahu another opportunity to reshape the contest around security, national identity and the legitimacy of Arab parliamentary influence.
If I wore Eisenkotโs shoes
If I were Eisenkot, I would give Lieberman whatever is needed to buy his cooperation and form a government with an Arab parliamentary safety net, remove Netanyahu and secure the premiership.
I would immediately pursue broadly popular policies: a state commission of inquiry into Oct. 7, universal conscription including Arab and Haredi national service, a crackdown on Jewish terrorism in the West Bank and organized crime, particularly in Arab communities, and reversal of Netanyahuโs authoritarian reforms.
I would maintain a firm line against Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran, and close the legal loophole allowing criminal defendants to serve as prime minister.
I would do all that in the first month. In the second, I would invite Likud into a unity government on these terms. Competent governance, relief from the threats of global economic sanctions and incumbency could build momentum, making any subsequent election prospects more favorable.
All that would require focus, determination and a bit of courage. As a former military chief, Eisenkot should be up to the task.
Netanyahu would scream bloody murder. Give him a megaphone, recommend a valium, and send him a copy of Israelโs Declaration of Independence, which promises equality to the Arabs.
The oppositionโs leaders have a chance to show us whether they are worthy of leadership. Their decision will determine whether the election becomes a turning point in Israeli politics or another chapter in Netanyahuโs remarkable record of political survival.
The post Israelโs messy election result: Five scenarios for what could happen next appeared first on The Forward.
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We Jews have three choices: Separating, assimilating or integrating
ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืื ืฉืืจื, ืืึทืืข ืืื ืืึทืืข ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง, ืืึธืื ืืืืืข ืืขืืึทื ืื ืืขืืืข ืืฉืงืคึฟื ืืื ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืืขืื. ืคึฟืื ืืขืกืืืืขืื ืืึธื ืืขืืขืจ ืืืื ืขืจ ืคึฟืื ืืื ืืขืืืืื ืืขื ืืจืึธืคึผ ืืืืฃ ืึทื ืึทื ืืขืจ ืึทืกืคึผืขืงื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืขืื.
ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืจ ืืขืืืึธื ืื ืึทืจืืืกืฆื, ืฆื ืืขืจ ืืืขืื ืืืื, ืืืื ืฆืื ืึทืจืฒึทื ืฆืืืจืขื ืืขื ืืื ืืืจ ืืขื ืืึทืืืึผืกืืืฒึทื ืืืขืื ืืืจ ืืึทืฉืขืคึฟืขืจ. ืฉืืจื, ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืฆืืืืืืขืจ ืืฒึทื, ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืจ ืงืึธื ืฆืขื ืืจืืจื ืืื ืขืืืืื ืืง, ืืึธืจืื ืืืง ืคึฟืึทืจื ืคึฟืืืืฉื ืืื ืืฒึทืกืืืงื ืืืืืืืฒึทื ืคึฟืื ืืืจ ืืื ืืฆืืง โ ืืขืจ ืืืื ืฆืืงืขืจ ืืืื ืืืึธืก ืืึธื ืืขืืึธืื ืืืฒึทืืขืจ ืคึฟืืจื ืื ืืืืื ืึพืืึธืจืืงืข ืงืืื ืืืึธืก ืืฒึทื ืคึฟืึธืืขืจ ืืึธื ืึธื ืืขืืืืื.
ืึท ืืึดื ืืืึธืก ืืขืื ืืื ืึท ื ืืึพืืึดืืืฉืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื ืืึธื ืืจืฒึท ืืขืืืขืืงืืืื: ืืื ืึธืคึผืฆืืืื ืืขืจื, ืืื ืฆื ืึทืกืืืืืืจื ืึธืืขืจ ืืื ืฆื ืืื ืืขืืจืืจื.
ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืคึฟืืื ืืื ืืึทืืจืึธื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื, ืึธืืขืจ ืคึฟืืื ืึทื ืขืจ ืืึธื ื ืืฉื ืขืคึผืขืก ืืึทืืื ืืขืจืก ืืฒึทืฆืืืจืึธืื ืืื ืึท ืืึดื, ืงืืฒึทืื ืืขืืืืื ืืืขื ืืืืก ืฆื ืืึทืืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื ืืื ืฉืืื ืืื ืืื ืฉืื, ืืขืช ืืืืฃ ืืขืจ ืืึทืก ืคึฟืืจื ืขืจ ืืื ืืื ืึท โื ืึธืจืืึทืืขืจโ ืืืจืืขืจ. ืขืจ ืืึธื ืืืืขืจ ื ืืฉื ืฆื ืคึฟืึทืจืขืคึฟื ืืืขืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื.
ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืขื ืืึธืจื ืืฉื ืืึทืืื ืืขืจืก ืืื ืืขื ืืืึธืก ืขืจ ืืื ืึท ืืึดื โ ืืคึฟืจื ืืืื ืขืจ ืืึทืื ืืื ื ืืฉื ืคึฟืึทืจ โืจืขืืืืืขืโ โ ืึธืืขืจ ืืืื ืืึธืก ืคึฟืึทืจืืฒึทืื ืืืืฃ ืึท ืืขืื ืกืฉืืืืืขืจ, ืืืึธืก ืคึผืึทืกื ืืื ืืขืกืขืจ ืฆื ืืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื ืึทืจืื ืืื, ืงืืฒึทืื ืึธืคึฟื ืืืืก ืืื ืฆื ืึทืกืืืืืืจื. ืืึธืก ืืืืกื: ืขืจ ืคึฟืึทืจืืึธืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืข ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืึผืื ืึธื ืฆืื ืขืืขื ืึท ืืืขืืืืขืืข ืืื ืืขืจ โืืื ืืืืขืจืกืึทืืขโ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื.
ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืื ืืืืขืจ ืืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื ืืื ืืื ืืขื ืืฒึทืืจืึธื ืืืึธืก ืขืจ ืงืขื, ืืืืงื ืคึฟืื ืืฒึทื ืืึดืืืฉืงืืื, ืืขืื ืืขืจ ืืึทื ืฆืขืจ ืืขื ืืฉืืืื, ืืึทืจืฃ ื ืืฉื ืึทื ืืืืืคึฟื ืืื ืืึทืจืฃ ืืื ืืืื ื ืืฉื ืึทืกืืืืืืจื. ืืฒึทื ืืจืืจื ืืื ืืื ืฆื ืืื ืืขืืจืืจื ืืื ืืขืจ ืึทืืืขืืืื ืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื ืืืืงื ืืื ืึท ืืึดื, ืืื ืื ืฆื ืืึทืจืฒึทืืขืจื ืคึฟืื ืืฒึทื ืืืืืขื ืขื ืืึทืืื ืืขืจื ืึธืจื.
ืคึฟืึทืจืฉืืืื ืืื, ืึทื ืึผืื ืืื ืืขืืื ื ืฆื ืืื ืืขืืจืืจื ืืื ืืึธืื ืึทื ืืฉืคึผืขื ืืืืฃ ืืขืจ ืืจืืืืขืจืขืจ ืืขืืขืืฉืึทืคึฟื, ืืึทืจืฃ ืืขื ืืึธืื ืฉืืึทืจืงืืื ืืื ืงืืึธืจืงืืื ืืืขืื ืืขืจ ืืืืืขื ืขืจ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื, ืืื ืืฒึทื ืฉืืึธืืฅ ืืื ืื ืืืจืืืช ืืืึธืก ืื ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืืจืขื ืื ืืื ืืื.
ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืื ืฉืืจื ืืขื ืขื ืื ืคึผืจืึธืืืึธืืืคึผื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืื ืึทืืืง ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืึดืืืฉืขืจ ืืฉืคึผืื ืืืจืืืืก ืื ืืืจืืช. ืืขืจ ืืึทื ืืื ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืึทืฉืขืคึฟืืืงื ืืื, ืงืืืึพืึผื, ืืื ืืขืจ ืืจืืืกื ืืืงืขืจ ืืืขืื; ืื ืคึฟืจืื ืืื ืื ืืืึธืก ืืขืจื ืขืจื ืืื ืืืื ืื ืืื ืขืจืืขืืข ืืืขืื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืฉืคึผืื. ื ืึธืจ ืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืึธื ืืขืืึทื ืืื ืืึธื ื ืึธื ืึทืืฅ ืึท ืฉืืึทืจืงืข ืืื ืขืจืืขืืข ืืืขืื ืงืขื ืืื ืฉืืขืื ืึทื ืืงืขืื ืืขืจ ืืจืืืกื ืืืงืขืจ ืืืขืื ืืื ืื ืืึทืืฒึทื ืคึฟืืืกื.
ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง, ืืึธืืืจ ืืืฆื ืึทืจืืืขืจืืืื ืฆื ืืขืจ ืืืืขื ืืืืขื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืืึทื ื.
ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื: ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืคึฟืื ืื ืืึดืื, ืึธืืขืจ ืึท ืืึดืืืฉ ืืึทื ื?
ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืืึธืก ื ืึทืฆืืึธื ืึทืืข ืืจืืฉืึพืืื ืคึฟืื ืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง. ืืืื ืืืืึพืืืืืึธืจืืืขืื ืืื ืืขืืขืจ ืืึดื ืืืืฃ ืืขืจ ืืืขืื ืืขืจ ื ืึทืืืจืืขืืขืจ ืืขืึพืืืืช ืคึฟืื ืืืึพืืคึผืืืช ืื โืืื ืขื ืืืโ โ 0.48 ืงืืืึทืืจืึทืึพืืขืืขืจ โ ืืึทื ื ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื. ืืึธืก ืืื ืืื ืืืขืจ ืืืืืืงืข ืืจืืฉื.
ืขืก ืืขื ืขื ืืึธ ืืจืฒึท ืฉืืขื ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืืขืืขื ืก ืงืืืคึฟื ืืืจื ืืึดืื ืืื ืืึธืงืืืขื ืืืจื ืืื ืชื ืดื: ืืึฟืจืื, ืฉืื ืืื ืืจืืฉืืื. ืขืก ืืืึธืื ืืขืืึทืจืคึฟื ืืฒึทื ืืขืจ ืืื ืงืืึธืจ, ืึทื ืกืณืืื ื ืืฉืืึธ ืงืืื ืึธืจื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืึท ืืืืืงืช ืืืขืื ืืขืจ ืืืกืืึธืจืืฉืขืจ ืืื ืืขืืึทืืขืจ ืคึฟืึทืจืืื ืืื ื ืฆืืืืฉื ืื ืฉืืขื ืืื ืืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง โ ืืืืคึฟื ืขืก ืืึธืื ื ืืฉื ืืฒึทื ืึทืืขืืืข ืืืึธืก ืืืืื ืืื, ืืก ืืฉืืื, ืืึทืื โJudenreinโ.
ืืื ืืขืจ ืคึผืจืฉื ืืื ืฉืืจื ืืืืขื ืขื ืืืจ ืืื ืืื ืืืขืจ ืคึฟืึธืืขืจ ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืึธื ืึธืคึผืืขืงืืืคึฟื ืคึฟืื ืขืคึฟืจืื ืืืชื ืื โืืขืจืช ืืืืคึผืืโ ืืื ืื ืึทืจืืืืงืข ืคึฟืขืืืขืจ, ืืืื ืืคึฟืืจืืฉื ืฆืื ืืึธืจื ืฆื ืืึทืขืจืืืงื ืืฒึทื ืคึฟืจืื ืฉืืจื. ืฉืคึผืขืืขืจ ืืขื ืขื ืืึธืจื ืืืื ืืึทืขืจืืืงื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืื ืึธืึฟืืช ืืฆืืง ืืื ืืขืงืึฟ, ืฆืืืึทืืขื ืืื ืืืืขืจืข ืคึฟืจืืืขื ืจืึฟืงื ืืื ืืื.
ืืึธืก ืึทืืฅ ืืื ืืึธืงืืืขื ืืืจื ืืื ืืขืจ ืชึผืืจื โ ืึท ืืึธืงืืืขื ื ืืืึธืก ืืืขืจื ืืึทืืจืึทืื ืืื ืืืกืืึธืจืืฉ ืืขืืืืื ืืืจื ืืขืจ ืืื 50 ืคึผืจืึธืฆืขื ื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืืฒึทื ืืืงืขืจ ืืืขืืึพืืึทืคึฟืขืืงืขืจืื ื.
ืืึธืืฉ ืึทืจืึทืืขืจ ืงืขื ืขื ืืขื ืื ืึทื ืืื ืฉืืึทืืขื ืืืื ืคึฟืื ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืืจื ืืฒึทื ืืื ืืฉืืขืื ืืื ืืึธืื ืืขืจืืืขืจ ืึท ืืขืืืืืืข ืชึผืึฟืืขื ืืืืฃ ืื ืืึธืืืงืข ืืขื ืืขืจ, ืืื ืืึธืก ืึท ืืขืืชืืืงืข ืืขื ื ืฆืืืื ืฆืืืื ืกืืืืช.
