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Antisemitism is on the Rise Down Under
By HENRY SREBRNIK As in other western countries, Australian Jews have been targeted by boycotts, harassment, and intimidation since the Gaza war began last October.
Throughout its history, Australia has been good to its Jewish community, which numbers more than 100,000 people today, with most living in Melbourne and Sydney.
From around 1947 to 1952, Australia took in more Holocaust survivors as a proportion of its population than any other country. Their children and grandchildren form more than half the community in Australia.
Being Jewish in Australia has never been seen as a bar to success. Yet since the Gaza war started, reports of antisemitism have spiked 700 per cent, including violent attacks.
Responding to pressure, on July 9 Prime Minister Anthony Albanese appointed Jillian Segal, the president of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry, to be âspecial envoy to combat antisemitism in Australiaâ for three years.
There is an urgent necessity to overhaul laws about doxing, the intentional online exposure of an individualâs identity, private information, or personal details, which has had a disproportionate impact on Jewish individuals. Pro-Palestinian activists distributed a nearly 900-page transcript that they leaked from a private WhatsApp formed last year by Jewish writers, artists, musicians and academics.
For example, Josh Moshe, a 33-year-old grandson of Holocaust survivors, moved to Melbourne in 2010. He and his wife operated a well-known gift shop in Thornbury. He had never experienced problems before.
However, all of this rapidly changed after the WhatsApp group was doxed. âWe were sworn at, the shop was graffitied with âGlory to Hamas,â and âwe donât want Zionists in Thornbury,ââ he said. As a result of such stories, the government plans to make the practice illegal.
Many politicians espouse openly anti-Israeli views. A video of Jenny Leong, an Australia Green Party member of the New South Wales Legislative Assembly, discussing how âthe Jewish lobby and the Zionist lobbyâ are using their âtentaclesâ to âinfluence powerâ went viral in early February.
Pro-Palestine encampments have come under increased scrutiny. A joint statement by protest organizers at 10 universities claims their movement has been peaceful and opposition to the state of Israel and Zionism as an ideology was not antisemitism.
âThere needs to be more nuance around the conversation,â remarked David Slucki, associate professor at the Australian Centre for Jewish Civilization at Monash University in Melbourne. âOur governments at the local, state, and federal level come out regularly in support of Jews and against antisemitism, which is something we have rarely seen throughout history. And yet I routinely hear people talk how similar the current situation is to 1930s Germany.â
On the other hand, a Monash colleague of his, Philip Mendes, Director of the Social Inclusion and Social Policy Research Unit, disagrees. âAustralia has experienced an unprecedented outbreak of anti-Semitism,â he maintains. (Full disclosure: he and I have collaborated on a number of scholarly articles and books.)
Jewish university students and academics have been subjected to various forms of defamation, threats and hate speech by university-based encampments and associated forums, flyers and graffiti, which are intended to exclude them from academic and public discourse, he maintains. Many Jewish students and staff assembled in early May at Melbourne University Square, well away from the encampment, where some told stories about feeling intimidated on campus.
On May 9 the federal opposition Liberal Partyâs education spokesperson, Sarah Henderson, claimed campuses had become âhotbeds of antisemitic activismâ in âflagrant breachâ of university policies. Mendes sees this as a new form of McCarthyism, like that experienced by Communists and other leftists during the Cold War.
Michael Gawenda, a well-known Australian journalist, was editor of the centre-left Melbourne Age for seven years from 1997-2004, and a foreign correspondent in both London and Washington. In an article published in the British periodical Fathom in February, he describes his anxiety over current events.
