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Could Israeli Disunity Lead to More Hamas Executions?
Illustrative: Israeli protesters chant in front of a burning fire at a demonstration against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his nationalist coalition government’s plan for judicial overhaul, in Tel Aviv, Israel, March 27, 2023. REUTERS/Itai Ron
The bodies of six Israeli and American hostages held by Hamas were retrieved from a 65 foot deep tunnel in the Rafah area of Gaza and returned to Israel on Saturday. They are Ori Danino, Alex Lobanov, Hersh Goldberg-Polin, Almog Sarusi, Eden Yerushalmi, and Carmel Gat.
In previous cases where the IDF returned bodies, the victims had typically been deceased for some time, some even as far back as October 7. This weekend was different: Israel has confirmed that Hamas had executed all six of these hostages in recent days by means of a gunshot to the head.
This is deeply heartbreaking to the Israeli people and all people of conscience. For months, we’ve known these names and seen these hostages on posters in every corner of every city and town. We are all struck to the core as if we knew each hostage personally — as if they were our family.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu apologized to one of the hostage’s families, a rarity for him, and in a separate statement asserted that “Anyone who murders hostages does not want a deal,” while adding that he is shocked to the depths of his soul, and that the blood of the hostages is on Hamas’ hands.
At the same time, a number of parents of the hostages as well as Israeli leaders and civilians are fiercely blaming the Israeli government in general, and Netanyahu in particular, for failing to bring our loved ones home sooner. Hundreds of thousands protested on Sunday evening in locations throughout the country with a particular focus on blaming the government and calling for an immediate ceasefire. Most of Israel’s unionized workers have gone on a symbolic one day strike beginning Monday morning.
It is almost impossible to fully comprehend the grief and anger of the families who have lost loved ones after 11 months of emotional torture. But it is also critical at this tragic moment that we perform a reality check.
The anti-government position held by many Israelis presumes that there was some kind of deal on the table that would have brought all the hostages home safely, if only “Bibi” and his government would have simply accepted it. This is, in fact, not the case: there is not, and there never has been, any such offer.
At no point following last November’s temporary ceasefire has Hamas accepted a proposal that would return anything more than a small portion of the hostages at any given time. For example the “three stage” deal proposed by the United States last February (which Hamas in any case rejected) would have brought home only a small number of hostages in the first stage. As Hamas habitually violates ceasefire agreements, Israeli experts widely believe that multi-stage deals will most likely not proceed to completion, leaving large numbers of hostages in captivity indefinitely.
Having rejected the American proposal last February, Hamas went on to reject a version of its own three-stage proposal in March. Just two weeks ago, the United States announced that Israel had accepted America’s latest so-called “Bridging Proposal,” and that the world was now waiting on Hamas, which subsequently rejected the deal and then boycotted further negotiations in Cairo. This is only the latest of dozens of Hamas rejections.
A common refrain by a large, vocal minority of Israelis has been that Israel’s top priority must be the return of the hostages, and not dismantling Hamas. This logic is based on two flawed assumptions: that there is a deal on the table that would bring back all the hostages (there is not) and that the IDF can simply return to fighting in Gaza at any time in the future, even if doing so means violating the terms of a binding agreement.
Yet Hamas is quite sophisticated with respect to this issue: throughout the ceasefire talks, a key Hamas demand has been not only that the terror organization remain in power in Gaza, but also that international guarantees be put in place to tie the IDF’s hands against further military action.
Numerous UN resolutions and international court actions, as well as delays and even “soft embargoes” of needed military supplies by the US and other allies, send a clear message to Israel: that re-entering Gaza in violation of an agreement would be difficult or even impossible.
This pressure also sends a message to Hamas: that given time, Israel’s allies might not stand firm, thus encouraging Hamas to harden its bargaining position and play for additional time.
Given the above realities, one can still hold a reasonable, and even passionate disagreement as to what price Israel should pay to return the hostages alive, whether Hamas should be removed from power, or how far the IDF should go to secure Gaza against future attacks.
Yet to accuse the Israeli government or its leadership of murder, does not make logical sense. One might have placed some portion of the responsibility on the Israeli government if there was a deal on the table that Israel should have, or even could have, accepted. Yet the painful truth is that there was never any such option available.
The decision to murder six Israeli hostages was made completely by Hamas: not by Israel, its leaders or its people. The question now is whether Hamas will see these murders as a strategic win that bears repeating, or as a colossal blunder to be avoided in the future.