ืขืจืฉืื ืก, ืืขื ืขื ืื ืึทืจืึทืืขืจ ืืืึธืก ืืืืื ืขื ืืฒึทื ื ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ื ืืฉื ืื ืึธืคึผืฉืืึทืืืงืข ืคึฟืื ืืฉืืขืื, ื ืึธืจ ืืขื ืขื ืึทืจืืืขืจืืขืคึฟืืจื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืืื ืึทื ืืขืจืข ืืขืื ืื ืืืจื ืืขื ืึทืกืืจืืฉื ืงืขื ืื ืืื ืฉืืื ื ืคึฟืื ืื ืืึดืื, ืกื ืืจืืึฟ.
ืฆืืืืืื ืก, ืึทืคึฟืืื ืืืขื ืืืจ ืืืึธืืื ืึธื ืืขื ืืืขื ืึทื ืืื ืืขื ืขื ืื ื ืืฉืืขืื, ืงืืื ืืื ืืขืจืคึฟืึทืจ ื ืึธื ื ืืฉื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื, ืืืฒึทื ืืฉืืขืื ืืื ืืขืืืขื ืืขืจ ืืื ืคึฟืื ืฉืืจืืก ืืื ืกื ืืืจ. ืึทืึฟืจืื ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืืขืื ืืฒึทื ืืจืืฉื ื ืึธื ืืฒึทื ืืขืื ืืื ืืื ืึทืืืขืงืืขืฉืืงื ืืืฒึทื ืคึฟืื ืืจืฅ ืึผื ืขื.
ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ื ืืฉื ืืืืื ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืคึฟืื ืื ืืึดืื; ืขืก ืืื ืึท ืืึดืืืฉ ืืึทื ื.
ืืืืื ืืื ืืื ืึท ืฆืืคึฟืขืืืงืขืจ ืืื ืขื ืืขืจืืขืืขืจ ืืฆืึฟ: ืืฒึทื ื ืืึธื ืืื ืขืก, ืืึธืจืื ืืึธืกืื ืขืก. ืขืก ืืื ื ืืฉืืึธ ืงืืื ืืืืชืืืงืขืจ ืืืืืง ืืื ืืฒึทื ืืืืืึธ ืคึฟืื ืืืืืขืจ ืืื ืืึธื ืขืก ืืืจ ืคึฟืึทืจืงืืืคึฟื ืืื ื ืึธื ืืขื ืืืึธืก ืขืก ืืื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืืฒึทื ืืืืื ืืื; ืคึฟืจืึดืขืจ ืืื ืขืก ืืขืืืขื ืืฒึทื ืก, ืืื ืืืฆื ืืื ืขืก ืืฒึทื ืก.
ืืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืึธืืขืจ ืึทื ืืขืจืฉ. ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืืื ืืึทืฉืึทืคึฟื ืืขืืืึธืจื ืคึฟืึทืจื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง, ืึผืื ืืึธืก ืคึฟืึธืืง ืืึธื ืงืขื ืขื ืืืืกืคึฟืืจื ืืฒึทื ืชึผืืืืช: ืึทื ืืคึผืืขืงื ืืขื ืืืืืขืจืฉืื ืก ืึธื ืืืขืื ืืืื ืืื ืืขื ืคึฟืืืืฉื ืืืขืื ืืืืคึฟื ืืขืกืื ืืืคึฟื, ืืื ืคึฟืื ืืึธืจื, ืืื ืืึธืก ืืึทืจืฅ, ืึทืจืืืกืคึผืึธืืคึผืขื ืึธื ืื ืึธื ืขืจืงืขื ืื ื ืืื ืืึทืืฒึทืกืืขืจืื ื ืืื ืืขืจ ืืึทื ืฆืขืจ ืืืขืื.
ื ืืฉื ืืืืืืกื ืจืืคึฟื ืื ืืึทื ืฆืข ืืืขืื ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื โืืึธืก ืืืืืืงืข ืืึทื ืโ. ืืขืจืืื ืืขืจืงืขื ื ืืขื, ืึทื ืึทืคึฟืืื ืื ืขืจื ืืืคึฟื ืคึฟืื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืืืืืืง.