âThe Labor Government in Australia has been all over the place on Israel and the Palestinians and on the Hamas-Israel war,â he explained. âThere are vital Labor-held seats in Sydney and Melbourne that have significant numbers of Muslim Australians, enough to swing election results.â It has meant that from Albanese on down, âthere has been a failure to properly, unequivocally, call out what has clearly been an explosion of Jew hatred in Australia.â
Western Australian senator Fatima Payman, a devout Muslim born in Afghanistan, quit the Labor party recently in a major rupture with the Albanese government over Palestine. She used the politically charged phrase âfrom the river to the sea, Palestine will be free,â which, she said, asserted âa desire for Palestinians to live in their homeland as free and equal citizens, neither dominating others nor being dominated.â
A close friend of mine, Michael Birkner, professor of history at Gettysburg College in Pennsylvania, has spent many sabbaticals in Melbourne over the past two decades. He agrees that the Labor Party in Australia is walking on eggshells about the war in Gaza.
âThe intellectual community is pro-Palestinian, and there are thousands more voting Muslims in Australiaâs cities than Jews.â A small community perhaps a fifth the size of the Muslim community, the Jewish communityâs âpolitical influence is scant, even as there are notable Jewish writers and elected officials.â Indeed, in so many ways, it resembles its sister community in Canada.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island in Charlottetown.
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âWe need to save our countryâ: Bay Area Israelis fly home to vote in pivotal election
(JTA) â This article was produced by J.âThe Jewish News of Northern California in partnership with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
ABOARD EL AL FLIGHT 48 â Ayelet Frank was one of the first people to check in on Sunday, Oct. 25, for a nonstop flight from San Francisco to Tel Aviv. A resident of Redwood City, California since she left Israel in 1984, she is flying back for one reason: to vote in the Oct. 27 election.
Itâs the first time in her more than 40 years abroad that she is going back to cast a ballot.
âThis election is unique. Itâs very different than any other,â she told J. âItâs about Israelâs very existence. This election is between the destruction of the country, or building it up in a positive way.â
A native of Kibbutz Ein Harod in the Jezreel Valley, she is spending only two days in Israel before returning to California. Itâs a long way to travel just to vote, but, she said, âItâs that important.â
Frank was one of 271 passengers on El Al flight 48, which landed in Israel less than 24 hours before the polls open. It was the first nonstop flight from San Francisco to Israel since the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attack. Many on board were part of what one organizing group estimates is a wave of 67,000 Israelis abroad flying home for an election widely seen as a referendum on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In a tight race, the Israel Democracy Institute said, that many voters could swing nearly two Knesset seats.
Those travelers are spending thousands of dollars for the chance to cast their ballots in what many are calling the most consequential election in Israelâs history.
The mood in the boarding area at the San Francisco International Airport was buoyant. Lots of people seemed to know one another and were running up to hug friends and chat excitedly. There were families with children and plenty of babies in strollers and carriers. There were a smattering of black kippahs as well as one Hasidic family. There were also Israeli residents returning home from vacation in the Bay Area. But judging from the conversations as well as from people interviewed by J., most passengers were Israeli expats flying back to vote.
Capitola resident Udi Pardo left Israel in 1983, a year before Frank. Most of his family still lives in Israel and he visits twice a year. But for him, this was his first time flying home for an election.
âI never tried to go and vote before because I donât live there,â he said. âBut now itâs a national emergency. I canât not go.â
âIsrael is on the verge of an abyss,â he continued, saying that he has not yet decided between Gadi Eisenkotâs Yashar and Naftali Bennettâs BâYachad â both center-right parties opposed to Netanyahuâs government. âWe need to bring back sanity to Israel and to Israeli politics and reestablish liberal democracy because itâs about to disappear.â
The Oct. 27 election is the first since the Hamas attack and the war that followed. The stakes are so high, pundits say, that Israelis living abroad are flying home to vote in what appear to be unprecedented numbers. Israel does not allow absentee voting, except for diplomats and other state employees posted abroad, so expats who want to cast a ballot must do so in person.
The 67,000 estimate comes from Fly & Vote, a project of the U.S.-based America Israel Democracy Coalition to help expats navigate the logistics of participating in the election. The group cautioned that the figure is based on a voluntary August survey and its own registration data, not a count of arrivals. No comparable data exists for previous elections.
