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Who’s who in Israel’s new far-right government, and why it matters
(JTA) – As the sun set on the fourth night of Hanukkah in Israel on Wednesday, incoming Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was expected to announce that he had successfully formed his new coalition government after more than five weeks of negotiations.
There are some asterisks: Netanyahu hasn’t officially signed any coalition deals yet with other parties (he has until 48 hours before the new government is seated Jan. 2 to do so), and some of his expected new partners are first demanding new legislation that has been delayed until after coalition talks.
But Netanyahu seems confident that he has formed a coalition that will grant him a comfortable majority in the Knesset, Israel’s parliament. Assuming he pulls it off before the swearing-in date, Israel seems set to welcome a new set of ministers who have set off alarm bells around the globe for their extremist beliefs and records.
Among the most worried observers are the U.S. government and Diaspora Jewish groups, who warn that, should these ministers get their way, Israel would be placing its status as both a pluralistic Jewish and democratic state at serious risk.
So what has everyone so concerned? Before the new government looks to be formally seated in January, here’s what you need to know about who’s set to take power in Israel.
Who’s in the new government?
Netanyahu’s coalition is full of incendiary characters hailing from Israel’s far-right and haredi Orthodox wings — including multiple fringe figures who until recently had been shunned by the country’s political mainstream, but who the incoming prime minister needs on his team in order to hold a governing majority (and attempt to dodge his own corruption charges).
Chief among them is Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of the far-right Otzma Yehudit party, who will likely hold a newly created ministry position that gives him power over the state’s police force. A onetime follower of Jewish extremist rabbi Meir Kahane, Ben-Gvir has been convicted of incitement over his past support of Israeli terrorist groups and inflammatory comments about Israel’s Arab population. He has also encouraged demonstrations on the Temple Mount by religious nationalists that often lead to sectarian violence, leaving analysts worried about what he would do once placed in control of the state’s police force.
Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of Israel’s Otzma Yehudit party, and Bezalel Smotrich, leader of the Religious Zionist Party, attend a rally with supporters in the southern Israeli city of Sderot, Oct 26, 2022. (Gil Cohen-Magen/AFP via Getty Images)
In addition, the new government will include Bezalel Smotrich, leader of the extremist-aligned Religious Zionist party, who has been accused by Israeli security forces in the past of plotting violent attacks against Palestinians. Like Ben-Gvir, Smotrich will also likely be given a newly created ministership role in Netanyahu’s government to oversee Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank — a move which liberal groups say would lead to “de facto annexation” given his desire to expand settlements and deny Palestinian claims to the area.
Smotrich, who will additionally hold the position of finance minister, is also fervently anti-LGBTQ in a country that prides itself on its treatment of LGBTQ citizens. He has organized opposition to pride parades and compared same-sex relationships to bestiality.
He’s not the only incoming anti-LGBTQ minister: Avi Maoz, head of the far-right Noam party, has described himself as a “proud homophobe” and has called all liberal forms of Judaism a “darkness” comparable to the Hellenistic Empire that controlled the Jews in the Hanukkah story. (A leading Israeli LGBTQ group has invited him to attend a pride parade.) Maoz would headline a new “National Jewish Identity” education position with the power to demand certain content be taught in schools. He has said he wants to fight liberal attempts to “brainwash the children of Israel” with progressive ideology, aligning him with many figures on the American right today.
Another controversial figure in Israel’s new government is Aryeh Deri, head of the haredi Orthodox Shas party, who is set to become interior and health minister pending new legislation. Deri has been convicted of tax fraud and served 22 months in prison in 2002 — which would bar him from holding a ministry position, unless Netanyahu can pass a law allowing him to serve. (There are reports that Netanyahu’s party, Likud, may offer Deri the position of alternate prime minister if the court rules he cannot serve in the Cabinet.) Netanyahu himself is embroiled in a years-long corruption trial, and may be relying on his allies to help shield him from the consequences of an eventual verdict.
Who’s not in?
Not all Israelis are excited to see Netanyahu return to power. Hundreds of protesters recently took to the streets of Tel Aviv to object to his pending far-right alliance.
