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Which side are you on: Jewish American or American Jew?
(JTA) — Earlier this month the New York Times convened what it called a “focus group of Jewish Americans.” I was struck briefly by that phrase — Jewish Americans — in part because the Times, like the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, tends to prefer “American Jews.”
It’s seemingly a distinction without a difference, although I know others might disagree. There is an argument that “American Jew” smacks of disloyalty, describing a Jew who happens to be American. “Jewish American,” according to this thinking, flips the script: an American who happens to be Jewish.
If pressed, I’d say I prefer “American Jew.” The noun “Jew” sounds, to my ear anyway, more direct and more assertive than the tentative adjective “Jewish.” It’s also consistent with the way JTA essentializes “Jew” in its coverage, as in British Jew, French Jew, LGBT Jew or Jew of color.
I wouldn’t have given further thought to the subject if not for a webinar last week given by Arnold Eisen, the chancellor emeritus at the Jewish Theological Seminary. In “Jewish-American, American-Jew: The Complexities and Joys of Living a Hyphenated Identity,” Eisen discussed how a debate over language is really about how Jews navigate between competing identities.
“What does the ‘American’ signify to us?” he asked. “What does the ‘Jewish’ signify and what is the nature of the relationship between the two? Is it a synthesis? Is it a tension, or a contradiction, or is it a blurring of the boundaries such that you can’t tell where one ends and the other begins?”
Questions like these, it turns out, have been asked since Jews and other immigrants first began flooding Ellis Island. Teddy Roosevelt complained in 1915 that “there is no room in this country for hyphenated Americans.” Woodrow Wilson liked to say that “any man who carries a hyphen about with him carries a dagger that he is ready to plunge into the vitals of the Republic.” The two presidents were frankly freaked out about what we now call multiculturalism, convinced that America couldn’t survive a wave of immigrants with dual loyalties.
The two presidents lost the argument, and for much of the 20th century “hyphenated American” was shorthand for successful acculturation. While immigration hardliners continue to question the loyalty of minorities who claim more than one identity, and Donald Trump played with the politics of loyalty in remarks about Mexicans, Muslims and Jews, ethnic pride is as American as, well, St. Patrick’s Day. “I am the proud daughter of Indian immigrants,” former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley said in announcing her run for the Republican presidential nomination this month.
For Jews, however, the hyphen became what philosophy professor Berel Lang called “a weighty symbol of the divided life of Diaspora Jewry.” Jewishness isn’t a distant country with quaint customs, but a religion and a portable identity that lives uneasily alongside your nationality. In a 2005 essay, Lang argued that on either side of the hyphen were “vying traditions or allegiances,” with the Jew constantly confronted with a choice between the American side, or assimilation, and the Jewish side, or remaining distinct.
Eisen calls this the “question of Jewish difference.” Eisen grew up in an observant Jewish family in Philadelphia, and understood from an early age that his family was different from their Vietnamese-, Italian-, Ukrainian- and African-American neighbors. On the other hand, they were all the same — that is, American — because they were all hyphenated. “Being parallel to all these other differences, gave me my place in the city and in the country,” he said.
In college he studied the Jewish heavy hitters who were less sanguine about the integration of American and Jewish identities. Eisen calls Rabbi Mordecai Kaplan, the renegade theologian at JTS, “the thinker who really made this question uppermost for American Jews.” Kaplan wrote in 1934 that Jewishness could only survive as a “subordinate civilization” in the United States, and that the “Jew in America will be first and foremost an American, and only secondarily a Jew.”
Kaplan’s prescription was a maximum effort on the part of Jews to “save the otherness of Jewish life” – not just through synagogue, but through a Jewish “civilization” expressed in social relationships, leisure activities and a traditional moral and ethical code.
Of course, Kaplan also understood that there was another way to protect Jewish distinctiveness: move to Israel.
A poster issued by the National Industrial Conservation Movement in 1917 warns that the American war effort might be harmed by a “hyphen of disloyalty,” suggesting immigrants with ties to their homelands were working to aid the enemy. (Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress)
The political scientist Charles Liebman, in “The Ambivalent American Jew” (1973), argued that Jews in the United States were torn between surviving as a distinct ethnic group and integrating into the larger society.
According to Eisen, Liebman believed that “Jews who make ‘Jewish’ the adjective and ‘American’ the noun tend to fall on the integration side of the hyphen. And Jews who make ‘Jew’ the noun and ‘American’ the adjective tend to fall on the survival side of the hyphen.”
Eisen, a professor of Jewish thought at JTS, noted that the challenge of the hyphen was felt by rabbis on opposite ends of the theological spectrum. He cited Eugene Borowitz, the influential Reform rabbi, who suggested in 1973 that Jews in the United States “are actually more Jewish on the inside than they pretend to be on the outside. In other words, we’re so worried about what Liebman called integration into America that we hide our distinctiveness.” Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik, the leading Modern Orthodox thinker of his generation, despaired that the United States presented its Jews with an unresolvable conflict between the person of faith and the person of secular culture.