Israelâs Likud-led government has tried to impede Fly & Voteâs efforts with legal action, which was blocked in October by Israelâs Supreme Court. The government reportedly also considered closing or slowing down traffic at Ben Gurion International Airport in the days before the election. Analysts say this is because Netanyahu and his allies believe that many, if not most, of those responding to Fly & Voteâs initiative will vote against the current government.
Indeed, that seemed to be true of most of the expats on this El Al flight from San Francisco. Every person interviewed spoke about the âneed for changeâ in Israelâs government, and those who declared their support for candidates mentioned either Eisenkot or leaders of other anti-Netanyahu parties. The Silicon Valley-based Israeli expat group UnXeptable, which emerged to protest Netanyahuâs judicial overhaul and has become a major anti-Netanyahu voice globally, had a large presence on the flight, with about a dozen key members sporting light blue T-shirts emblazoned with the date of the election and the Hebrew words for âFlight for Change.â
They were handing out shirts to any other passengers who would take them, some of whom put them on right away. Local TV stations showed up for an UnXeptable press conference held at the check-in counter.
Roni Bar-Niv of Sunnyvale is one of several people interviewed who is spending just a few days in Israel, in her case enough time to vote, turn around and fly back to the Hebrew-language school she runs near her Silicon Valley home.
In the 26 years since she left Givatayim, a suburb of Tel Aviv, Bar-Niv said, she visits Israel four or five times a year but she, too, has never flown back to vote until now.
âI thought I didnât need to vote because I donât live there,â she said. But everything changed, she added, after Oct. 7. âIf we pay taxes â we have an apartment there â and if we send money for the war effort, and if we have children there â my daughter made aliyah five years ago â we need to go and vote,â she said. âThe direction our country is going is very bad, for Israelis living there and for us also.â
Berkeley resident Rivka Amado left Jerusalem 22 years ago. A retired ethics professor and Ladino singer, she said itâs the duty of Israeli expats to show up.
âThis election is critical, and itâs important for every Israeli to vote, whether you live here or there,â she said.
The surge in emigration since Oct. 7 has also swelled the pool of Israelis abroad. Some 82,800 Israelis left the country in 2024, according to Israelâs Central Bureau of Statistics, up from 55,000 in 2023. More than 69,000 left in 2025, the Times of Israel reported, the second straight year that emigration outpaced immigration.
Gilad Kariv, an opposition lawmaker from the Democrats party who chairs the Knessetâs Diaspora Affairs Committee, has warned of a âtsunami of emigration,â according to the Jerusalem Post. He has called it a âstrategic threat to the future of Israelâ tied to the governmentâs conduct.
J Street regional director Shimrit Braun Kamin (left) hugs Galit Lipsitz Goldental near the El Al counter at San Francisco International Airport, Oct. 25, 2026. (Aaron Levy-Wolins/J. Staff/Report for America)
Experts point to the war in Gaza and opposition to Netanyahuâs judicial overhaul as driving forces, suggesting that many recent emigrants are critical of the government.
Thirty-seven parties are on the Oct. 27 ballot, but only about a dozen are expected to clear the 3.25% electoral threshold needed to win Knesset seats. With Netanyahuâs Likud party polling neck-and-neck with his main opponent, Eisenkotâs Yashar party â the final pre-election polls show Yashar winning 22 to 23 seats to Likudâs 19 to 21 â every seat matters.
Neither party is projected to win a clear majority, meaning either one will have to negotiate intensely to form a governing coalition.
Thatâs why these expats have ponied up the dough, packed their bags and jumped on planes.
Eyal, a tech designer in his 40s who has been living in Mountain View since 2004, declined to give his last name because of his former job in the Israeli military. This, too, is his first trip home to vote.
In general, he said that he agrees with Israelis who believe expats should not have a voice in elections that no longer affect them personally.
âBut in this particular election, I think a lot of Israelis want us to come and vote,â he said. âI know my parents do.â
Shlomi from Sunnyvale, who left Israel more than 15 years ago and also declined to give his last name, is worried that if there is not a new government, Israelâs brain drain will accelerate.