Government officials have also lashed out against him in the press. Outgoing Prime Minister Yair Lapid, outgoing Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, outgoing Diaspora Affairs Minister Nachman Shai and a coalition of business executives are among the figures warning that the new laws, in the hands of the new government, would turn Israel into an illiberal state.
Benny Gantz — the outgoing defense minister and Netanyahu’s former rival-turned-unlikely-political-partner — had been floated as a wild card coalition contender in the wake of this fall’s election: A unity government involving his Blue and White party and Likud would reduce Netanyahu’s need to cater to far-right parties. But Gantz has not been mentioned in recent reporting on Netanyahu’s coalition negotiations.
How could the new government change Israel?
In some ways, it already has. As a precondition to some of his coalition deals, Netanyahu is pushing laws through the Knesset that grant new powers to his incoming ministers, allowing them expanded oversight of everything from law enforcement to Jewish settlements in the West Bank. The Shas party is also demanding an overhaul of the Israeli court system that would grant more authority over rabbinic judges and less oversight from secular ombudsmen, a move that legal observers in the country warn would cripple the judiciary and open the door to misconduct by rabbinic judges.
Netanyahu’s opposition bloc, which successfully ousted him in 2021 only to see its own coalition crumble a year later, is still in power through the end of the year and tried to delay Netanyahu’s moves with parliamentary gamesmanship this week. While they weakened some of the laws Netanyahu sought to pass, they seem to have failed to prevent the incoming PM’s ability to form a government.
Some figures in the new government also favor policies backed by the country’s Orthodox rabbinate that are hostile to much of Diasporic Jewry. Among the sweeping changes that could soon be on the table:
Removing the “grandchild clause,” a rule that allows anyone with at least one Jewish grandparent to apply for Israeli citizenship, from the country’s Law of Return (haredi parties have promised to back off trying to change the Law of Return in the short-term);
Passing a law to no longer recognize non-Orthodox converts to Judaism as Israeli citizens, reversing a recent high court decision;
And scuttling long-in-the-works plans to create a permanent egalitarian prayer space at the Western Wall.
How will this affect the Israeli-Palestinian peace process?
The answer many experts would give: What peace process?
With Ben-Gvir, Smotrich and other new ministers presenting themselves as openly hostile to Palestinian statehood, the chances of restarting viable negotiations for a two-state solution in the near future are slim to nil. Netanyahu continues to insist that any formal peace process would require the Palestinians to allow Israel to maintain some manner of security presence in the occupied territories, terms which the Palestinian Authority has strongly refused.
People gather to protest against the far-right upcoming coalition government led by Benjamin Netanyahu in Tel Aviv, Dec. 17, 2022. (Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
With a recent rise in violent attacks on Israelis and Palestinians alike forefront in citizens’ minds, security concerns were a foremost reason why Israel’s recent elections played out so well for the right wing. There is little incentive for the new government to engage in peace talks.
In addition, one of the carrots Netanyahu offered to his incoming coalition members was that the Israeli government would formally recognize a greater number of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, which the international community consider to be part of an illegal occupation. Such a move would even further deteriorate relations with Palestinians and the international community.
Netanyahu’s discussions with other Arab nations, however, are continuing unabated. Seeking to build off of the success of the Abraham Accords, he recently hinted that Saudi Arabia may soon join the normalization agreements, urging the United States to formalize their own relationships with the Saudis.
What is the U.S. response?
The United States is certainly worried about the rightward direction Israel is headed in. President Joe Biden has often boasted of his decades-long “friendship” with Netanyahu, but that relationship is soon to be tested the further the Israeli leader embraces his coalition partners, some of whom the Biden administration has hinted it would refuse to work with directly.
Biden’s current strategy, insiders told Politico, is to work only through Netanyahu and to hold the prime minister responsible for any actions taken by his Cabinet. In interviews with American media, Netanyahu has insisted that he is still fully in control of his government.
Mainstream American Jewish groups including Jewish Federations of North America and the American Jewish Committee have stewed over Netanyahu and tried to reaffirm a commitment to “inclusive and pluralistic” policies in Israel, but they have publicly said they would wait until the new government was formed to make any judgments. Abe Foxman, former head of the Anti-Defamation League, has warned he “won’t be able to support” Ben-Gvir and Smotrich’s vision for Israel.