If Hamas sees that executing hostages increases pressure on Israel, both internally and externally, then the terror organization might conclude that doing so provides a strategic advantage.
Hamas might even conclude that such executions can bring the terror group closer to its immediate goal of retaining power in Gaza, as well as its long term goal of mounting further October 7 style massacres.
Despite being one of the most prominent voices pressuring Israel to make a ceasefire deal, Vice President Kamala Harris said in her statement yesterday that Hamas must be “eliminated” and cannot be allowed to remain in power in Gaza; but that is what Hamas has been insisting on, and has long been a significant sticking point in negotiations.
Many Israelis agree: the current protests are, at their core, an expression of deep emotional connections, and a symbol of how Israeli families feel one another’s pain. Yet actual opinions in Israel are more nuanced: even though Israelis nearly unanimously support a deal that would end the war and return the hostages, only 49% would support a deal that involves the IDF leaving the critical Philadelphi corridor which gives Hamas access to Egypt, with 32% opposed, and 19% uncertain.
It is impossible to know how any of us might feel if our own family members were held captive in Gaza: we might be willing to sacrifice anything and everything to bring them home. Yet there are other families in Israel as well, including parents who are concerned for the safety of their children in a possible future massacre, should Israel make the wrong decisions at this critical time.
The deaths of Ori, Alex, Hersh, Almog, Eden, and Carmel are beyond heartbreaking, and today Israelis feel that pain as if it were personal to each and every one of us; but nine million more Israelis will face future kidnappings or Oct.7-like massacres if Hamas is not properly deterred and prevented from committing such atrocities.
Today Israelis are expressing pain and anger toward those we trusted to protect us. Yet we are also aware of a fundamental truth: that Hamas murdered civilians in cold blood, while international negotiations were ongoing to save them — and that’s a message the world needs to hear.
Netanyahu and his government are fair subject for criticism — to do so is the imperative of any free democracy. But even the most passionate disagreements demand a basis in factual reality: the supposed deal for which some Israelis advocate never actually existed. In truth, Israel’s current reality is as impossible as it is heartbreaking.
Daniel Pomerantz is the CEO of RealityCheck, an organization dedicated to deepening public conversation through robust research studies and public speaking.
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Georgetown University Postpones Passover BDS Vote Following Outcry

In Washington, DC, on March 23, 2025, a group of Georgetown University students and community leaders protest. Photo: Andrew Thomas via Reuters Connect.
Georgetown University’s student government has rescheduled an anti-Israel boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) referendum that it initially scheduled to take place during the Passover holiday following outcry from Jewish students, who argued the original timing effectively disenfranchised them by depriving them of a chance to express opposition to the measure at the ballot box.
As previously reported, the Georgetown University Student Association’s (GUSA) senators voted via secret ballot for a resolution to hold the referendum — which will ask students to decide whether they “support … divesting from companies arming Israel and ending university partnerships with Israeli institutions” — on April 14-16. The move outraged Jewish students, as well as GUSA senators who deplored the body’s passing the measure by allegedly illicit means.
“This referendum, cloaked in the language of human rights, represents not only a troubling overstep into Georgetown’s academic and fiduciary independence but also a campaign rooted in the discriminatory logic of the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement,” said a letter the university’s chapter of Students Supporting Israel (SSI) sent to university president Robert Groves. “The passage of this measure would not occur in isolation. It would embolden future efforts to marginalize Jewish and Israeli students, deepen campus polarization, and risk fueling the disturbing rise in antisemitism seen at other institutions. Universities that have permitted such one-sided campaigns are now facing not only fractured communities and repetitional harm but growing federal scrutiny — including potential impacts to public funding.”
GUSA said on Monday that it moved the referendum date, issuing a statement which acknowledged concerns raised by SSI, as well as Chabad Georgetown, Georgetown Israel Alliance, and the Jewish Student Association.
“We made this decision after hearing concerns about the placement of the election during a religious holiday,” the governing body said in a statement posted on Instagram. “Although the election has been rescheduled, formal campaigners may continue to campaign for the referendum until the end of the campaigning period. Individuals may continue to register as formal campaigners until the end of the campaigning period.”
The referendum must still be contested for other reasons, SSI told The Algemeiner on Tuesday.
