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The Torah Requires Us to Help the Poor and Needy, But Also Take Personal Accountability
“The greatness of America lies not in being more enlightened than any other nation, but rather in her ability to repair her faults.”
This quote from the 19th-century French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville reflects the hopeful dream of an Americophile in 1840, calling on the country he had fallen in love with to address the gnawing flaw in its system — slavery — before it was too late.
Unfortunately, that call was not heeded, and the destructive Civil War became the means by which the nation ultimately repaired itself. While de Tocqueville would undoubtedly have viewed the Civil War as a terrible and avoidable trauma, he likely would have considered it an aberration in the grander scheme. For him, the United States represented the ultimate realization of goodness in human governance and cultural advancement.
De Tocqueville remains perhaps the most insightful commentator on American life since its inception. Above all, he marveled at the American dedication to equality. Remarkably, his reflections — published in a pair of volumes titled Democracy in America — continue to resonate nearly two centuries later, not merely for their historical insight, but for their uncanny relevance to contemporary American society and civic life.
De Tocqueville dissected the American psyche with surgical precision, revealing the persistent tension between populism and elitism, prosperity and poverty, and the propensity for rugged individualism alongside communal responsibility.
As he traveled across the young nation, de Tocqueville encountered a society unlike that of his native France or indeed any other European country — defined by rigid class hierarchies. Instead, Americans were passionately committed to the idea that every person, regardless of birth or status, should have the opportunity to succeed.
This commitment to equality was not without its paradoxes and imperfections — slavery still tainted the landscape, and Indigenous peoples were mistreated and displaced — but the relentless drive toward equality was unmistakable. For de Tocqueville, this was the essence of America’s greatness and its unique spirit: a society striving toward a more just and equitable future, even if it stumbled and stuttered along the way.
But where did this American ideal come from? De Tocqueville noted that American society’s moral and ethical underpinnings were deeply rooted in religious tradition, particularly the Puritans’ engagement with Biblical teachings.
The Puritans were the original settlers, and they laid the groundwork for the fledgling colonies — heavily influenced by the Hebrew Scriptures and seeing themselves as a new Israel tasked with building a “City upon a Hill.”
As de Tocqueville observed, “Religion in America … must be regarded as the first of their political institutions.”
Indeed, many debates about justice, fairness, and equality that dominate American discourse today trace their origins back to Biblical values.
Recent studies have exposed the growing divide between rich and poor in modern America. A 2023 Pew Research Center study revealed that economic inequality has reached its most extreme point in half a century. Some argue for more robust government intervention to deal with the problem — by taxing the wealthy, expanding social welfare, and protecting workers’ rights.
Others advocate for greater economic freedom, suggesting that the best way to elevate the poor is by encouraging market forces and reducing regulation. But both sides, whether they realize it or not, are wrestling with questions that were addressed by the Torah thousands of years ago.
Consider the ongoing battle over the minimum wage. Advocates for raising the minimum wage insist that in a just society, no one who works full-time should live in poverty. Their opponents claim that raising the minimum wage will lead to job losses, stifle economic growth, and increase poverty.
This tension is not new. It reflects an ancient debate about the balance between fairness and freedom, and the rights of the individual versus the needs of the community.
In Parshat Ki Teitzei, the Torah confronts these very issues head-on, offering a blueprint for a society that balances economic opportunity with social responsibility.
In Ki Teitzei, the Torah instructs the Israelites, “Do not oppress a hired worker who is poor and needy, whether he is one of your brothers or a stranger in your land” (Deut. 24:14). This law is not merely about fair wages; it is about recognizing the inherent dignity of every person. Whether an Israelite or an outsider, the worker must be treated with respect and fairness.
The Torah anticipated the modern debate over wages by making it clear that economic interactions are not just transactions governed by self-interest, but rather they are moral encounters that must reflect society’s values.
The 19th-century commentator Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch understood these laws as far more than just economic policy. He saw them as a call to build a community where everyone feels valued and respected, regardless of their economic status.
“The Torah is not satisfied with a society that only practices charity; it demands a society based on justice. It is not enough for those who have more to give to those who have less; rather, society must be built on a foundation where the rights of every individual are respected and upheld.” Bottom line: it’s not about charity; it’s about justice.
The Torah does not shy away from economic realities but always frames them within a broader ethical context. In a society governed by Torah values, every person has responsibilities: the wealthy must support the poor, employers must treat employees fairly, and judges must apply the law without prejudice.
But the Torah also insists on personal accountability. For example, the commandment to return lost property requires individuals to take active steps to ensure they honor their civic duty and strive for something more than just taking care of themselves and their families. This mirrors modern debates about personal responsibility versus societal obligations, urging a balanced approach that integrates both.
Unlike modern systems that often veer between extremes — total government control or laissez-faire capitalism — the Torah offers a middle path. It recognizes the importance of private property and economic initiative but insists on a framework that protects the vulnerable. It acknowledges human ambition while warning against exploitation.
De Tocqueville might have been surprised to learn just how deeply the American ethos of equality and justice is rooted in ancient Jewish teachings. By observing America’s unique commitment to these ideals, which he so admired and championed, he was indirectly paying homage to the Torah’s blueprint for society.
The Jewish vision of justice is not about creating a so-called utopia of absolute equality, which in practice often drags everyone down to the lowest common denominator. Instead, it seeks to build a society where each person has the opportunity to thrive, where the poor are not exploited, and where every individual, from the widow to the laborer, is treated with dignity and respect.