ืืื ืึทื ืืขืจืข ืืืขืจืืขืจ: ืื ืคึฟืึทืจืืื ืืื ื ืฆืืืืฉื ืืจืฅึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ืขืึพืืฉืืจืื ืืื ื ืืฉื ืืืืื ืืืกืืึธืจืืฉ ืึธืืขืจ ืฆืืคึฟืขืืืง. ืื ืืื ืืืืชืืืง ืืื ื ืฉืืืืืง. ืืึธืก ืืึทื ื ืืื ืืึธืก ืคึฟืึธืืง ืืืืื ืึท ืฉืืืืืช ืืืึธืก ืืขืจ ืืืืืขืจืฉืืขืจ ืืึธื ืืื ืืขืืขืื, ืืื ืื ืคึฟืืืข ืืืืกืคึฟืืจืื ื ืคึฟืื ืืขืจ ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืึธืคึผืืขื ืืืง ืคึฟืื ืืืืืข.
ืืืขื ืืืจ ืงืขืืคึฟื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืืื ืืืขืจ ืืึทื ื, ืืจืึทืืื ืืืจ ื ืืฉื ืืืืื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืืื ืืืขืจื ืืืขืื, ื ืึธืจ ืืืื ืืืืึฟืช ืืื ืืืขืจืข ืฉืืื ืืื. ืืืื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืืื ืืื ืขืก ืฆืื ืืืื, ืึทื ืืื ืืึธืื ืืึธืื ืืขื ืืึดืืืฉื ืคึฟืึธืืง ืืืืกืคึฟืืจื ืืฒึทื ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืืฒึทื ืืึทื ื, ืืฉืขืช ืืื ืงืขื ืขื ืืฉืืื ืืืืกืคึฟืืจื ืืืืขืจ ืฉืืืืืช ืืื ืืขื ืืึทื ื ืืืึธืก ืืขืืขืจื ืฆื ืืื.
ืืืขื ืืขืจ ืืึธืืืงืขืจ ืคึผืื ืงื ืืืขื ืืฒึทื ืงืืึธืจ ืืฒึท ืืื ืื, ืืืขื ืืื ืื ืืฒึทื ืืจืื ืืขืจ ืื ืงืืึธืจ ืฆื ืืึทืื ืืืื ืคึฟืึทืจ ืึทื ืืขืจืข.
The post We Jews have three choices: Separating, assimilating or integrating appeared first on The Forward.
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Mike Rogers campaign event for Jews brings out Haley Stevensโ fiancรฉe
(JTA) โ BIRMINGHAM, Mich. โ The Republican Jewish Coalition typically isnโt known for drawing committed Democrats to its events.
But thatโs what happened Wednesday night at the Townsend Hotel in suburban Detroit, when a campaign event for GOP U.S. Senate nominee Mike Rogers attracted several Jews from the other side of the aisle. Those included Jason Turkish, a Democratic lawyer and megadonor best known as the fiancรฉ of pro-Israel Democratic U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens.
Turkish did not speak at the event. But just before it started, he had gone public with his declaration that he was voting for Rogers, and his conviction that Abdul El-Sayed, the Democratic nominee and former county health director who beat his partner in the primary, was antisemitic.
โThis choice for me, in the end, was very simple,โ Turkish told reporters from the sidelines. He cited recent instances of El-Sayed not answering whether Iran or Israel poses a bigger threat to the United States, and of the candidate only softly distancing himself from a PAC ad that blamed Israel for the price of groceries.
โHistory will remember who stands where in this moment, and it will not remember Abdul El-Sayed kindly,โ Turkish said.
Turkishโs public stance against his partyโs nominee, whom Stevens herself has endorsed while not directly campaigning for him, was yet another indication of the deep distrust and anger many of Michiganโs pro-Israel Jewish voters have voiced toward El-Sayed throughout this campaign. Republicans are hoping that will translate into more Jewish lifelong Democrats, like Turkish and former Stevens campaign chair David Kramer, pulling the lever for Rogers instead.
โI love it,โ Rogers, a former congressman, told reporters about Turkishโs endorsement. From the stage, the candidate was clear about what he thinks of El-Sayed: โHeโs beyond antisemitic. He hates Jews.โ
Turkish insisted that despite his Rogers vote, he was not a Republican.
โI will vote for Democrats up and down the ballot,โ he said. โThis isnโt some major departure. You can support Democrats up and down the ballot and make a choice to choose country over party in one race.โ
When asked by reporters at a different campaign event about Turkish, El-Sayed responded, โIโm building a movement to take on the challenges that Donald Trump is facing. If folks have issues that are more important to them than that, thatโs fine.โ
Most of the Jews in the RJC room were committed Republicans, who booed a mention of progressive Jewish megadonor George Soros and cheered the name of far-right Jewish U.S. Rep. Randy Fine.