âWe are in the final moments,â he said, likening Israelâs political situation to a soccer game. âIf the government doesnât change, I think a lot of good people who contribute to the future of the country will leave Israel.â
Shlomi is also worried that Israel will lose its partnership with the United States.
âItâs not about right or left,â he said, declining to say how heâll vote. âItâs about dignity, about taking responsibility, about leaders that actually make decisions for the people rather than their personal benefit.â
Iddo Tal, a Jerusalem native, has lived in Palo Alto for 15 years, where he is a tech entrepreneur and teaches fundraising to startup founders around the world. He has launched âfive start-ups and two kids,â he said, joking that âthe kids have been a huge success.â
Unlike most of those interviewed, he has traveled back to vote before. He made the trip to visit his parents but timed it around an election.
âThey always say every election is historic, and theyâre always right,â he said.
Tal believes expats should vote, saying it keeps Israelis at home and abroad closely connected. âThereâs something very exciting about making the Israeli diaspora part of Israel [proper], by coming back to fight, to raise money, to vote,â Tal said.
Hadar Aviram teaches law at UC Law San Francisco while studying to become a rabbi through Hebrew Union College. Born in Israel, she grew up âall over the worldâ and landed in San Francisco in 2001 for grad school. She wore one of the blue UnXeptable shirts and has joined some of the groupâs protests.
âLetâs start with taking accountability for the Oct. 7 massacre and the ensuing war,â she said. âAnd long before that, we were all hostages to this hateful, bigoted, corrupt government.⊠Iâm flying to release us from him, and him from us.â
She bristles at people who donât understand why Israelis like her feel so strongly about this election.
âIf some of those ignorant folks ask what Zionism is, I invite them to look around at all the people here who have packed their bags and emptied their savings accounts because they want to save their country,â she said, waving at the crowded boarding area. âWhen you love something very, very, very much, you are willing to go to great lengths to save it.â
The post âWe need to save our countryâ: Bay Area Israelis fly home to vote in pivotal election appeared first on The Forward.
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El-Sayed campaign disavows PAC ad linking US inflation to Israel
(JTA) â Abdul El-Sayedâs Senate campaign disavowed a pro-Palestinian groupâs new ad that critics say invokes antisemitic tropes about U.S. support for Israel.
The ad comes from Rebellion PAC, which is fronted by left-wing political commentator Cenk Uygur. It depicts a couple in a supermarket saying they cannot afford groceries because they have to set money aside âfor killing Palestinians.â It concludes by stating that the Michigan Democratâs GOP opponent âis for they/them,â referring to Israelis.
In a statement to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, an El-Sayed campaign representative said the ad âis not affiliated in any wayâ with his campaign and that it did not speak for him.
âAbdul is focused on pushing back against Trumpâs agenda that is raising prices for Michiganders,â campaign spokesperson Roxie Richner said in the statement. âNo one speaks for Abdul but himself and his campaign.â
Rebellionâs ad repurposes an ad originally released in 2024 for Uygurâs presidential campaign â but with a new ending that backs El-Sayed and knocks his Republican opponent, former U.S. Rep. Mike Rogers.
âWhy does Mike Rogers care so much about what Israelis want and so little about what you want?â the new ad asks. A voiceover then riffs on Republican ads from 2024 that attacked Democrats over LGBTQ issues.
âMike Rogers is for they/them,â the voiceover states over photos of Israeli politicians Benjamin Netanyahu, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. âAbdul El-Sayed is for you.â
A spokesperson for Rebellion PAC told JTA that the group is spending $1,000 on the ad, and that it will run online. Uygur, on X, stated on Friday that the ad would run âin Michigan.â Tensions among Jewish voters in the state are high: Many have expressed discomfort with El-Sayedâs strong criticism of Israel. The candidate has condemned antisemitism and looked to make inroads with Jewish voters.
