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UN’s Francesca Albanese Lashes Out at ‘Pro-Genocide Minions’ After Georgetown University Severs Ties

Francesca Albanese, the UN special rapporteur for Palestinian human rights, on Nov. 14, 2023. Photo: AAPIMAGE via Reuters Connect

A controversial United Nations official who has been criticized for using her role to promote anti-Israel bias and pro-Hamas propaganda denied on Monday that Georgetown University severed its relationship with her due to accusations that she is antisemitic, explaining that she was dropped due to the US government’s decision to sanction her.

Georgetown scrubbed the name of Francesca Albanese, the UN’s special rapporteur on human rights in the Palestinian territories, from its list of affiliated scholars and removed her biography page from its website in recent months. While it’s unclear when exactly the change was made, UN Watch, a Geneva-based NGO, first reported the removal last week, days after Albanese appeared to reference the matter at a think tank event.

“I had an affiliation with a US university. I used to lecture there. Everything has been cut down,” she said earlier this month at an event with ODI Global.

A university official confirmed to JNS on Friday that Georgetown severed ties with Albanese due to the imposition of sanctions, saying, “US institutions are prohibited by federal law from affiliating with individuals subject to US sanctions.”

In July, the Trump administration sanctioned Albanese, accusing her of “political and economic warfare” against the US and Israel. “Albanese has spewed unabashed antisemitism, expressed support for terrorism, and open contempt for the United States, Israel, and the West,” US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said at the time.

Following news of Georgetown’s severing ties with Albanese, some media reports suggested the decision was based on her antisemitic comments. The UN official appeared to respond to such claims on the social media platform X.

“Georgetown’s decision to end my 10-year-old affiliation is yet another fallout of the sanctions the US imposed on me last July for exposing Israel’s genocide and the complicity of US businesses. Any other explanation is the usual laughable propaganda of the pro-genocide minions,” she posted on X.

Albanese, an Italian lawyer and academic, has an extensive history of using her role at the UN to denigrate Israel and seemingly rationalize the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas’s attacks on the Jewish state.

In August, she defended Hamas as a legitimate “political force” in Gaza that has built schools and hospitals while ruling the Palestinian enclave for nearly two decades, arguing that people should not think of the internationally designated terrorist group as armed “cut-throats” or “fighters.”

Months earlier, Albanese called on all medical professionals to cut ties with Israel, accusing the Jewish state of committing “genocide” — an accusation she made repeatedly since Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of and massacre across southern Israel.

The UN recently launched a probe into Albanese’s conduct over allegedly accepting a trip to Australia funded by pro-Hamas organizations.

While speaking at a Washington, DC bookstore last October, Albanese also accused Israel of weaponizing the fallout of the Oct. 7 atrocities to justify the continued “colonization” of Gaza.

Albanese claimed last year that Israelis were “colonialists” who had “fake identities.” Previously, she defended Palestinians’ “right to resist” Israeli “occupation” at a time when over 1,100 rockets were fired by Gaza terrorists at Israel. In 2023, US lawmakers called for the firing of Albanese for what they described as her “outrageous” antisemitic statements, including a 2014 letter in which she claimed America was “subjugated by the Jewish lobby.”

Albanese’s anti-Israel comments have earned her the praise of Hamas officials in the past.

In response to French President Emmanuel Macron’s calling Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack on Israel the “largest antisemitic massacre of the 21st century,” Albanese said, “No, Mr. Macron. The victims of Oct. 7 were not killed because of their Judaism, but in response to Israel’s oppression.”

Video footage of the Oct. 7 onslaught showed Palestinian terrorists led by Hamas celebrating the fact that they were murdering Jews.

Nevertheless, Albanese has argued that Israel should make peace with Hamas, saying that it “needs to make peace with Hamas in order to not be threatened by Hamas.” In July 2024, she also called for Israel to be expelled from the UN.