“We commend the decision to move the vote past Passover but are still intent on combating the procedural irregularities surrounding the referendum,” the group said, referring to the fact that the resolution only passed because GUSA senators, the campus newspaper reported, “voted to break rules” which require referenda to be evaluated by the Policy and Advocacy Committee (PAC), a period of deliberation which establishes their merit, or lack thereof, for consideration by the senate.
Georgetown is one of 60 colleges and universities being investigated by the federal government due to being deemed by the Trump administration as soft on antisemitism and excessively “woke.” Such inquiries have led to the scorching of several billion dollars’ worth of federal contracts and grants awarded to America’s most prestigious institutions of higher education.
On Monday, the administration impounded more than $2 billion in federal funding previously awarded to Harvard University over the institution’s refusal to agree to a wishlist of reforms that Republican lawmakers have long argued will make higher education more meritocratic and less welcoming to anti-Zionists and far-left extremists.
In March, it canceled $400 million in federal contracts and grants for Columbia University, a measure that secured the school’s acceding to a slew of demands the administration put forth as preconditions for restoring the money. Princeton University saw $210 million of its federal grants and funding suspended too, prompting its president, Christopher Eisgruber to say the institution is “committed to fighting antisemitism and all forms of discrimination.” Brown University’s federal funding is also reportedly at risk due to its alleged failing to mount a satisfactory response to the campus antisemitism crisis, as well as its alignment with the DEI [diversity, equity, and inclusion] movement.
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.
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Trump Envoy Witkoff, in Apparent Reversal, Calls on Iran to ‘Stop, Eliminate’ Nuclear Program

US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy-designate Steve Witkoff gives a speech at the inaugural parade inside Capital One Arena on the inauguration day of Trump’s second presidential term, in Washington, DC, Jan. 20, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Carlos Barria
US President Donald Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East on Tuesday called on Iran to “stop and eliminate its nuclear enrichment and weaponization program,” apparently toughening his position against Tehran less than 24 hours after suggesting the Islamic Republic would be allowed to maintain its nuclear program in a limited capacity.
“A deal with Iran will only be completed if it is a Trump deal,” Steve Witkoff posted on the social media platform X/Twitter. “Any final arrangement must set a framework for peace, stability, and prosperity in the Middle East — meaning that Iran must stop and eliminate its nuclear enrichment and weaponization program. It is imperative for the world that we create a tough, fair deal that will endure, and that is what President Trump has asked me to do.”
Witkoff’s statement appeared to be a complete reversal from comments he made to Fox News during an interview on Monday night, in which he indicated that the White House would allow Iran to enrich uranium to a 3.67 percent threshold, allowing Tehran to create a “civil nuclear program.”
“Iran does not need to enrich past 3.67 percent. In some circumstances, they’re at 60 percent; in other circumstances, 20 percent. That cannot be,” Witkoff said. “You do not need to run — as they claim — a civil nuclear program where you’re enriching past 3.67 percent.”
Negotiations between the US and Iran regarding a potential deal over the latter’s nuclear program began this past weekend in Oman. Witkoff and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi each led their respective delegations in the discussions, which were facilitated indirectly via mediators. The White House touted the deliberations as “positive and constructive” and confirmed a second round of deliberations set for Saturday.
During Monday’s interview, Witkoff confirmed that the next round of negotiations will center on “verification on the enrichment program and then ultimately verification on weaponization.”
“That includes missiles — the type of missiles that they have stockpiled there. And it includes the trigger for a bomb,” Witkoff said.
Critics pointed out that Witkoff’s proposal seemed to resemble the 2015 deal struck between the US under the Obama administration, Iran, and other world powers which also aimed to prevent Tehran from acquiring a nuclear weapon by prohibiting the regime from enriching uranium past 3.67 percent. The first Trump administration scrapped the deal in 2018, arguing that the agreement would allow Iran to clandestinely pursue a nuclear weapon, and reimposed harsh sanctions on the regime.
Iran has claimed that its nuclear program is for civilian purposes rather than building weapons. However, the UN’s nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), reported in December that Iran had greatly accelerated uranium enrichment to close to the 90 percent weapons-grade level at its Fordow site dug into a mountain. The UK, France, and Germany said in a joint statement that there is no “credible civilian justification” for Iran’s recent nuclear activity, arguing it “gives Iran the capability to rapidly produce sufficient fissile material for multiple nuclear weapons.”
Israel has been among the most vocal proponents of dismantling Iran’s nuclear program, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arguing that that the US should pursue a “Libyan option” to eliminate the possibility of Tehran acquiring a nuclear weapon by overseeing the destruction of Iran’s nuclear installations and the dismantling of equipment.
