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A Brazilian, Moroccan and Israeli singer brings her unique North African sound to NYC
(New York Jewish Week) — Though she grew up in Israel, Tamar Bloch’s childhood was a mishmash of cultures. With a Moroccan mother and Brazilian father, Bloch often heard Portuguese and Arabic alongside Hebrew, and felt connected with the music from all three cultures.
It wasn’t until she was in her early 20s, however, that Bloch discovered the language and culture of “Haketia,” a Romance language once spoken by Sephardic Jews in North Africa. Haketia has elements of Darija (Moroccan Arabic), Spanish and Ladino.
“I was hooked immediately,” Bloch, 33, told the New York Jewish Week. She could only find ethnographic recordings of Haketian songs at the Israel State Archives and at Hebrew University in Jerusalem, which she painstakingly transcribed and re-recorded herself — becoming the first modern artist to record an album in Haketia.
Over the last decade, Bloch — who goes by the stage name Lala Tamar; Lala is a Moroccan honorific meaning “Lady” or “Miss” — has traveled the world touring her music, working with bands and promoting the language and sound of Haketia.
This weekend, Bloch is traveling to New York from her home in Essouria, Morocco to perform several concerts at Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts. The New York Jewish Week caught up with her to talk about her performances in the United States and what Haketia means to her.
New York Jewish Week: How did you become aware of Haketía and then decide to pursue it in your music?
Bloch: I did not know it as a kid. I grew up with a mom who did speak Darija, which is Moroccan Arabic, which integrated and mixed inside Haketia, and with a dad who was born in Brazil, so there was Portuguese and a lot of Latin music in the house.
So I grew up with the basics of Haketia at home — the words and the Latin languages and the Arabic languages surrounding me. But I never really spoke it because they were speaking it with the older generations, with my grandparents and not with us, the kids.
When I grew up a bit I fell in love with Moroccan music. I happened to hear Haketia music. Immediately, I was hooked. For me, it was a very condensed cultural combination of my background, of the way I grew up. Not only literally, with the words and the language, but also musically because it has this combination of Spanish and Andalusian music and North African music. It’s all fused together in Haketia. I decided that I needed to investigate and to search for more of this music. These songs were never really recorded in an artistically contemporary way. If anything, they were recorded for the sake of preservation as a part of ethnographic research for universities. But it was not out there as music for everybody. I felt that this music deserves to be heard and to be served to everybody. It doesn’t have to be a part of a long forgotten tradition that’s lost in the archives.
What has been like the most meaningful part of the last decade of bringing Haketia back into the modern world and of touring your music around the globe?
I think that the biggest moment was when I got into the playlist of Galgalatz in Israel, which is one of the country’s most popular radio stations. One of the singles got into a playlist, and it was the first time that Haketia was played on contemporary, popular radio. That was really exciting. Also when we released our album. Even though it was in the middle of COVID, so it did not get any of the attention we were expecting for it, it was still exciting to to release an album in this in this lost language, and to hear people play it at parties and to have people sending me videos in restaurants. It’s always exciting to hear it.
I didn’t feel like I had a mission to make Haketia or this music more mainstream. It just happened because I felt that this music was relevant for me. I felt very much connected to it in a way that made me just release it as if there was nothing different about it, as if I would be singing anything else.
Why did you decide to move to Morocco from Israel during the pandemic?
I started performing in Morocco and realized that it’s always been the source of my inspiration, the fountain of my creation. At one of the festivals that I did there, I met Maalem (Master) Seddik, a Muslim musician that teaches Gnawa, a specific style of religious Moroccan music that I was fascinated by and, also, I was fascinated by the connection with the Jewish history in Morocco. I was waiting for the opportunity to go and study with him and then COVID struck and I had no job, of course.