âIf you think this ad is antisemitic, youâve lost your mind and you donât know it,â the Rebellion PAC spokesperson, Kara Eastman, told JTA. âItâs saying weâre giving too much money to a foreign nation â and theyâre misusing it. Thereâs nothing more normal than that. But when someone criticizes the government of Israel, and you hear âthey hate all Jews,â get clinical help.â
Shortly after Eastmanâs response to JTA, Uygur himself added on X, âIf you think this ad is antisemitic, youâre in a cult and donât know it. You think Israel is owed all the money it wants from US and if Americans donât hand it over â without complaint â theyâre antisemites. Thatâs insane, but you donât realize it because youâve lost your mind.â
Michigan U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens, a favorite of the pro-Israel community who endorsed El-Sayed after losing to him in the primary, called the ad âfearmongeringâ and âwrong.â She added that its makers were âblaming the high costs of our goods on the only Jewish homeland in the world.â Melissa Byrne, a progressive activist and former staffer for Jewish progressive Sen. Bernie Sanders, wrote that Uygur âclearly wants Abdul El-Sayed to lose by doing this ad.â
A spokesperson for Michigan Jews for Democracy, an ad hoc group of Jews in the state who have pledged to vote for El-Sayed, called the ad âcrapâ in an interview with JTA.
âIf they honestly think this is going to help, then they honestly have no idea what is going on in this state or this race,â Stacie Chaiken, the groupâs representative, told JTA. âTheyâre just playing into the hands of people who are really trying to hurt him.â
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post El-Sayed campaign disavows PAC ad linking US inflation to Israel appeared first on The Forward.
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U.S. and Israeli Jews are drifting apart? The data tell a different story.
(JTA) â This is part one of a two-part analysis based on the Jewish Federations of North Americaâs 2026 binational study of Jewish Americans and Jewish Israelis, exploring where the communities are aligned and where they differ. Part two will address where American and Israeli Jews see things differently, and why.Â
The last three years have been historic for both American and Israeli Jews. Israel has experienced the trauma and loss of Oct. 7 and the ensuing wars firsthand. Many American Jews have worked to support Israel, while experiencing a dramatic rise in security threats, antisemitism and attacks on Zionism at home. It would be understandable, therefore, if the result was two Jewish communities less connected to one another, each struggling to deal with its own challenges. And indeed, many headlines have focused on division, distance and disagreement.
But our data, gathered in May and June, are clear: American and Israeli Jews feel closer to one another today than we have in years, and that closeness has grown alongside the âsurgeâ â the sustained rise in American Jewish engagement weâve tracked since Oct. 7.
To be sure, our research also found places where American and Israeli Jews see things differently. Weâll take that on directly in an upcoming piece. But it is important to start with the reawakening of shared peoplehood since Oct. 7, an important development that is the foundation upon which all other discussions should begin.
The share of American Jews who describe Israelis as extended family or part of their own community has climbed from 46% to 62% since 2021. Today, fully 71% of American Jews feel emotionally attached to Israel. In contrast, the share of American Jews who say they feel no real connection at all to Jews in Israel has dropped by more than half since 2021, from 28% to 13%.
Israelis show movement in the same direction. The share calling American Jews extended family or part of their own community climbed from 45% to 53% over the same period, while the share saying they feel nothing in common with American Jews dropped from 14% to 10%.
Seventy-nine percent of Israelis and 56% of Americans affirm that Jews around the world, regardless of where they live, share a common fate and must act accordingly. Most also reject the idea that Jewish life in the diaspora is a âproblemâ to be solved through aliyah, or immigration to Israel. Early Zionist thought was built in part on the concept of shlilat hagalut, the ânegation of exile,â the belief that Jewish life outside Israel was inherently unsustainable and needed to be resolved through return to the land. That idea has receded sharply from mainstream Jewish and Zionist thought since the stateâs founding.
This deepening sense of shared peoplehood shows up in action, not just sentiment. In the first two years following Oct. 7, the Jewish federation system raised $908 million through the Israel Emergency Campaign, funding more than 4,200 grants to 877 organizations across 208 communities in Israel. North American Jews made that giving possible. Israeli organizations and Israeli society did the work of turning it into recovery on the ground. Sixty-eight percent of Israelis said that American Jewish philanthropic giving after Oct. 7 made them feel that Diaspora Jews genuinely care about Israel and Israelis. (Jewish federations raised and allocated $908 million in emergency support for Israel following the attacks, before shifting to a new giving framework to âRebuild Israelâ).