Other groups, like B’nai Brith International and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, have characterized the new government as just the latest in a long line of Israeli governments they have successfully worked with.
Most American Jews are politically liberal, support a two-state solution, generally oppose Netanyahu and also highly prize the sense of egalitarianism that his new government has threatened to do away with. Any changes to the Law of Return, in particular, would be catastrophic for the relationship between Israel and American Jews, warns Union for Reform Judaism President Rabbi Rick Jacobs.
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Jewish cuisine in Warsaw, 1938
ס׳איז לעצטנס אַרויס אַ העברעיִשע איבערזעצונג פֿון בני מערס בוך וועגן דעם פֿאַר־מלמהדיקן ייִדישן כאַראַקטער פֿון סמאָטשע־גאַס אין וואַרשע. דאָס נײַע בוך, „מורה דרך: ורשה היהודית 1938“, דינט ווי אַ מין וועגווײַזער פֿאַר ישׂראלדיקע לייענער פֿון יענעם באַרימטן ייִדישן קוואַרטאַל, באַטאָנענדיק זײַנע באַזונדערע מנהגים, מאכלים, לשון, ליטעראַטור, קולטור און רעליגיע. קיין שום פּרט אין בוך איז נישט אויסגעטראַכט – אַ חוץ דעם וואָס דער וועגווײַזער אַליין איז געשריבן געוואָרן הײַנט, און נישט אין 1938. אָט איז אַ טייל פֿון דעם קאַפּיטל וועגן דער ייִדישער קיך אין וואַרשע.
אינעם ייִדישן קוואַרטאַל פֿון וואַרשע געפֿינען זיך נישט קיין באַזונדערע מאכלים. די ייִדן וואָס זײַנען אַהין געקומען האָבן מיטגעבראַכט זייערע אייגענע שפּײַזן, און דערפֿאַר קאָן מען דאָ עסן אַלץ, הכּל-בכּל. נישט אומזיסט האָבן מיר אַ שם פֿון „וואַרשעווער פֿרעסערס“, און אויך איר, טײַערע געסט, וועט נישט אַרויס חלילה הונגעריקע.
טרינקען טרינקט מען דאָ קודם-כּל די בײַערישע ביר „האָבערבוש און שילע“ (וואָס ווערט פּראָדוצירט נישט ווײַט פֿון דער „גמינע“ — דאָס קהילה-הויז — אויף גזשיבאָווסקע גאַס), און דערצו טרינקט מען פֿאַרשיידענע וואָדקעס און ספּירט. לשם מצוות-אכילה עסט מען דערבײַ הערינג מיט ציבעלע, האַרטע אייער, אייער-קיכלעך (זיסע אָדער געזאַלצענע), וואַסער-פּלעצלעך, געפֿעפֿערטע אַרבעס (געלע) און אַ שטיקל פּינטאָשוו קעז. אין די קאָנדיטערײַען און קאַפֿעען גיט מען קרעם-, שאָקאָלאַדע- און עפּל-טשאַסטקעס (קוכנס), ווי אויך לעקעך.
אונדזער קיך האָט אַ שם געמאַכט מיט אירע שבתדיקע און יום-טובֿדיקע דעליקאַטעסן. אויפֿן וואַרשעווער שבתדיקן טיש וועט איר געפֿינען יויך, גענדז אָדער בעפֿשטיק, געפֿילטע פֿיש (כאָטש מיר האָבן ליב אויך ליטוואַקעס, דאָ זײַנען זיי צימעס זיס). שבת אין דער פֿרי עסט מען טשאָלנט (ד״ה טשונט, אויף אונדזער לשון), קישקע און פֿאַרשיידענע קוגלען און קאָמפּאָטן.
יעדן יום-טובֿ האָט זײַנע אייגענע מאכלים. פּורים, למשל, עסט מען יויך מיט קרעפּלעך, געפֿילטע פֿיש, אייער-חלה, קיכלעך פֿון האָניק און צימרינג, מאַנדלען-קיכלעך, המן־טאַשן, אונגערישן ווײַן און מעד. פּסח עסט מען זיסע מצה-מעל-קיכלעך געטונקען אין ווײַן.
