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Letty Cottin Pogrebin wants Jews to own up to the corrosive power of shame
(JTA) — When a lawyer for Donald Trump asked E. Jean Carroll why she didn’t scream while allegedly being raped by Donald Trump, I thought of Letty Cottin Pogrebin. In her latest book, “Shanda: A Memoir of Shame and Secrecy,” she writes about being assaulted by a famous poet — and how the shadow of shame kept women like her silent about attacks on their own bodies.
That incident in 1962, she writes, was “fifty-eight years before the #MeToo movement provided the sisterhood and solidarity that made survivors of abuse and rape feel safe enough to tell their stories.”
Now 83, Pogrebin could have coasted with a memoir celebrating her six decades as a leading feminist: She co-founded Ms. magazine, its Foundation for Women and the National Women’s Political Caucus. She served as president of Americans for Peace Now and in 1982 blew the whistle on antisemitism in the feminist movement.
Instead, “Shanda” is about her immigrant Jewish family and the secrets they carried through their lives. First marriages that were kept hidden. An unacknowledged half-sister. Money problems and domestic abuse. An uncle banished for sharing family dirt in public.
“My mania around secrecy and shame was sparked in 1951 by the discovery that my parents had concealed from me the truth about their personal histories, and every member of my large extended family, on both sides, was in on it,” writes Pogrebin, now 83. “Their need to avoid scandal was so compelling that, once identified, it provided the lens through which I could see my family with fresh eyes, spotlight their fears, and, in so doing, illuminate my own.”
“Shanda” (the Yiddish word describes the kind of behavior that brings shame on an entire family or even a people) is also a portrait of immigrant New York Jews in the 20th century. As her father and mother father move up in the world and leave their Yiddish-speaking, Old World families behind for new lives in the Bronx and Queens, they stand in for a generation of Jews and new Americans “bent on saving face and determined to be, if not exemplary, at least impeccably respectable.”
Pogrebin and I spoke last week ahead of the Eight Over Eighty Gala on May 31, where she will be honored with a group that includes another Jewish feminist icon, the writer Erica Jong, and musician Eve Queler, who founded her own ensemble, the Opera Orchestra of New York, when she wasn’t being given chances to conduct in the male-dominated world of classical music. The gala is a fundraiser for the New Jewish Home, a healthcare nonprofit serving older New Yorkers.
Pogrebin and I spoke about shame and how it plays out in public and private, from rape accusations against a former president to her regrets over how she wrote about her own abortions to how the Bible justifies family trickery.
Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
I found your book very moving because my parents’ generation, who like your family were middle-class Jews who grew up or lived in the New York metropolitan area, are also all gone now. Your book brought back to me that world of aunts and uncles and cousins, and kids like us who couldn’t imagine what kinds of secrets and traumas our parents and relatives were hiding. But you went back and asked all the questions that many of us are afraid to ask.
I can’t tell you how good writing it has been. I feel as though I have no weight on my back. And people who have read it gained such comfort from the normalization that happens when you read that others have been through what you’ve been through. And my family secrets are so varied — just one right after the other. The chameleon-like behavior of that generation — they became who they wanted to be through pretense or actual accomplishment.
In my mother’s case, pretense led the way. She went and got a studio photo that made it look like she graduated from high school when she didn’t. In the eighth grade, she went up to her uncle’s house in the north Bronx and had her dates pick her up there because of the shanda of where she lived on the Lower East Side with nine people in three rooms. She had to imagine herself the child of her uncle, who didn’t have an accent or had an accent but at least spoke English.
You describe yours as “an immigrant family torn between loyalty to their own kind and longing for American acceptance.”
There was the feeling that, “If only we could measure up, we would be real Americans.” My mother was a sewing machine operator who became a designer and figured out what American women wore when she came from rags and cardboard shoes, in steerage. So I admire them. As much as I was discomforted by the lies, I ended up having compassion for them.
It’s also a story of thwarted women, and all that lost potential of a generation in which few could contemplate a college degree or a career outside the home. Your mother worked for a time as a junior designer for Hattie Carnegie, a sort of Donna Karan of her day, but abandoned that after she met your dad and became, as you write, “Mrs. Jack Cottin.”
The powerlessness of women was complicated in the 1950s by the demands of the masculine Jewish ideal. So having a wife who didn’t work was proof that you were a man who could provide. As a result women sacrificed their own aspirations and passions. She protected her husband’s image by not pursuing her life outside the home. In a way my feminism is a positive, like a photograph, to the negative of my mother’s 1950s womanhood.