When I read the texts Eisen shared, I see 20th-century Jewish men who doubted Jews who could be fully at home in America and at home with themselves as Jews (let alone as Jews who weren’t straight or white — which would demand a few more hyphens). They couldn’t imagine a rich Jewishness that didn’t exist as a counterculture, the way Cynthia Ozick wondered what it would be like to “think as a Jew” in a non-Jewish language like English.
They couldn’t picture the hyphen as a plus sign, which pulled the words “Jewish” and “American” together.
Recent trends support the skeptics. Look at Judaism’s Conservative movement, whose rabbis are trained at JTS, and which has long tried to reconcile Jewish literacy and observance with the American mainstream. It’s shrinking, losing market share and followers both to Reform – where the American side of the hyphen is ascendant — and to Orthodoxy, where Jewish otherness is booming in places like Brooklyn and Lakewood, New Jersey. And the Jewish “nones” — those opting out of religion, synagogue and active engagement in Jewish institutions and affairs — are among the fastest-growing segments of American Jewish life.
Eisen appears more optimistic about a hyphenated Jewish identity, although he insists that it takes work to cultivate the Jewish side. “I don’t think there’s anything at stake necessarily on which side of the hyphen you put the Jewish on,” he said. “But if you don’t go out of your way to put added weight on the Jewish in the natural course of events, as Kaplan said correctly 100 years ago, the American will win.”
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The post Which side are you on: Jewish American or American Jew? appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Mother of Last Gaza Hostage Says Israel Won’t Heal Until He’s Back
Talik Gvili, the mother of Ran Gvili, the last hostage remaining in Gaza following the deadly Oct. 7, 2023, attack by Hamas, looks on during an interview with Reuters at her home in Meitar, Israel, Dec. 7, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
The mother of the last hostage in Gaza says Israel will not heal until he or his remains are brought home, and that the next phase of a peace plan should not proceed until he is back.
Police officer Ran Gvili was one of 251 hostages seized and taken to Gaza by the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in its attack on southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.
Israeli authorities say they believe he is dead, but his body has not been recovered and his family is clinging to the faint hope that he is still alive.
“We’re at the last stretch and we have to be strong, for Rani, for us, and for Israel. Without Rani, our country can’t heal,” his mother, Talik Gvili, told Reuters.
‘WE WANT TO FEEL HIM’
Posters of Ran Gvili, known by family and friends as Rani, line the streets of Meitar, his hometown in southern Israel.
When Hamas attacked, he was recovering at home from a broken collarbone. He quickly put on his uniform and joined the fight against the Hamas gunmen around Kibbutz Alumim near Gaza.
Gvili, who was 24 at the time, was badly wounded and Israeli authorities said he did not survive for long after being taken to Gaza, his mother said.
“We want to feel him, we want to feel some tiny doubt [that he died],” his mother said, before adding: “It might just be wishful thinking.”
SEARCH FOR GVILI IN GAZA
Israel and Hamas agreed to a ceasefire in October, under which violence has subsided but not entirely stopped in Gaza after two years of war precipitated by the terrorist group’s attack.
The US-backed ceasefire deal included a commitment by Hamas to release all remaining hostages in exchange for about 2,000 Palestinian detainees and convicted prisoners held in Israel, and the bodies of 360 deceased Palestinians.
At the time of the deal, 48 hostages remained in Gaza, 28 of them believed dead. Only Gvili is now still in Gaza.
Once all hostages are returned, the ceasefire agreement is meant to move on to its next phase, tackling issues such as the future governance and rebuilding of Gaza, although each side has accused the other of violating the truce agreement.
But with much of Gaza left in ruins by the offensive which Israel launched in response to the Hamas attack, finding Gvili’s remains is taking time.
Asked about the possibility that Israel might proceed with talks on Gaza before he is returned, his mother said: “No way. We won’t let that happen.”
‘WE’RE NOT ALONE’
The hostages’ plight gave birth to a grassroots movement dedicated to their return. Posters showing their faces were placed on highways, bus stops, skyscrapers, shops, and homes across Israel, and people gathered weekly at the Tel Aviv plaza that became known as Hostages Square to demand their return.
“We’re not alone,” Talik Gvili said, adding that she felt support and solidarity from across the political spectrum.
She describes her son as a strong and kind-hearted person who would look out for those weaker than him.
“We’re happy everyone has returned, except for Rani, we have become one big family so every hostage who returned brought relief, closure. But somebody had to be last, and it looks like that was our fate,” she said.
“But that was his thing, to make sure everyone else was okay first.”
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Syria Marks One Year Since Assad Was Toppled
People gather during a protest to mark the first anniversary of Bashar al-Assad’s fall, in Aleppo, Syria, Dec. 8, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Mahmoud Hassano
Syrians marked the first anniversary of the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad and his iron-fisted rule on Monday with jubilant celebrations in major cities, as the fractured nation struggles to find stability and recover after years of war.