Also, my inspiration and everything in my life that I create comes from Morocco. (During the 18th and 19th centuries, Jews made up nearly half of the population of Essouira — then called Mogador.) So when I was not singing I felt that my fountain was being dried out, so I already had this dream of going to study with him and I managed to find a way to get into Morocco which was really complicated at the time. He [Seddik] was waiting for me and welcomed me in. I started studying with him and he really adopted me, almost as a daughter, cooking for me, making me all these Jewish foods that he knows how to make from his neighbors and all his Jewish friends, and I just stayed. I have a lot of followers and an audience in Morocco as well as a lot of musicians that I work with so for me, it really felt like home from the beginning.
How does it feel to be performing in New York for the first time?
I have been doing online shows for Lincoln Center, but I’ve never performed physically in New York. It’s really exciting. I can’t describe how blissful we feel to come all this way. It’s a really big honor for my band’s first live performance in the United States to be at Lincoln Center.
I can only imagine how it will be because I don’t know. I can say I perform around the world, more than in Israel these past few years. I feel that this music has something that just can reach people from whatever background they come from. I hope that’s going to be the case as well, here in New York and New Yorkers are very open minded, very aware of what’s happening around the globe culturally.
Lala Tamar will perform a series of five concerts between May 5-7 at Lincoln Center for Performing Arts (113 West 60th St.). To find concert times and purchase tickets (choose-what-you-pay), visit their website.
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The post A Brazilian, Moroccan and Israeli singer brings her unique North African sound to NYC appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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MIT’s Jewish president rejects Trump’s offer of ‘priority’ funding in exchange for policy changes

(JTA) — The Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Jewish president, Sally Kornbluth, became the first university leader to reject the Trump administration’s offer to adopt a policy deal in exchange for funding benefits.
The administration extended its proposal, titled the “Compact for Academic Excellence in Higher Education,” to nine universities this month that it said were “good actors.” The deal would require the schools to cap international student enrollment, limit employees’ political speech, and make other changes in line with the administration’s policies — including “transforming or abolishing institutional units that purposefully punish, belittle, and even spark violence against conservative ideas.”
In exchange, the schools would gain “priority” federal funding – a potentially potent carrot at a time when the Trump administration is more often slashing schools’ funding in an effort to retaliate against them and force changes.
One school, the public University of Texas system, said it was honored to be considered without yet accepting. Kornbluth’s rejection makes MIT the first of the schools to reject the deal.
“In our view, America’s leadership in science and innovation depends on independent thinking and open competition for excellence,” she wrote in a letter to U.S. Education Secretary Linda McMahon Friday. “Therefore, with respect, we cannot support the proposed approach to addressing the issues facing higher education.”
The rejection could make Kornbluth a target of conservative ire nearly two years after she dodged criticism in the immediate aftermath of Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel. After she and two other university leaders appeared before Congress in December 2023 to answer questions about their schools’ handling of campus antisemitism, the other two were widely maligned for their responses and soon resigned.
But Kornbluth, who had built strong ties with Jewish leaders at MIT and her previous university, Duke, retained the support of her community, despite concerns about responses to pro-Palestinian student protesters.
Now, Kornbluth could reignite right-wing anger — while shoring up support among those on her campus who might see her as resisting an inappropriate intrusion into the university’s governance.
In the letter, Kornbluth added that the “compact” included principles that would “restrict freedom of expression and our independence as an institution.”
While MIT has gone largely unscathed by the Trump administration’s campaign against antisemitism on college campuses, the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law filed a lawsuit against the school alleging that it had “allowed an anti-Semitic climate to persist.”
The other seven colleges offered the deal were the University of Arizona, Brown University, Dartmouth College, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Southern California, Vanderbilt University and the University of Virginia. Other than the University of Texas, the other schools have not yet commented. It was not clear how the White House selected them.
The post MIT’s Jewish president rejects Trump’s offer of ‘priority’ funding in exchange for policy changes appeared first on The Forward.