פֿײַנשמעקערס וועלן דאָ אויך געפֿינען די פֿראַנצויזישע קיך מיט אַ ייִדישן טעם. אין אונדזער רעפּרעזענטאַטיווסטן קרוין־רעסטאָראַן, „פּיקאַדילי“, וואָס געפֿינט זיך אויף ביעלאַנסקע 5 (טעל׳ 23-116), לעבן טעאַטער נאָוואָשטשי, דערלאַנגט מען אַ גענדזענעם לעבער, געפֿילטע פּאָמידאָרן, געגליווערטן קאַרפּ, שוואַרצן און רויטן קאַוויאַר (פֿון דרײַ זלאָטעס אַ מיטאָג). אין די מער פּאָפּולערע רעסטאָראַנען (ווי די פֿון י’ עלקענבוים אויף סמאָטשע 27, טעל׳ 77-162) באַקומט איר פֿיש מיט קליסקעלעך, וועמפּלעך מיט קישקע, קרופּניק מיט פֿלייש, קאָטלעטן, זופּן, קלאָפּסקאַלעך מיט פֿערפֿל — און אַלץ פֿאַר איין זלאָטע, מער אָדער ווייניקער. אויך די רעסטאָראַנען „יאַגאָדע“ (טווואַרדע 26, טעל׳ 34-205), „A la minute“, אויף דער שוויינטאָקזשיסקע־גאַס 43 43-341), יעקבֿ אַרבעס, נאַלעווקעס 9 – וועט אײַך גאָרנישט שאַטן.
שפּאָרעוודיקע טוריסטן וועלן הנאה האָבן פֿון פֿאַרשיידענע מיטאָגן וואָס ווערן פֿאַרקויפֿט אין פּריוואַטע דירות. געוויינטלעך וועט איר נישט זען קיין שום שילד; די אינפֿאָרמאַציע געפֿינט זיך אין דער צײַטונג „אונזער עקספּרעס“ אָדער אין די מעלדונגען וואָס ווערן געטיילט צו די פֿאַרבײַגייערס. למשל: אַ מיטאָג פֿון פֿיר שפּײַזן מיט קאָמפּאָט קאָסט דאָ נאָר זיבעציק גראָשן (זאַמענהאָף 26, וו. 11).
די וואַרשעווער אָרעמעלייט עסן נעבעך הערינג, אָדער אַפֿילו שילאַווקעס — פּיצלדיקע גערויכערטע פֿיש. שילאַווקעס קאָסטן אַ פּאָר גראָשן, און מע פֿאַרקויפט זיי אין די הויפֿן (זומערצײַט פֿאַרקויפֿט מען אין די הויפֿן אויך פֿרוכטן און גרינס — בפֿרט אַרבוז און אוגערקעס). אויב איר בלײַבט נאָך הונגעריק מחמת חסרון-כּיס, קאָנט איר עסן „שיריים“ אין איינער פֿון די 400 וואַרשעווער שולן און בתּי-מדרשים.
אויך וועגעטאַריער האָבן דאָ וואָס צו עסן. אין „יענע גאַסן“, די גויִשע וואַרשע, זײַנען פֿאַראַן צוויי וועגעטאַרישע רעסטאָראַנען, אָבער אין דער אמתן זײַנען מיר גיכער מקנא די ייִדישע וועגעטאַרישע רעסטאָראַנען אין לאָדזש און ווילנע („וועגאַ“ און פֿאַני לעוואַנדאָס רעסטאָראַן).
ווי עס איז, וועט איר זען און הערן די בייגעלעך־הענדלערס: ייִנגלעך און מיידלעך, און אַמאָל אויך זייערע מאַמעס און טאַטעס וואָס האָבן נישט קיין אַנדערע ברירה ווי אַרויסצוגיין טאָג און נאַכט אין די גאַסן און פֿאַרקויפֿן צוויי ביז פֿינף בייגעלעך פֿאַר צען גראָשן. זײַט אַזוי גוט און קויפֿט-זשע בייגעלעך, איידער די פּאָליציי וועט קאָנפֿיסקירן זייערע סחורה. אין די קריזיס-יאָרן האָבן אַ סך סוחרים באַנקראָטירט, און זייערע קראָמען זײַנען פֿאַרוואַנדלט געוואָרן אין געשעפֿטן פֿון סאָדע-וואַסער אָדער לאָדעס — קויפֿט זשע אויך פֿון זיי.