Albanese even once confessed that she struggles with impartiality. In an interview with the Institute for Palestine Studies in which she discussed Palestinian refugees and the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) she said, “I feared deep down perhaps I feared that embarking on research on a matter on which I deeply held personal views could compromise my objectivity.”

UN Watch cheered Albanese’s dismissal from Georgetown as a victory against rising antisemitism.

“We welcome Georgetown University’s decision,” UN Watch executive director Hillel Neuer said in a statement. “Academic institutions have a responsibility to uphold basic standards of integrity and human dignity. Removing an official who has repeatedly trafficked in antisemitic rhetoric and justified terrorism is a necessary step toward restoring those standards.”

Calling on the UN to join Georgetown in dismissing Albanese, he added, “This sends an important message. Positions of authority at the United Nations do not grant immunity from accountability, and universities should not serve as safe havens for those who abuse their platforms to promote hatred. The UN must follow Georgetown’s lead and remove Albanese.”

Albanese is not without allies at Georgetown. One of them, Middle East studies associate professor Nader Hashemi, said on X that Albanese’s status as a sanctioned person will change if and when the Democrats win the US presidency and that she will be hosted at Georgetown again.

“As soon as the sanctions are lifted on Francesca, we plan to host a [sic] her again at Georgetown University,” he wrote. “I’m certain her affiliation will also be restored. When she does return to campus, I suspect there is not a room large enough to accommodate all the people who want to meet her.”

Hatred for Israel, often fueled by the spread of misinformation about the Jewish state’s history and conduct in Gaza, is fueling violence against Jews in the US and elsewhere, according to experts who spoke with The Algemeiner earlier this year.

In June, an assailant firebombed a pro-Israel rally with Molotov cocktails and a “makeshift” flamethrower in Boulder, Colorado, killing one person and injuring 13 in what US authorities called a targeted terrorist attack. According to court documents, the man charged for the attack yelled “Free Palestine” during the violence and also told investigators that he wanted to “kill all Zionist people.”

The Colorado firebombing came less than two weeks after a gunman murdered two Israeli embassy staffers in Washington, DC, while they were leaving an event at the Capital Jewish Museum hosted by the American Jewish Committee. The suspect charged for the double murder also yelled “Free Palestine” while being arrested by police after the shooting, according to video of the incident. The FBI affidavit supported the criminal charges against the suspect stated that he told law enforcement he “did it for Gaza.”

Recent research has found that anti-Zionist faculty at universities have created a hostile climate for Jews and Israelis.

According to a recent survey conducted by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Academic Engagement Network (AEN), university faculty and staff have exacerbated the antisemitism crisis by politicizing the classroom, promoting anti-Israel bias, and even discriminating against Jewish colleagues.

The actions by faculty provided an academic pretext for the relentless wave of antisemitic incidents of discrimination and harassment which pro-Hamas activists have perpetrated against Jewish and Israeli members of campus communities since the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel, according to the survey, released in September.

The survey of “Jewish-identifying US-based faculty members” found that 73 percent of Jewish faculty witnessed their colleagues engaging in antisemitic activity, and a significant percentage named the Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine (FSJP) group as the force driving it. Of those aware of an FSJP chapter on their campus, the vast majority of respondents reported that the chapter engaged in anti-Israel programming (77.2 percent), organized anti-Israel protests and demonstrations (79.4 percent), and endorsed anti-Israel divestment campaigns (84.8 percent).

Additionally, 50 percent of respondents said that anti-Zionist faculty have established de facto, or “shadow,” boycotts of Israel on campus even in the absence of formal declaration or recognition of one by the administration. Among those who reported the presence of such a boycott, 55 percent noted that departments avoid co-sponsoring events with Jewish or pro-Israel groups and 29.5 percent said this policy is also subtly enacted by sabotaging negotiations for partnerships with Israeli institutions. All the while, such faculty fostered an environment in which Jewish professors were “maligned, professionally isolated, and in severe cases, doxxed or harassed” as they assumed the right to determine for their Jewish colleagues what constitutes antisemitism.

Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.

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A poet’s reaction to this summer’s terrorist attack in Berlin

דעם 25סטן יולי איז דער פּאָעט דזשײק שנײַדער געפֿאָרן קײן װײַמאַר כּדי צו מאָדערירן אַ כּמו־טעלעװיזיע־פּראָגראַם אױף ייִדיש מיט דער אַקטריסע עלענאָר ריסאַ, אַן אונטערנעמונג אין משך  פֿונעם פֿעסטיװאַל „ייִדיש־זומער װײַמאַר“. אױף מאָרגן איז ער אַהײמגעפֿאָרן קײן בערלין, װוּ ער האָט מאַרשירט אינעם יערלעכן שטאָלץ־פּאַראַד – אײדער אַ טעראָריסט האָט אַטאַקירט דעם פּאַראַד, דערמאָרדעט אײן פֿרױ און פֿאַרװוּנדיקט מער װי 30 מענטשן. אָט דער „פּאָעטישער באַריכט“ דאָקומענטירט כראָנאָלאָגיש זײַנע פֿראַגמענטאַרישע געדאַנקען און אײַנדרוקן פֿון דעם דאָזיקן מעת־לעת.

װאָס איז טײַטש „לײַװ“?
פֿון דזשייק שנײַדער

פֿאַרבײַגעגאַנגענע רעקלאַמעס׃

פֿאַרטאָפּלט אײַער עקראַנצײַט!

װערט אַ זעלנערין פֿאַר דײַטשלאַנד!

אײַער דירה־געלט איז צו טײַער!

איך דאַרף נאָך מסרן מײַן ראָװער־גנבֿ.

כאַפּן די פֿאַרלאָזלעך פֿאַרשפּעטיקטע באַן.

שױן זיצט מײַן סטודיאָ־עולם און װאַרט.

פּונקט אַזױ װי די װערטער פֿון דער װאָך.

אונטערװאַרטן, אָפּװאַרטן, צוּװאַרטן.

פּונקט אַזױ װי יאַנקלס נײַער װערטער־װידעאָ.

עס װאַרט אַ שיסל מיט ברױנע עם־ען־עמס.

איך האָב שױן אײן מאָל פּראָבירט דעם קלאַנג.

אַ שמועס־שעה אױף פֿאַרשטומטן ייִדיש.

אַ טעלעװיזיע־פּראָגראַם אָן טעלעװיזיעס.

אַ לעבעדיקע לאַכטאַשמע, דאַנקען גאָט.

„אונדזער עולם“ איז דאָך דאָ אין װײַמאַר.

איך דאַרף נישט איבערחזרן אױף כינעזיש.

פּאָסטקאַרטלעך פֿון װאַרשע, סאַו־פּאַולו.

אַכט מדינות… אָבער נישט דײַטשלאַנד.

עלענאָר באַװױנט אונדזער נישט־טעלעװיזיע.

ליבע־בריװ פֿונעם אונטערװעש־שופֿלאָד.

דאָס טײַערסטע קלײד פֿון אַ גאַנץ לעבן.

אַז מען דערמאָנט פֿראַנק לאָנדאָנען…

כּדי צו שטראָמען באַדאַרף מען נײַעס.

אַזאַ מין איצט באַדאַרף אַן איצטיקײט.

אַנישט קומט דער נעטפֿליקס־עפֿעקט.

אָן־סופֿיקע אַפֿישן אַדורכצובלעטערן.

בײַ ממשותדיקע נײַעס קומען שטױס־מעלדונגען.

די מאָבילקעס, טאַבלעטן און זײגערלעך װיברירן.

און שױן איז אונדזער שמועס־שעה פֿאַרבײַ.

שױן האָבן מיר געבענטשט עלעקרטישע ליכט.

געריסן די חלות, געגעסן די אוגערקעס.

אֵין כּל, אֵין כּל, אֵין כּל…. „טײַ“.

נישטאָ קײן צײַט פֿאַר אַ חצות בײַם טײַך.