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Ro Khanna distances himself after posting documentary clip featuring antisemitic influencer

(JTA) — California Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna came under fire Thursday after he shared a documentary clip featuring comments by antisemitic influencer Ian Carroll.
The documentary, titled “Investigating Israeli Influence on US Politics” and made by the popular YouTuber Tommy G, takes aim at AIPAC and what it says is Israel’s influence over American policy. Khanna appears in the documentary as an example of a Democratic lawmaker who rejects the pro-Israel lobby.
The documentary features a wide range of voices, including Republican lawmakers and an IDF reservist who offer a pro-Israel perspective; a doctor who volunteered in Gaza; and Medea Benjamin, the founder of the anti-war group Code Pink.
It has also drawn criticism for favorably citing Carroll, a conspiracy theorist who claims that a “modern Jewish mafia” controls America, that Israel was behind 9/11 and that Israel conspired to kill conservative influencer Charlie Kirk. Speaking to podcaster Joe Rogan earlier this year, Carroll said Israel was founded by the “the Jewish mob” and that sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein was “a Jewish organization of Jewish people working on behalf of Israel and other groups.”
“Ian Carroll is one of the internet’s top conspiracy analysts,” Tommy G says in the documentary. “His critics label him an antisemite spreading false information about Israel, but to others, he is a fearless journalist that speaks on what some perceive as an extremely strong Zionist pressure on our government.”
Khanna posted a clip of the documentary on Thursday to make the point that he has not accepted money from AIPAC, the pro-Israel lobby. In the clip, Carroll claims that “93 out of 100 U.S. senators were taking money from a group that represents a foreign government and foreign interests in order to operate our government on behalf of someone else,” referring to AIPAC and Israel.
In the clip, Khanna later says that has not accepted any PAC or lobbyist contributions since entering Congress, adding that AIPAC’s stance was that “whatever Netanyahu does is right” and warning that those who disagree risk having the group “come after you.”
“I don’t take a dime from any PAC or lobbyist, including AIPAC,” wrote Khanna in the post on X. “I am proud to be one of the handful of Democrats standing up against Big Money.” He linked to an account of an organization called Track AIPAC that monitors the lobby’s donations.
Khanna soon drew criticism for appearing in the same production as Carroll and amplifying him. And hours later, he replied to his own post to distance himself from the conspiracy theorist.
“This was a documentary made by Tommy G who interviewed me. I did not speak to or meet Ian Carrol. I stand by my words and should be judged by them,” wrote Khanna.
Criticism resounded in the replies to Khanna’s post, with many commenters accusing the lawmaker of elevating Carroll’s antisemitic rhetoric on his platform.
“Stand by your words all you want. No one made you post a video where a Nazi talks favorably about you,” wrote one user on X. “In saner times, this would have [been] a career ending move. You are such a clown to defend it.”
Khanna, whose parents were from India and who was first elected in 2016, has long been one of Israel’s fiercest critics in Congress, including over its operations in Gaza. He led an effort last month to push President Donald Trump to recognize Palestinian statehood at the UN General Assembly.
“Who says we’re going to starve the people so much that they suffer that we’re going to force the surrender? It’s sick,” said Khanna later in the documentary interview. “And your tax dollars, my tax dollars are funding them because both Biden and Trump gave Netanyahu a blank check.”
The post Ro Khanna distances himself after posting documentary clip featuring antisemitic influencer appeared first on The Forward.
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Iran Set to Enforce Death Penalty for Starlink Satellite Internet Use

A batch of 60 Starlink test satellites stacked atop a Falcon 9 rocket, close to being put into orbit. Photo: Wikimedia Commons
Iran has prepared to implement new legislation that would make using Starlink or similar satellite internet equipment a crime which could result in death sentences under certain conditions, deepening the Islamic regime’s campaign to control information and communications while the country’s overall use of executions continues to explode.