“I’m not an optimist. I call myself a ‘cockeyed strategist,” said Pogrebin, who has a home on the Upper West Side. (Mike Lovett)
You write that you “think of shame and secrecy as quintessentially Jewish issues.” What were the Jewish pressures that inspired your parents to tell so many stories that weren’t true?
Think about what we did. We hid behind our names. We changed our names. We sloughed off our accents. My mother learned to make My*T*Fine pudding instead of gefilte fish. Shame and secrecy have always been intrinsically Jewish to me, because of the “sha!” factor: At every supper party, there would be the moment when somebody would say, “Sha! We don’t talk about that!” So even though we talked about what felt like everything, there were things that couldn’t be touched: illness, the C-word [cancer]. If you wanted to make a shidduch [wedding match] with another family in the insular communities in which Jews lived, you couldn’t let it be known that there was cancer in the family, or mental illness.
While I was writing this memoir, I realized that the [Torah portion] I’m listening to one Shabbat morning is all about hiding. It is Jacob finding out that he didn’t marry Rachel, after all, but married somebody he didn’t love. All of the hiding that I took for granted in the Bible stories and I was raised on like mother’s milk was formative. They justified pretense, and they justified trickery. Rebecca lied to her husband and presented her younger son Jacob for the blessing because God told her, because it was for the greater good of the future the Jewish people.
I think Jews felt that same sort of way when it came to surviving. So we can get rid of our names. We wouldn’t have survived, whether we were hiding in a forest or behind a cabinet, a name or a passport, or [pushed into hiding] with [forced] conversions. Hiding was survival.
I was reading your book just as the E. Jean Carroll verdict came down, holding Donald Trump liable for sexually assaulting her during an encounter in the mid-’90s. You write how in 1962, when you were working as a book publicist, the hard-drinking Irish poet Brendan Behan (who died in 1964) tried to rape you in a hotel room and you didn’t report it. Like Carroll, you didn’t think that it was something that could be reported because the cost was too high.
Certainly in that era powerful men could get away with horrible behavior because of shanda reasons.
Carroll said in her court testimony, “It was shameful to go to the police.”
You know that it happened to so many others and nobody paid the price. The man’s reputation was intact and we kept our jobs because we sacrificed our dignity and our truth. I was in a career, and I really was supporting myself. I couldn’t afford to lose my job. I would have been pilloried for having gone to his hotel room, and nobody was there when he picked up an ashtray and threatened to break the window of the Chelsea Hotel unless I went up there with him.The cards were stacked against me.
In “Shanda,” you write about another kind of shame: The shame you now feel decades later about how you described the incident in your first book. You regret “how blithely I transformed an aggravated assault by a powerful man into a ‘sticky sexual encounter.’”
I wrote about the incident in such offhand terms, and wonder why. I wrote, basically, “Okay, girls, you’re gonna have to put up with this, but you’re gonna have to find your own magical sentence like I had with Behan” to get him to stop.
You write that you said, “You can’t do this to me! I’m a nice Jewish girl!” And that got him to back off.
Really painful.
I think that’s a powerful aspect of your book — how you look back at the ways you let down the movement or your family or friends and now regret. In 1991 you wrote a New York Times essay about an illegal abortion you had as a college senior in 1958, but not the second one you had only a few months later. While you were urging women to tell their stories of abortion, you note how a different shame kept you from telling the whole truth.
Jewish girls could be, you know, plain or ordinary, but they had to be smart, and I had been stupid. I could out myself as one of the many millions of women who had an abortion but not as a Jewish girl who made the same mistake [of getting pregnant] twice.
The book was written before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. In the book you write powerfully about the shame, danger and loneliness among women when abortion was illegal, and now, after 50 years, it is happening again. Having been very much part of the generation of activists that saw Roe become the law of the land, how have you processed its demise?
Since the 1970s, we thought everything was happening in this proper linear way. We got legislation passed, we had litigation and we won, and we saw the percentage of women’s participation in the workplace all across professions and trades and everything else rise and rise. And then Ronald Reagan was elected and then there was the Moral Majority and then it was the Hyde Amendment [barring the use of federal funds to pay for abortion]. I was sideswiped because I think I was naive enough to imagine that once we articulated what feminism was driving at and why women’s rights were important, and how the economic reality of families and discrimination against women weren’t just women’s issues, people would internalize it and understand it and justice would be done.