די באַן פֿאָרט אומהײמלעך איצטיקיסטיש.

אינסטאַגראַם האָט פֿאַרגעסן זײַן ייִדיש.

שױן אַהײמגעפֿאָרן מיטן דינג־ראָװער.

שױן געגלעט מײַן הינטלס קאָנוס־קאָפּ.

שױן אָנגעטאָן מײַן בער־קאָסטיום.

שױן געפֿאָרן צום פּרײַד־לחײם.

שױן געקװעטשט אױפֿן נײַנטן קנעפּל.

שױן איבערגעקערט אַ טעלער מיט נאַשן.

שױן געהערט מעשׂיות פֿון נעכטן בײַ נאַכט.

שױן פּאָזירט אינעם יערלעכן באַלקאָנבילד.

אַלע טראָגן װי תּמיד די סאַמע מאָדישע זאָקן.

אַ פֿרײלעכן פּרײַד. פֿרײלעך צו זײַן פֿרײלעך.

אַראָפּ און אַרױס מיט די אַנדערע פֿײגעלעך.

אַן אַנדער שׂימחה־גרופּע װאַרט שױן אין דרױסן.

איך טאָר נישט קװעטשן דאָס פֿרײלעך־קנעפּל.

איך טאָר נישט נאַשן קײן שװאַמעלע־שאָקאָלאַד.

מיר יאָגן זיך נאָך די אַנטלאָפֿענע פּאַראַד־װאָגנס.

הײַיאָר פּראָקלאַמירט מען כּמו־פּאָליטישע לאָזונגען.

דעות זענען רײצנדיק. די „גוטע גבֿירים“ בלײַבן.

מיר מאַרשירן טאַנצעװדיק, טאַנצן מאַרשירעװדיק.

ס׳איז דער הױפּטשטראָם־פּרײַד, דער באַנאַלער.

נישט דער לעסבישער, נישט דער פּאַלעסטינישער.

מיר פֿאַרלירן אַ חבֿר אַלע פֿינף מינוט.

מיר װאַרטן אױפֿן קלאָזעט־הײַזעלע.

מיר האַלטן זיך אָפּ בײַ נאָלנדאָרף־פּלאַץ.

דאָרט אױבן אַרבעט מײַן צײנדאָקטער!

דאָרט װוּ עס הענגען די נחת־פֿענער!

אַ ביר פֿון אָרגאַנישן סופּערמאַרק.

כּדי אַרײַנצוגײן דאַרף מען זיך אָנטאָן.

איך דאַרף נאָך ענדיקן דאָס „לײַװ“-ליד.

איך דאַרף שפּאַצירן מיטן קאָנוס־קעפּל.

איך דאַרף נאָך שרײַבן עטלעכע רשימות.

קודם־כּל, פֿאַר װאָס נישט אַ שניצל?

די קיך פֿאַרמאַכט זיך צען אַ זײגער.

מיר באַשטעלן אין דער לעצטער מינוט.

מיר עסן דאָס אױסגעפּלאַטשיקטן פֿלײש.

מיר שפּאַצירן אַהײם דורך די געסלעך.

צװײ פֿײגעלעך פֿון אַ גאַנץ יאָר מיט אַ הינטל.

שױן קומען די שטױס־מעלדונגען.

שױן שטײען מיר אױף דער שװעל.

איך דאַרף זיך שױן „מעלדן בשלום“.

איך דאַרף נאָך מעלדן מײַן ראָװער.

איך דאַרף נאָך ענטפֿערן אױף די בריװלעך.

צי בין איך בשלום? װער איז בלשום?

די מלחמה קעגן מלחמות איז אױס.

עס בלײַבן אונדז בלױז מײנונגען.

יעדער אײנער האָט זײַן אָפּרוף.

יעדער אײנער האָט זײַנע דעות.

יעדער אײנער האָט קלוגע פּירושים.

װער זשע װיל זײַן אין די נײַעס?