The new leader, President Ahmed al-Sharaa, told a large crowd of supporters that his government had “laid out a clear vision for a new Syria as a state that looks towards a promising future,” calling it a historic break from a “dark chapter.”
Assad fled Syria for Russia a year ago as Sharaa’s rebels seized Damascus following an eight-day blitz through the country, ending his rule more than 13 years after an uprising had spiraled into bitter civil war.
‘WE STARTED LOVING THE COUNTRY,’ SAYS ALEPPO RESIDENT
Sharaa began Monday with dawn prayers at Damascus’ Umayyad Mosque, dressed in the military fatigues he wore as head of the former al-Qaeda rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a uniform he has since switched for the sombre suits of presidential office.
He promised to build a just and strong Syria, state news agency SANA reported.
“From north to south and from east to west, God willing, we will rebuild a strong Syria with a structure befitting its present and past,” he said.
In Aleppo, the first major city to fall to Sharaa’s forces last year, cars paraded through the streets honking their horns, with passengers waving Syria‘s new flag.
“We started loving the country. We didn’t love the country before, we used to try to escape from it,” said Mohammed Karam Hammami, an Aleppo resident.
Sharaa has ushered in big changes which have reshaped Syria‘s foreign ties. He has forged relations with the US, won support from Gulf Arab states and Turkey, and turned away from Assad‘s backers Iran and Russia. Crippling Western sanctions have largely been lifted.
He has promised to replace Assad‘s brutal police state with an inclusive and just order.
However, hundreds of people have been killed in bouts of sectarian violence, causing new displacements and fueling mistrust among minorities towards Sharaa’s government, as he struggles to bring all Syria back under Damascus’ authority.
The Kurdish-led administration that runs the northeast banned gatherings or events on security grounds, citing increased activity by “terror cells” seeking to exploit the occasion. It congratulated Syrians on the anniversary.
The Kurdish-led administration has sought to safeguard its regional autonomy, while in the south, some Druze – followers of a minority sect that is an offshoot of Islam – have been demanding independence in the southern province of Sweida since hundreds of people were killed there in deadly clashes in July with government forces.
FOUR MORE YEARS OF TRANSITION BEFORE ELECTIONS
Sharaa told a forum in Qatar over the weekend that “Syria today is living its best times,” despite the bouts of violence, and said those responsible would be held accountable.
He said a transitional period led by him would continue for four more years, to set up institutions, laws, and a new constitution – to be put to a public vote – at which point the country would hold elections.
Sharaa wields broad powers under a temporary constitution approved in March. The authorities organized an indirect vote in October to form a parliament, but Sharaa has yet to select one third of the 210 members as per the constitution.
The Assad family, members of Syria‘s Alawite minority community, ruled Syria for 54 years.
The Syrian war killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced millions more since 2011, driving some five million into neighbouring countries as refugees.
The UN refugee agency said on Monday that some 1.2 million refugees, in addition to 1.9 million internally displaced people, had gone home since Assad was toppled, but a decline in global funding could deter others.
Syria‘s central bank governor, speaking at a Reuters NEXT conference last week, said the return of some 1.5 million refugees was helping the economy grow.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says humanitarian needs across Syria are acute, with some 16.5 million people needing aid in 2025.
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Final assailant charged in 2021 antisemitic assault of Joey Borgen sentenced to 2 years in prison
(JTA) — Four and a half years after Joey Borgen was beaten in the street in New York City while en route to a pro-Israel rally, a sixth individual involved in his assault has been sentenced.
Salem Seleiman, 30, was sentenced to two years in state prison on Thursday in New York State Supreme Court. He pleaded guilty on Sept. 29 to assault in the second degree and assault in the third degree as a hate crime, according to the Manhattan District Attorney’s office.
“Salem Seleiman took part in the repugnant and bias-motivated assault of a Jewish man who was peacefully attending a rally,” said District Attorney Alvin Bragg in a statement. “The victim was targeted based on his religion and did nothing to warrant physical violence.
The attack on May 20, 2021, came amid a string of antisemitic assaults during the conflict between Israel and Hamas at the time. Seleiman had just attended a pro-Palestinian rally when he came across Borgen, who was wearing a kippah, in Times Square.
During the attack, Seleiman was one of six men who kicked, pepper-sprayed and struck Borgen with a crutch, leaving him needing surgery on his wrist. The group also shouted antisemitic slurs at Borgen during the assault, including “filthy Jew,” “dirty Jew” and “f— Israel.”
According to the district attorney’s office, surveillance footage of the assault showed Seleiman kick Borgen in the face and allegedly urge onlookers to leave the scene. He was arrested in Florida and extradited to New York in May, months after three of the other attackers were sentenced in January 2024.
Four other assailants involved in Borgen’s assault pleaded guilty and were sentenced to prison, while a fifth was put on probation but violated the terms of his release and was later sentenced to jail.
The post Final assailant charged in 2021 antisemitic assault of Joey Borgen sentenced to 2 years in prison appeared first on The Forward.