In the case of Roe, we could not imagine that rights could ever be taken away. We didn’t do something that we should have done, which is to have outed ourselves in a big way. It’s not enough that abortion was legal. We allowed it to remain stigmatized. We allowed the right wing to create their own valence around it. That negated solidarity. If we had talked about abortion as healthcare, if we had had our stories published and created organizations around remembering what it was like and people telling their stories about when abortion was illegal and dangerous…. Instead we allowed the religious right to prioritize [fetal] cells over a woman’s life. We just were not truthful with each other, so we didn’t create solidarity.
Are you heartened by the backlash against restrictive new laws in red states or optimistic that the next wave of activism can reclaim the right to abortion?
I’m not an optimist. I call myself a “cockeyed strategist.” If you look at my long resume, it is all about organizing: Ms. magazine, feminist organizations, women’s foundations, Black-Jewish dialogues, Torah study groups and Palestinian-Jewish dialogues.
Number one, we have to own the data and reframe the narrative. We have to open channels for discussion for women who have either had one or know someone who has had one, even in religious Catholic families. The state-by-state strategy was really slow, but Ruth Bader Ginsburg wanted that. She almost didn’t get on the court because she didn’t like the nationwide, right-to-privacy strategy of Roe but instead wanted it won state by state, which would have required campaigns of acceptance and consciousness-raising.
So, the irony is she hasn’t lived to see that we’re going to have to do it her way.
You share a lot of family secrets in this book. Is this a book that you waited to write until, I’ll try to put this gently, most of the people had died?
I started this book when I was 78 years old, and there’s always a connection to my major birthdays. And turning 80 – you experience that number and it is so weird. It doesn’t describe me and it probably won’t describe you. I thought, this could well be my last book, so I needed to be completely transparent, put it all out there.
My mother and father and aunts and uncles were gone, but I have 24 cousins altogether. I went to my cousins, and told them I am going to write about the secret of your parents: It’s my uncle, but it’s your father. It’s your family story even though it’s my family, but it’s yours first. And every cousin, uniformly, said, “Are you kidding? You don’t even know the half of it,” and they’d tell me the whole story. I guess people want the truth out in the end.
Is that an aspect of getting older?
I think it’s a promise of liberation, which is what I have found. It’s this experience of being free from anything that I’ve hid. I don’t have to hide. Years ago, on our 35th wedding anniversary, we took our whole family to the Tenement Museum because we wanted them to see how far we’ve come in two generations.
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Hamas Tightens Grip on Gaza as Russia Blocks US Proposal at UN for Peacekeeping Force
Smoke rises in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, Oct. 30, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ramadan Abed TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
As Hamas intensified its crackdown on the Gazan population, Russia rejected a US proposal for an international force in the enclave to implement Washington’s peace plan, deepening uncertainty for the region’s future.
On Thursday, Russia rejected a draft resolution sent by the United States last week to the United Nations Security Council which calls for the establishment of an International Stabilization Force (ISF) in Gaza to remain for at least two years.
Washington publicly called on members of the UN Security Council to back its resolution to create an international peacekeeping force aimed at stabilizing post-war Gaza, which has been devastated by two years of fighting between Hamas and Israel.
“We urge the Security Council to seize this historic moment to pave a path towards enduring peace in the Middle East by supporting this resolution,” US officials said in a statement.
Under US President Donald Trump’s peace plan, the ISF will oversee the Gaza ceasefire between Israel and Hamas and train local security forces.
However, the US proposal is facing opposition from Russia and China — both veto-wielding members of the UN Security Council — who have rejected the resolution, citing concerns over the proposed board to temporarily govern the war-torn enclave and the absence of any transitional role for the Palestinian Authority (PA).
Based on the proposed draft resolution, participating countries in the international force would be granted a broad mandate to maintain security and administer Gaza through the end of 2027, with the possibility of extending the mission.
In recent weeks, Washington has been working closely with regional powers to determine the composition of the peacekeeping force.
According to the draft resolution, the ISF would include troops from multiple participating countries and would be responsible for securing Gaza’s borders with Israel and Egypt, while also protecting civilians and maintaining humanitarian corridors.
In addition, the ISF would seemingly be expected to take on the responsibility of disarming Hamas — a key component of Trump’s peace plan to end the war in Gaza, which the Palestinian terror group has repeatedly rejected.
As negotiations over the draft continue, Russia and China are pushing for the full removal of the proposed “Board of Peace,” a body chaired by Trump and charged with overseeing Gaza’s redevelopment, and stronger guarantees for the future establishment of a Palestinian state.