די וואַרשעווער ייִדן האָבן ליב צו טרינקן טיי – בפֿרט מיט קאַנדל-צוקער און ציטרין, און אַ טיי פֿון אַ גרויסן סאַמאָוואַר איז ממש אַן עונג-שבת. נישט ווייניקער האָבן מיר ליב צו טרינקען קאַווע און זיצן אין קאַפֿעען. „לעצטנס האָט זיך דער מנהג צו גיין אין קאַוויאַרניעס איבערהויפּט פֿאַרשפּרייט אויך בײַ פּוילישע ייִדן,“ שרײַבט ד״ר א. גליקסמאַן, „און פֿיל אַזעלכע ייִדן, וואָס פֿלעגן אין אַמאָליקע צײַטן גיין בטלען אין בית-מדרש — בטלען איצט אין קאַוויאַרניע אויף אַ ציוויליזירטן אופֿן.“(„היינטיגע נייעס“, 13.1.1936).
די קאַוויאַרניעס פֿון דער גוייִשער וואַרשע זײַנען שיין און עלעגאַנט ווי אין אַנדערע גרויסע שטעט אין אייראָפּע. זיי זײַנען קלאַסישע אָדער מאָדערנע, און אויך די קליענטן זײַנען שיינע און עלעגאַנטע. איין חסרון נאָר: זיי האָבן נישט אַזוי ליב אַז מע רעדט ייִדיש, און בפֿרט אויף אַ קול. איז וואָס? איר האָט דאָך צענדליקער ייִדישע קאַפֿעען, ווי למשל די דרײַ קאַפֿע-קאָנדיטאָרײַען פֿון די ברידער סטודניאַ; די קאָנדיטערײַ בומאָוויטש (רינקאָווע 11, טעל׳ 66-405), אָדער פֿלידערבוים (טוואַרדע 26). זיי זײַנען אפֿשר נישט אַזוי פּרעכטיק ווי „אַדריִאַ“ אָדער „בריסטאָל“, אָבער איר וועט זיך דאָרטן פֿילן אין דער היים. ווי זאָגט מען: „וואָס דאַרפֿסטו ריידן גויִיש, מע זאָל זען אַז דו ביסט אַ ייִד?“ אין אונדזערע קאַפֿעען דערלאַנגט מען נישט נאָר פֿריש געבעקס, נאָר אויך לײַכטע מאכלים, ווי למשל הערינג אין אַ זעמעלע פּוטער.
דאָס ייִדישע וואַרשע בענקט אַ ביסל נאָך די אַמאָליקע ליטעראַרישע קאַפֿעען, ווי למשל יחזקאל קאָטיקס קאַוויאַרניע אויף די נאַלעווקעס, וואָס שלום עליכם האָט פֿאַראייביקט אין זײַן „מנחם-מענדל“. אָבער אויך הײַנט צו טאָג האָבן מיר אַ ליטעראַרישן אָלימפּוס: דאָס איז דער בופֿעט בײַ דעם ליטעראַרישן פֿאַראיין, אויף טלאָמאַצקע 13. און וואָס איז שלעכט מיט טרינקען סתּם אַ קאַווע אין רובענטשיק-קאַפֿע, וואָס געפֿינט זיך אין מיטן דער ייִדישער גאָרטן, ד״ה קראַשינסקיס פּאַרק?
****
לאָמיר פֿאַרענדיקן מיט אַ תּפֿילה פֿון אַ וואַרשעווער ייִדענע, אַז דאָס קוגל זאָל איר געראָטן (אויף איר אייגן לשון):
קיגל קיגל יאַך מאַך דיך געטרײַ,
געטרײַ וועל יאַך דיך מאַכן,
מע זאָל אויס מיר נישט לאַכן.
אין אויוון זאָלסטע שטײַן,
אין מויל זאָלסטע צעגײַן,
גיט זאָלסט זײַן ווי יעקבֿ
און רויט ווי עשׂו.
The post Jewish cuisine in Warsaw, 1938 appeared first on The Forward.