“That could be done diplomatically, in a full way, the way it was done in Libya. I think that would be a good thing,” Netanyahu told reporters during a meeting at the White House last week. “But whatever happens, we have to make sure that Iran does not have nuclear weapons.”
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Canada’s Conservative Leader Condemns Antisemitic Crime Surge, Says Visa Holders Who Break Law ‘Will Be Deported’

Hundreds of anti-Israel protesters, primarily university students, rally at Toronto’s Nathan Phillips Square on Oct. 28, 2023. Photo by Sayed Najafizada/NurPhoto
Canadian Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre has announced plans to crack down on visitors to the country who promote hate against Jews, asserting that anyone in Canada on a visa who breaks the law will be deported.
“We will bring in tougher laws to target vandalism, hate marches that break laws [and] violent attacks based on ethnicity and religion,” Poilievre said at a campaign event in Ottawa on Saturday. “Anyone who is here on a visitor visa who carries out law-breaking will be deported from this country.”
Canada has criminalized hate speech, leveling a maximum punishment of two years imprisonment for anyone who engages in “communicating statements in any public place” which “incites hatred against any identifiable group where such incitement is likely to lead to a breach of the peace.”
Poilievre also blasted the string of recent hate crimes targeting Canadian Jews, decrying the “targeting of synagogues and Jewish schools with hate, vandalism, violence [and] firebombings.”
Antisemitic outrages surged a staggering 562 percent in Canada last year compared to 2022, according to a report from the World Zionist Organization and the Jewish Agency for Israel. Their research, unveiled in January, showed a 340 percent increase in total antisemitic incidents worldwide.
On April 7, B’Nai Brith Canada, a Canadian Jewish advocacy group, published its review of last year’s antisemitism, finding that the “total number of reported cases of hatred targeting Jews reached an apex of 6,219 incidents in 2024. This is the highest number B’nai Brith Canada has documented since the inception of its audit in 1982. It reflects a 7.4 percent increase in incidents since 2023, when we recorded a then-unprecedented 5,791 national tally.”
Poilievre’s pledge aligns with recent moves by the Trump administration in the US to block alleged antisemites from entering the country and deport those already here.
US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) announced last week that it will monitor social media platforms for antisemitic speech and conduct as a basis for denying permanent residency status and immigration benefits. The agency announced that the new policy is set to take effect immediately and will be applicable to both green card applicants and international students.
“There is no room in the United States for the rest of the world’s terrorist sympathizers, and we are under no obligation to admit them or let them stay here,” said Tricia McLaughlin, spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). “Secretary [Kristi] Noem has made it clear that anyone who thinks they can come to America and hide behind the First Amendment to advocate for antisemitic violence and terrorism — think again. You are not welcome here.”
On Monday, the Trump administration revoked the visa of Columbia University graduate student Mohsen Mahdawi and took him into custody, making him the latest foreign student and anti-Israel activist detained and slated for deportation as a result of alleged support for the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas.
Mahdawi said that he “can empathize” with Hamas over the terrorist group’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel. He served as co-president of Columbia’s Palestinian Students Union, which organized protests calling for the school to divest from the Jewish state.
In August, Mahdawi praised the “martyrdom” of a cousin who served in the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. “Here is Mesra who offers his soul as a sacrifice for the homeland and for the blood of the martyrs as a gift for the victory of Gaza and in defense of the dignity of his homeland and his people against the vicious Israeli occupation in the West Bank,” he wrote on Instagram.
On Sunday, the Washington Post reported that an internal State Department memo challenged the rationale for detaining Rumeysa Ozturk, a Turkish PhD student at Tufts University who co-wrote an op-ed advocating for divestment from Israel, currently held at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention center in Basile, Louisiana.
According to the Post, the memo stated that “neither DHS nor ICE nor Homeland Security investigations produced any evidence showing that Ozturk has engaged in antisemitic activity or made public statements indicating support for a terrorist organization.”
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said of the decision to expel Ozturk that “the activities presented to me meet the standard of what I’ve just described to you: people that are supportive of movements that run counter to the foreign policy of the United States.”
On Friday, Judge Jamee Comans of the LaSalle Immigration Court in Louisiana ruled that the Trump administration can deport Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil, the first foreign college student targeted on the basis of anti-Israel advocacy.
Rubio said that Khalil had engaged in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”
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