Russia has put forward its own draft UN resolution, directly challenging the US initiative, according to Reuters.
“The objective of our draft is to enable the Security Council to develop a balanced, acceptable, and unified approach toward achieving a sustainable cessation of hostilities,” Russia’s UN mission said in a statement.
According to media reports, the main points of dispute involved the roadmap to an independent Palestinian state and the timeline for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip.
After incorporating some proposed changes, the revised US draft includes provisions stating that once the PA’s internal reforms are “faithfully carried out and Gaza redevelopment has advanced, the conditions may be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.”
“The United States will establish a dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians to agree on a political horizon for peaceful and prosperous coexistence,” the resolution also adds.
As the US sought support for its resolution, Washington warned that any “attempts to sow discord” would have “grave, tangible, and entirely avoidable consequences for Palestinians in Gaza.”
Countries have not yet publicly committed troops to the ISF, with most waiting for clarity on the expectations and responsibilities associated with such involvement.
On Friday, Indonesia confirmed it has trained up to 20,000 troops to carry out health and construction-related tasks during post-war efforts in Gaza.
“We’ve prepared a maximum of 20,000 troops, but the specifications will revolve around health and construction,” Indonesian Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin said during a press conference. “We are waiting for further decisions on Gaza peace action.”
Meanwhile, the European Union is reportedly considering a plan to train a 3,000-member Palestinian police force to help maintain security in the war-torn enclave, with discussions scheduled for next week at the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels.
If approved, the EU would take the lead in training and supporting a local Palestinian security force, with financial backing from the PA.
Last week, the United Arab Emirates said it will not take part in the proposed international stability force in Gaza, explaining that it does not yet see a clear framework. Officials noted Abu Dhabi would continue to support political efforts toward peace and remain a provider of humanitarian aid.
One major point of contention has been the role of Turkey, a key longtime backer of Hamas. While Turkey has made preparations to deploy a peacekeeping force to Gaza, Israel has adamantly opposed the idea, viewing the presence of Turkish troops near its border as a security threat,
As the international community works to determine the next steps for the ceasefire and Gaza’s post-war future, Hamas is seeking to expand its control and influence across the enclave.
Since the ceasefire went into effect, Hamas terrorists have brutally cracked down on all rivals and dissenters, with videos emerging of rampant torture and public executions in the streets.
Now, the Palestinian terrorist group is tightening its control in Gaza by monitoring all goods entering Hamas-held areas and imposing fees on certain privately imported items, according to Reuters.
Hamas violently seized total control of Gaza in 2007 after being elected to power in parliamentary elections the prior year. Under the current ceasefire, the terrorist group controls 47 percent of Gaza’s territory, compared to 53 percent controlled by the Israeli military. However, the vast majority of the population is located in the half suffering under Hamas’s crackdown.
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UN Rights Council Adopts Fact-Finding Mission in Emergency Session on Sudan as Number of Missing Mounts
Displaced Sudanese gather after fleeing Al-Fashir city in Darfur, in Tawila, Sudan, Oct. 29, 2025, in this still image taken from a Reuters’ video. Photo: REUTERS/Mohamed Jamal
Members of the UN Human Rights Council on Friday adopted a resolution for an independent fact–finding mission to investigate reported mass killings in al-Fashir, Sudan.
At a special session of the Council in Geneva on the situation in the city in Darfur which fell to paramilitary forces in October, the text passed without a vote – a strong sign of international support.
The fact–finding mission will also seek to identify the perpetrators of violations allegedly committed by the Rapid Support Forces and their allies in al-Fashir.
The ambassador of the permanent mission of the United Kingdom in Geneva said the fact–finding mission would document and preserve evidence of violations, which would lay the ground for future justice and accountability.
In an opening address to delegates, the UN human rights chief urged the international community to act.
“There has been too much pretense and performance, and too little action. It must stand up against these atrocities – a display of naked cruelty used to subjugate and control an entire population,” UN High Commissioner for human rights Volker Turk said.
The RSF has denied targeting civilians or blocking aid, saying such activities are due to rogue actors.
UN RIGHTS CHIEF WARNS OF SURGING VIOLENCE IN KORDOFAN
Turk also called for action against individuals and companies “fueling and profiting” from the war in Sudan, and gave a stark warning about surging violence in the central Sudanese region of Kordofan, with bombardments, blockades, and people forced from their homes.
Kordofan is a region comprised of three states that serves as a buffer between the RSF’s western Darfur strongholds and the army-held states in the east.