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JD Vance continues to minimize right-wing antisemitism as fringe influencers gain ground
(JTA) — Vice President JD Vance again downplayed the idea that conservatives should safeguard their ranks against antisemitism, a week after his ally Tucker Carlson hosted yet another antisemitic conspiracy theorist on his web show.
Vance’s latest brief comments, made Tuesday during an interview with conservative radio host and CNN pundit Scott Jennings, came in response to Jennings asking, “Does the conservative movement need to warehouse anybody out there espousing antisemitism in any way?”
“No it doesn’t, Scott,” the vice president replied, toward the end of their interview.
Vance continued by asserting that conservatives, drawing on Christian influences, were welcoming of all backgrounds.
“I think we need to reject all forms of ethnic hatred, whether it’s antisemitism, anti-Black hatred, anti-white hatred,” he said. “And I think that’s one of the great things about the conservative coalition, is that we are, I think, fundamentally rooted in the Christian principles that founded the United States of America.”
He added, “And one of those very important principles is that we judge people as individuals. Every person is made in the image of God. You judge them by what they do, not by what ethnic group they belong to.”
Vance’s comments follow a series of similar remarks by the vice president over the past month as major right-wing groups such as Turning Point USA and the Heritage Foundation grapple with the growing influence of Nick Fuentes and other openly antisemitic forces. Vance has also indicated his own skepticism in the U.S.-Israel relationship and stated that stopping immigration is the best approach to fighting antisemitism.
One Jewish conservative analyst still employed with Heritage — after a slew of employees left for a competing group — criticized Vance’s latest comments.
“Need a better answer from @JDVance on why the conservative movement should not tolerate antisemitism than what is effectively the equivalent of @TheDemocrats’ ‘…and Islamophobia’ response,” Daniel Flesch, a Heritage policy analyst for the Middle East and North Africa, posted on the social network X.
Flesch referenced his contention that Democratic leaders’ stock answer to addressing antisemitism is that it must be paired with addressing Islamophobia, rather than treated as its own unique problem.
Among Jewish conservatives’ biggest areas of consternation within the party right now: Carlson, the media figure who has platformed Fuentes and other conspiracy theorists while also maintaining close ties with Turning Point, Heritage and Vance himself. This week in Israel’s Knesset, a lawmaker in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party denounced Carlson and fellow podcaster Candace Owens by name in an English-language speech.
Last week Carlson continued to fan the flames by hosting Ian Carroll, a conspiracy theorist who has proclaimed “Israel did 9/11”; that “Israel did their best to embellish and enflame the history books” on the Holocaust; and that sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein was “working on behalf of Israel.”
Carroll has made inroads in the conservative media sphere for a while. He appeared on Joe Rogan’s mega-popular podcast last year and, in 2024, moderated a campaign event for then-presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr., today President Donald Trump’s secretary of health and human services. Carroll’s appearance on Carlson’s show came after both Trump and Vance refused to denounce Carlson for his friendly interview with Fuentes last year.
In their Jan. 2 interview, Carroll and Carlson primarily discussed the 2017 mass shooting at a music festival in Las Vegas. Carroll shared numerous conspiracy theories about the events of that evening, during which the shooter also fired rounds at a jet fuel tank stored at a nearby airport.
“And then there’s things happening at the airport that are strange, that there’s some shooting happening at the airport. So it’s like, is this a gang war between the Italian mob and the Jewish mob? Is this a CIA operation that went wrong?” Carroll muses at one point. “Is this, like, a Mossad operation? Any of those things would need to fit the facts.”
Carroll continued, “In lieu of enough facts, you can try to fit a perpetrator to the facts and invent explanations that will work.”
Later in the interview, Carlson muses about Carroll directly to him, “I’ve never seen anybody come to prominence faster, ever, in our world. And that’s led to a lot of speculation that you’re, like, a CIA officer in disguise.”
Carroll then offers, “Or I’m like, Mossad.”
To which Carlson concludes, “My personal explanation is you’re just an amazing explainer and a diligent researcher, and you’re really interested in what’s true. And those are the three qualities that make a successful person in our world.”
The post JD Vance continues to minimize right-wing antisemitism as fringe influencers gain ground appeared first on The Forward.