The newfound Jewish discomfort with the Democratic nominee and the desire to send a message to the party were a key part of the pitch that Rogers and Texas GOP Sen. Ted Cruz made to the estimated 500 attendees at the RJC event.
โPeople who are lifelong Democrats who want to vote for Democrats for every other office, Iโm not advocating that,โ Cruz joked to the room. โBut even if thatโs where you are,โ he urged, โsay there is a line that is too far, and this is that line.โ
RJC spokesperson Sam Markstein told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that he had to fetch more chairs for overflow seating. Markstein said turnout for Wednesdayโs event was double what the RJC had drawn for a similar gathering in 2024 in support of Rogersโ first, unsuccessful Senate run โ when the GOP was stronger nationally than it is now.
Hundreds of Jews in the state have signed a pledge to vote for Rogers, though a rival pledge to vote for El-Sayed has nearly twice as many signatures.
El-Sayedโs comments following the March terror attack on the Temple Israel preschool, in which he stated, in part, โHurt people hurt people,โ haunt his perception among Jews months after he apologized for them. An Israeli strike in Lebanon had killed members of the attackerโs family.
At the RJC event, signs read โNo, Abdul: Hurt People Help Peopleโ and โMike Will Keep Us Safe.โ Some attendees carried a parody picture book called โHurt People Hurt People,โ featuring an El-Sayed-like โDr. Contextโ caricature who consoles the Big Bad Wolf instead of the Three Little Pigs.
The RJC has made a $2 million ad buy with pro-Rogers commercials featuring members of Temple Israel, some of whom spoke to the crowd. A separate Jewish organization, the Combat Antisemitism Movement, has made its own ad buy for Rogers via a new political advocacy arm, featuring one of the same Temple Israel moms.
The GOP sales pitch to Jews has also veered into darker territory, which was evident Wednesday night. Onstage, both Cruz and Rogers claimed that El-Sayed receiving Senate-level security clearance for intelligence briefings would pose a risk to national security.
โThe risks are too high that he would share sensitive information with the Muslim Brotherhood,โ Cruz said, echoing a growing conservative attack line against the Democrat. He also called El-Sayed a โjihadist leprechaun.โ
Rogers said that Hasan Piker, the anti-Israel streamer who campaigned with El-Sayed, โshould go back to Turkey, where he belongs.โ
Asked later by JTA about his comment, Rogers said he was referring to Pikerโs dual Turkish citizenship, and said, โI just thought if he wanted to go back there because he hates America so much, Iโd pay for the ticket.โ
Rogers appeared to distance himself from comments that U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. made at a Grand Rapids campaign event earlier this week with the candidate present. Kennedy had claimed that Arabs โdonโt produce scienceโ and โdonโt win the Nobel Prize.โ
โSometimes the campaign takes lefts and rights,โ Rogers told reporters, when asked about Kennedy. โWhat Iโm concerned about is whatโs happening here. Our Arab community is showing lots of support.โ The substantial Arab American community in this swing state makes it a key player in elections, and Republicans have been walking a tightrope between weaponizing El-Sayedโs faith against him and keeping on board Arab Americans who voted two years ago for President Donald Trump.
Rogers sought to make clear to the Jews in the room that he was aligned with Cruz, a pro-Israel stalwart who has picked public fights with far-right commentator Tucker Carlson. Cruz, though, has been a vocal proponent of war in Iran, while Rogers recently told JTA in an interview that โwe met our objectivesโ in Iran and should wind down the war there.
On Wednesday, Rogers took a more hawkish tone on Iran. โIโd love to see this wrapped up, but I donโt think we can leave it where they have any ability to hurt our friends and neighbors,โ he said. โSo their army, navy, air force has to be as diminished as they can.โ
Both men also took time from the stage to denounce antisemitism from the right.
At their donor events, Rogers said, โWithout fail. I would get three or four or five young, white men who would come up and say, โYouโre not going to take Jewish money, are you?โโ
Rogers chalked up the problem to college campuses, calling for efforts to โget Qatari money out of our colleges.โ
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Mike Rogers campaign event for Jews brings out Haley Stevensโ fiancรฉe appeared first on The Forward.