The fall of al-Fashir to the RSF on Oct. 26 cemented its control of the Darfur region in the more than 2-1/2-year civil war with the Sudanese army.
The UN refugee agency said on Friday that tens of thousands of people who have fled al-Fashir are unaccounted for, raising concerns for their safety after reports of rape, killings, and other abuses from escapees.
While the UN agency has recorded that nearly 100,000 people fled the city since the takeover, only around 10,000 have been counted at arrival hubs like Tawila, said Jacqueline Wilma Parlevliet, UNHCR’s Head of Sub Office from Port Sudan.
“A significant number of people on the move [are] stranded somewhere, not able to move further, because of the danger, or because they risk being sent back into al-Fashir, or because there are very vulnerable people amongst the group,” she told a Geneva press briefing.
Their journeys are becoming longer and more perilous as people increasingly shun well-trodden routes to avoid armed checkpoints, she said.
Some have traveled as far as 1,000 kilometers (660 miles) to Ad Dabba in Northern State.
It is unclear how many people remain in al-Fashir, with local sources telling UNHCR that thousands are either prevented from leaving or lacking the means or strength to flee, according to the UNHCR.
The draft text up for consideration by the UN Human Rights Council, seen by Reuters, strongly condemns the reported ethnically motivated killing and use of rape as a weapon of war by the RSF and allied forces in al-Fashir.
Mona Rishmawi, a member of the UN’s Independent International Fact–Finding Mission for Sudan described examples of rape, killing, and torture and said a comprehensive investigation is required to establish the full picture.
She said RSF forces had “turned Al Fasher University into a killing ground” where thousands of civilians had been sheltering. Witnesses also recounted seeing bodies piling in the streets and trenches dug in and around the city, Rishmawi said.
The proposed resolution stops short of mandating an investigation into the role of external actors who may be supporting the RSF, which the ambassador to the permanent mission of Sudan in Geneva criticized, saying that his country faced an “existential war” following the international community’s failure to act.
“We were warning all over the UN … calling for pressure on the rebel militia and the country that is sponsoring it with military equipment – I mean the UAE,” Hassan Hamid Hassan said.
UAE VIGOROUSLY DENIES SUPPORT FOR RSF
Sudan‘s army has accused the United Arab Emirates of supplying the RSF with weapons, a claim which UN experts and US lawmakers have found credible. The UAE ambassador to the UN in Geneva Jamal Al Musharakh on Thursday categorically rejected claims that it provides support in any form to either of the warring parties.
The United Kingdom, the European Union, Norway, and Ghana expressed support for the resolution, strongly condemning the violence in Sudan, which they warned could threaten regional stability.
The resolution also calls for the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces to allow life-saving aid to reach the many people who may still be trapped inside the famine-struck city.
Women fleeing the city have reported killings and systematic rape while others have described civilians being shot in the streets and attacked in drone strikes.
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Canada Spy Agency Says It Foiled Potentially ‘Lethal Threats’ by Iran
A view shows a Canadian Security Intelligence Service Headquarters and Integrated Terrorism Assessment Center sign in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, Feb. 26, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Blair Gable
Canada‘s domestic spy agency this year foiled potentially lethal threats by Iran directed against people whom Tehran sees as enemies, the agency‘s head said in a rare speech on Thursday.
Dan Rogers, director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, also said his agents had blocked attempts by Russia to illegally acquire Canadian goods and technologies.
Rogers, appointed in February, spoke as he presented an annual update on security challenges facing Canada. CSIS directors seldom appear in public.
His comments were the first confirmation that the agency has intervened to protect Canada-based critics of Iran. In August, CSIS had merely said it was probing Iranian threats.
“In particularly alarming cases over the last year, we’ve had to reprioritize our operations to counter the actions of Iranian intelligence services and their proxies who have targeted individuals they perceive as threats to their regime,” Rogers said.
“In more than one case, this involved detecting, investigating, and disrupting potentially lethal threats against individuals in Canada,” he continued, without giving details.
Canada has particularly poor relations with Iran and cut off diplomatic ties in 2012. Last year Canada listed Iran‘s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization, prompting condemnation from Tehran.
Canada is also a critic of Russia and its 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Rogers said illicit Russian procurement networks were trying to illegally acquire Canadian goods and technologies.
“This year, CSIS took action to prevent this by informing several Canadian companies that Europe-based front companies seeking to acquire their goods were in fact connected to Russian agents,” he said, adding that the companies took immediate measures to deny the Russians.