As noted, the rise in a shared sense of peoplehood between U.S. and Israeli Jews closely mirrors the surge in Jewish engagement domestically that weâve followed closely for three years. Engagement with Jewish life among American Jews is up 38% today, and that rise tracks with a rise in connection to Israel. That 38% reflects people who changed what they do. Another 12% felt a stronger pull toward Jewish identity and pride in peoplehood without yet changing their behavior. Together, thatâs roughly half of AmericanJews registering some shift in connection since Oct. 7.
When we asked American Jews in open-ended discussion why they feel connected to Israel, the top reasons were remarkably consistent: seeing Israel as a safe place for Jews, including for themselves; seeing Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people; having a sense that Israel is where Jewish history began; believing that Jews are responsible for one another, and holding religious or biblical connection. Others pointed to feeling more whole in Israel, the belief that the Holocaust made a Jewish homeland necessary, that Israel is part of their own culture and simply feeling pride in Israelis themselves.
While much of this growing sense of interconnectedness emerges from the events of the last few years, especially the shock American Jews felt on Oct. 7 and the pain Israelis feel watching antisemitism rise around the world, there are clear elements of the results that we can build upon, influence and encourage. American Jews who have traveled to Israel once are 1.7 times as likely to feel real commonality with Israeli Jews. American Jews who have traveled to Israel more than once are 3.8 times more likely to feel commonality with Israeli Jews. American Jews who have lived in Israel, perhaps not surprisingly, are 11.2 times more likely to share this sense of peoplehood.

The same holds true in reverse. Visiting the U.S. as a tourist doesnât move an Israeliâs sense of connection to American Jews. But compared to Israelis overall, those who participate in Jewish communal life while visiting are 2.8 times as likely to feel a sense of peoplehood with American Jews, and those who serve as emissaries, work at a Jewish camp or otherwise live inside an active American Jewish community while in the U.S. are 2.6 times as likely.
This is also true for Israeli Jews who encounter American Jews in Israel. Eighty-seven percent of Israeli Jews with real, engaged contact with American Jews feel commonality with us at far higher rates, compared to 52% among those with no contact. This gap holds even after taking into account religious practice and political ideology. Fifty-seven percent of Israeli Jews with real contact describe American Jews as siblings or extended family, compared to 45% among those with little or no contact.
We are in another challenging season for the Jewish people. Upcoming elections in Israel and the United States bring their own pressures and highlight disagreements both within and between our Jewish communities. It would be easy to conclude that we have more differences than we have commonalities, and to approach discussions from a place of distance and division. But there is opportunity in this tense moment to recognize our deep sense that we are one community.
Our data confirm that today we feel closer than ever, and we recognize that our lives are shaping each otherâs. Perhaps even more importantly, our data show what we can do to strengthen and perpetuate this trend. We need to keep investing in things we know build connection: more travel, more Israeli emissaries in North American communities and more programs that put people in real contact â especially partnership programs between US and Israeli communities like Partnership2Gether, which has connected people and communities for more than three decades.
And we need to scale innovation that will enable shared volunteer projects, philanthropic partnerships across both communities, stronger business and professional ties and digital opportunities to learn from one another. These opportunities can ensure impact when travel is impractical, reach those who are less engaged and ensure that this sense of connection to and understanding of Jews across the world is accessible to everyone in our greater Jewish family and community.
Our tradition teaches that âkol yisrael arevim zeh bazeh,â all Jews are responsible for one another. That responsibility isnât theoretical. It is the reason we show up for each other in moments that matter. Three years after Oct. 7, our data tell us we are still showing up.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post U.S. and Israeli Jews are drifting apart? The data tell a different story. appeared first on The Forward.