 

בערלין קײן װײַמאַר קײן בערלין, 26-25 יולי 

The post A poet’s reaction to this summer’s terrorist attack in Berlin appeared first on The Forward.

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These Bundist pioneers were heroes in their time. Would they be in ours?

Academic stars in high school, Abrasha Blum and Luba Bielecka shared a slow burn romance and fervor for radical change. That hardly set them apart amid the ferment after the tsarist empire crumbled in 1919. No one would have predicted that Bielecka would go on to be awarded global nursing’s highest honor and Blum Poland’s equivalent of the Congressional Medal of Honor.

But their story poses a provocation in today’s hyper-polarized politics: Blum and Bielecka were devoted Bundists, and as such, they were not only socialists but anti-Zionists.

That combination can get you labeled today as anti-Israel and antisemitic, and even anti-American. Yet at the time they were Jewish heroes.

Bielecka repeatedly risked her life smuggling children out the Warsaw ghetto under Nazi occupation while directing the sole Jewish nursing school, sustaining its rigorous professional standards even as it was squashed into oblivion. Blum, a physically frail man, was dubbed the “ideological father of armed resistance” in the Bund; he led his band of militants into joining forces with the detested Zionists in the historic Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. When the insurgency was crushed — as all the combatants knew it would be — Blum, an engineer by training, led the surviving remnant through the cavernous sewer system to safety. But soon thereafter, in fleeing the police, he plummeted three stories from an apartment building. Badly injured, he was taken to Gestapo headquarters and never seen again.

Blum and Bielecka engaged the world as they found it and fought for justice for Jews and humanity. Blum’s photo is on display at Yad Vashem, Jerusalem’s Holocaust museum.

A lot has changed in 85 years. In 1939, most Americans Jews opposed Zionism and feared it would be misused by antisemites to justify allegations of dual loyalty. At the time, twice as many Jews lived in Warsaw as in all of British Palestine. The Bund swept 17 of 20 Jewish-designated seats on city council (Blum held one of them), far outdistancing all the Zionists parties together. Socialism made sense to Jewish voters, who were overwhelmingly “blue collar.” And so did doikayt (“hereness”), the doctrine that Poland’s three million Jews belonged there, not in a far-off desert, as the Zionists maintained.

The Holocaust radically and irrevocably changed the landscape. Ninety percent of Polish Jewry was exterminated. Even after the Nazis were vanquished, Jews continued to endure pogroms and were largely purged from Poland’s ruling communist party. By then, Israel was the sole destination in the world that welcomed large numbers of Jews.

Blum and Bielecka’s daughter, 17-year-old Aviva (née Victoria), was among the pioneers who migrated to a kibbutz in the new State of Israel. Zionism offered her the promise of milk and honey in a sanctuary free of antisemitism.

Abrasha Blum and Luba Blum-Bielecka in 1928. Courtesy of Mark Cohen

For years, her younger brother, Olek, held fast to his parents’ politics. But he too ultimately exited Poland, not for Israel but for the US, saddened that his father’s dream of “a prosperous Jewish minority inside Poland was impossible to realize.”

Like their parents, Aviva and Olek too engaged the post-WWII world as they found it and sought a better world.

Today, socialism and anti-Zionism are each experiencing something of a revival in the U.S. Self-described socialists have won mayoral elections in New York, Seattle and Washington, D.C. DSA-supported candidates won the Senate Democratic primary in Florida and narrowly lost Wisconsin’s gubernatorial primary. A recent CBS News poll found that 58% of Democrats now hold a favorable view of socialism, whereas only 32% view capitalism positively. The gap is even wider among young people. Jews, despite their relative affluence, remain among the most liberal voters in the U.S., although their current views on socialism have not been scientifically surveyed.