The law — called “Intensifying Punishment for Espionage and Cooperation with the Zionist Regime and Hostile Countries Against National Security and Interests” — has been approved by the Guardian Council, which holds veto power over Iran’s parliament, according to the news website IranWire. It was transmitted by Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf to President Masoud Pezeshkian for implementation. The Iranian parliament initially passed the bill in June during the 12-day conflict between Iran and Israel.
The statute explicitly targets “unauthorized electronic satellite internet communication devices such as Starlink.” Under Article 5, those who possess or use Starlink face sixth-degree imprisonment (six months to two years) and equipment confiscation, while production, distribution, installation, or import for sale carries two to five years. If authorities believe the Starlink use was done “with intent to confront the Islamic Republic” or for espionage, and the individual is treated as an “enemy force,” the punishment is execution. Lesser offenders would still face five to ten years of imprisonment.
Article 6 allows courts to increase sentences by up to three degrees if offenses occur during wartime or “security situations,” as determined by Iran’s Supreme National Security Council. Legal observers say the statute’s reliance on abstract ideas like “intent to confront the system” invites obvious abuse.
The move comes as Iran has accelerated the speed of its executions. A new annual assessment by the Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) reported at least 1,537 hangings between October 2024 and October 2025, the highest total in a decade and an 86 percent increase from the previous year’s 823. HRANA said more than 94 percent of executions were carried out secretly and never acknowledged by official sources. Nearly half (48.34 percent) involved drug charges and 43.46 percent involved murder cases, with other counts including rape, “moharebeh” (waging war against God), espionage, and “corruption on earth.” The report identified Ghezel Hesar Prison in Alborz Province as the leading execution site with 183 reported hangings.
HRANA also tracked organized protests inside the prison system. As of Oct. 7, prisoners across 52 facilities continued hunger strikes under the “Tuesdays No to Execution” campaign, now in its 89th consecutive week, and urged the United Nations and foreign governments to take “urgent and coordinated action” to halt the surge and press for legal reforms.
The data align with trends The Algemeiner reported last month. Rights monitors documented a sharp acceleration in 2025, with at least 152 executions in August alone, a 70 percent jump over August 2024, and an overall trajectory that suggested Iran would surpass its 2024 total of 930 by year’s end. Those figures, drawn from organizations such as Hengaw and HRANA, highlight the regime’s frequent use of vague national-security charges (including “corruption on earth”) and recurring allegations of forced confessions aired on state television.
The Starlink measure dovetails with Tehran’s broader effort to tighten control over information flows after years of mass protests — many coordinated online — and amid repeated attempts by authorities to throttle or block major platforms. By criminalizing the devices themselves and tying their use to espionage or “confronting the system,” the law gives prosecutors a new tool to treat independent connectivity as a national-security offense. In practice, rights advocates warn, amorphous intent standards and security designations from the Supreme National Security Council could be used to transform ordinary digital activity into a capital case.
While Tehran hardens penalties at home, Washington announced fresh measures aimed at Iran-aligned militias and their financial networks. On Tuesday, the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated entities and individuals accused of enabling the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps–Qods Force (IRGC-QF) and Iraqi militia proxies — including Kata’ib Hizballah — to launder funds, smuggle weapons, and siphon Iraqi state resources through front companies and bank access. The action, taken under Executive Order 13224, targets, among others, the Muhandis General Company (described by Treasury as a conglomerate tied to Kata’ib Hizballah) and executives allegedly exploiting Iraq’s commercial banking sector to benefit IRGC-QF and aligned groups.
The US has designated both the IRGC and Kata’ib Hizballah as terrorist organizations.
Treasury said the network backs operations that have endangered US personnel and undermined regional stability. It framed the designations as part of a broader effort to choke off revenue and logistics to Iranian proxies. The step follows earlier OFAC actions over the summer against Iranian oil smuggling operations that allegedly misrepresented Iranian crude as Iraqi, and comes amid periodic militia attacks on US and partner interests across the Middle East.