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EU-Funded NGO Backed Online Platform Targeting Jewish Businesses in Catalonia
Supporters of Hamas demonstrate outside the Israeli Embassy in Madrid, Oct. 18. Photo: Reuters/Guillermo Yllanes Gonzalez
The controversial online platform mapping Jewish-owned businesses, schools, and Israeli-linked companies in Catalonia, a region in northeastern Spain, was promoted by an EU-funded non-governmental organization.
On Tuesday, NGO Monitor — an independent Jerusalem-based research institute that tracks anti-Israel bias among nongovernmental organizations — released new information showing that Engineers Without Borders – Catalonia (ESF-C) and Universities with Palestine (UAP) jointly promoted the BarcelonaZ project on social media, identifying themselves as its primary backers.
First reported by the local Jewish outlet Enfoque Judío, the interactive map was launched by an unidentified group claiming to be “journalists, professors, and students” on the French-hosted mapping platform GoGoCarto.
As a publicly accessible and collaboratively created online platform, the map marked over 150 schools, Jewish-owned businesses — including kosher food shops — and Israeli-linked as well as Spanish and international companies operating in Israel, labeling them as “Zionist.”
“Our goal is to understand how Zionism operates and the forms it takes, with the intention of making visible and denouncing the impact of its investments in our territory,” the project’s website stated.
According to NGO Monitor’s newly released report, ESF-C is a European Union–funded NGO running a Youth Internship Program subsidized by the Public Employment Service of Catalonia, with 40 percent co-financing from the European Social Fund Plus — the EU’s primary program for funding employment, education, and social initiatives.
The EU Financial Transparency System shows that ESF‑C partnered on two EU grants worth about $2.8 million from 2019 to 2023 and received at least $164,000 in funding.
Jewish leaders in Spain have strongly denounced the BarcelonaZ initiative, warning that it fosters further discrimination and hatred against the community amid an increasingly hostile environment in which Jews and Israelis continue to be targeted.
“The mapping and boycotting of Jewish businesses in Catalonia is an echo of some of the darkest chapters in history, including the prelude to the Holocaust in Nazi Germany,” the Combat Antisemitism Movement’s Director of European Affairs, Shannon Seban, said in a statement.
“The organizers of this initiative put a target on the backs of Spanish Jews, at a time when Jews are being hunted across the globe, as seen so horrifically in Australia just three weeks ago,” she said, referring to the deadly attack on a Hanukkah celebration at Sydney’s Bondi Beach, which killed 15 people and wounded at least 40 others.
“Clear incitement to violence of this nature must not be platformed or tolerated by internet companies or government authorities,” Seban continued.
On its website, ESF-C describes its mission as promoting “a fair international society, which does not exclude anyone,” and highlights its commitment to “non-denominationalism and non-partisanship.” Yet, the NGO’s 2024 annual report also asserts that it “cannot ignore the Palestinian resistance, a clear expression of the struggle for freedom of all oppressed peoples.”
In a social media post, the NGO also accused Israel of “genocide” during its defensive campaign against the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas, describing its platform as “a resource designed to inform, raise awareness, and mobilize the educational and student community in Catalonia.”
“The attacks that began on Oct. 7 have involved water and electricity cuts, the boycott of essential water infrastructure, and the contamination of Palestinian water sources,” ESF-C wrote in an Instagram post, without mentioning the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, which triggered the war in Gaza.
“The violation of these basic rights is a key weapon used by the State of Israel to perpetuate genocide,” the statement read.
NGO Monitor also revealed that UAP is a network of Catalan faculty- and student-led anti-Israel organizations that co-sponsored the BarcelonaZ project.
Last year, UAP organized a “People’s Court” at Complutense University of Madrid on what it called the “Palestinian genocide,” with attendance from several terror-linked NGOs and individuals, including Samidoun, Masar Badil, Al-Haq, and Raji Sourani, NGO Monitor reported.
Several community organizations have filed complaints with GoGoCarto, demanding the site’s removal and arguing that it violates French laws against hate speech and discrimination.
Earlier this week, GoGoCarto announced it had removed the BarcelonaZ project from its website after local groups denounced the initiative as blatantly antisemitic and dangerous.