Anti-Zionism looks quite different in 2026 than in 1939, at least to Jews. Israel, approaching its 80th anniversary, is far from the desert mirage ridiculed by pre-war Bundists. While only a minority of American Jews self-describe as Zionists, an overwhelming majority support Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. Yet they are deeply troubled by Israel’s direction: Polls show that Zohran Mamdani, a socialist and anti-Zionist, is more popular among American Jews than Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

We’re left with this thought experiment: What if Abrasha and Luba resided in America  today? What would they view as justice and how would they engage to achieve it? What if they resided in Israel?

And finally, a question about the rest of us: Would we recognize them as heroes?

The post These Bundist pioneers were heroes in their time. Would they be in ours? appeared first on The Forward.

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AIPAC couldn’t stop Michigan’s El-Sayed in the primary. Now it’s trying again.

AIPAC’s super PAC has re-entered Michigan’s closely watched U.S. Senate race less than a month before the general election, spending nearly $100,000 on mailers attacking Abdul El-Sayed, despite earlier concerns by allies of his Republican opponent, Mike Rogers, that it would boost the Democratic nominee.

The spending of $94,620 by United Democracy Project (UDP) on direct mailers was disclosed in a Friday campaign finance filing. It comes after Rogers publicly welcomed AIPAC’s support during a televised debate last week, reversing the position initially taken by people close to his campaign who worried the pro-Israel group’s involvement could hurt his chances.

A spokesperson for the group told Jewish Insider that the mailers target 130,000 identified Jewish voters in the swing state. It focuses on El-Sayed’s response to an attack on Temple Israel in West Bloomfield earlier this year. El-Sayed drew criticism for saying “hurt people hurt people” when discussing the attacker, whose brother was reportedly a Hezbollah commander killed in an airstrike on Lebanon. El-Sayed later apologized, saying he had been trying to provide broader context for the attack.

UDP spent more than $30 million trying to defeat El-Sayed in the Democratic primary this summer and in support of Rep. Haley Stevens, who lost by about one percentage point.

Following the primary, allies of the Republican nominee reportedly asked AIPAC not to run ads to boost him, fearing that the group’s involvement would give El-Sayed the same political foil that helped him overcome its massive spending in the primary. Axios reported that AIPAC officials didn’t take that rejection easily.

But Rogers appeared to change course last Thursday when asked whether he’d welcome AIPAC’s support.

“Anybody that wants to help my campaign stop a guy who can’t condemn terrorism in our own country because he’s so close to the people who are supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, again, I’ll take all of that help,” Rogers said at Thursday’s televised debate. El-Sayed interrupted to say he had condemned terrorism.

A new super PAC, Together for Michigan, aired an ad during the debate featuring Taylor Weintraub, whose child attends the Temple Israel preschool that was attacked in March.

Rogers went further on Friday at a campaign event with Sen. John Kennedy of Louisiana, accusing El-Sayed of being “so anti-Jewish” that a single mailer had upset him. Rogers said he welcomed help from Jewish supporters seeking to defeat his opponent. Kennedy also attacked El-Sayed, saying AIPAC would not be involved in the race if the Democrat did not “sleep in a Bin Laden jersey.”

El-Sayed, an Israel critic who has made opposition to AIPAC a central part of his campaign, responded by accusing Rogers of desperation. “You know Mike Rogers is in trouble when he begs AIPAC to start spending against me,” he wrote on X.

Some Jewish Democrats are publicly supporting Rogers, saying El-Sayed has failed to assuage concerns in his outreach to Jewish voters and in campaign appearances in recent months. If elected, El-Sayed would become the first Muslim member of the U.S. Senate.

Recent polls show El-Sayed with a narrow lead in the race to replace retiring Democratic Sen. Gary Peters. Recent elections in Michigan have been decided by narrow margins. Trump won the swing state in 2024 by about 80,000 votes, while Democratic incumbent Elissa Slotkin defeated Rogers in the Senate race that year by fewer than 20,000 votes. Four years earlier, Joe Biden won Michigan by about 2.8 percentage points.

The post AIPAC couldn’t stop Michigan’s El-Sayed in the primary. Now it’s trying again. appeared first on The Forward.

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