As we approach what is turning out to be one of the most contentious elections in modern history, living up to de Tocqueville’s hopeful ideal — that America’s greatness lies in her ability to repair her faults — will require a herculean effort.
De Tocqueville was concerned that the path to repair not descend into internecine violence or the chaos of destructive struggles that tear society apart. Tragically, that is exactly what happened in the Civil War.
We cannot and must not let it happen again. Instead, we need to draw on the wisdom of the Torah’s teachings alongside America’s foundational ideals so that we can keep the great American project on track.
By embracing these principles — justice balanced with mercy, and freedom tempered with responsibility — we can work towards a society that truly embodies justice and compassion, in which America’s promise of equality is not a hollow ideal but a lived reality.
The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.
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New Orleans Attack Puts Spotlight on Islamic State Comeback Bid
A US Army veteran who flew a black Islamic State flag on a truck that he rammed into New Year’s revelers in New Orleans shows how the extremist group still retains the ability to inspire violence despite suffering years of losses to a US-led military coalition.
At the height of its power from 2014-2017, the Islamic State “caliphate” imposed death and torture on communities in vast swathes of Iraq and Syria and enjoyed franchises across the Middle East.
Its then-leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, killed in 2019 by US special forces in northwestern Syria, rose from obscurity to lead the ultra-hardline group and declare himself “caliph” of all Muslims.
The caliphate collapsed in 2017 in Iraq, where it once had a base just a 30-minute drive from Baghdad, and in Syria in 2019, after a sustained military campaign by a US-led coalition.
Islamic State responded by scattering in autonomous cells, its leadership is clandestine and its overall size is hard to quantify. The U.N. estimates it at 10,000 in its heartlands.
The US-led coalition, including some 4,000 US troops in Syria and Iraq, has continued hammering the militants with airstrikes and raids that the US military says have seen hundreds of fighters and leaders killed and captured.
Yet Islamic State has managed some major operations while striving to rebuild and it continues to inspire lone wolf attacks such as the one in New Orleans which killed 14 people.
Those assaults include one by gunmen on a Russian music hall in March 2024 that killed at least 143 people, and two explosions targeting an official ceremony in the Iranian city of Kerman in January 2024 that killed nearly 100.
Despite the counterterrorism pressure, ISIS has regrouped, “repaired its media operations, and restarted external plotting,” Acting US Director for the National Counterterrorism Center Brett Holmgren warned in October.
Geopolitical factors have aided Islamic State. Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza has caused widespread anger that jihadists use for recruitment. The risks to Syrian Kurds who are holding thousands of Islamic State prisoners could also create an opening for the group.
Islamic State has not claimed responsibility for the New Orleans attack or praised it on its social media sites, although its supporters have, US law enforcement agencies said.
A senior US defense official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said there had been growing concern about Islamic State increasing its recruiting efforts and resurging in Syria.
Those worries were heightened after the fall in December of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and the potential for the militant group to fill the vacuum.
‘MOMENTS OF PROMISE’
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has warned that Islamic State will try to use this period of uncertainty to re-establish capabilities in Syria, but said the United States is determined not to let that happen.
“History shows how quickly moments of promise can descend into conflict and violence,” he said.
A U.N. team that monitors Islamic State activities reported to the U.N. Security Council in July a “risk of resurgence” of the group in the Middle East and increased concerns about the ability of its Afghanistan-based affiliate, ISIS-Khorasan (ISIS-K), to mount attacks outside the country.
European governments viewed ISIS-K as “the greatest external terrorist threat to Europe,” it said.
“In addition to the executed attacks, the number of plots disrupted or being tracked through the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Levant, Asia, Europe, and potentially as far as North America is striking,” the team said.
Jim Jeffrey, former US ambassador to Iraq and Turkey, and Special Envoy to the Global Coalition To Defeat Islamic State, said the group has long sought to motivate lone wolf attacks like the one in New Orleans.
Its threat, however, remains efforts by ISIS-K to launch major mass casualty attacks like those seen in Moscow and Iran, and in Europe in 2015 and 2016, he said.
ISIS also has continued to focus on Africa.
This week, it said 12 Islamic State militants using booby-trapped vehicles attacked a military base on Tuesday in Somalia’s northeastern region of Puntland, killing around 22 soldiers and wounding dozens more.
It called the assault “the blow of the year. A complex attack that is first of its kind.”
Security analysts say Islamic State in Somalia has grown in strength because of an influx of foreign fighters and more revenue from extorting local businesses, becoming the group’s “nerve centre” in Africa.
‘PATH TO RADICALIZATION’
Shamsud-Din Jabbar, a 42-year-old Texas native and US Army veteran who once served in Afghanistan, acted alone in the New Orleans attack, the FBI said on Thursday.
Jabbar appeared to have made recordings in which he condemned music, drugs and alcohol, restrictions that echo Islamic State’s playbook.
Investigators were looking into Jabbar’s “path to radicalization,” uncertain how he transformed from military veteran, real-estate agent and one-time employee of the major tax and consulting firm Deloitte into someone who was “100 percent inspired by ISIS,” an acronym for Islamic State.
US intelligence and homeland security officials in recent months have warned local law enforcement about the potential for foreign extremist groups, such as ISIS, to target large public gatherings, specifically with vehicle-ramming attacks, according to intelligence bulletins reviewed by Reuters.
US Central Command said in a public statement in June that Islamic State was attempting to “reconstitute following several years of decreased capability.”
CENTCOM said it based its assessment on Islamic State claims of mounting 153 attacks in Iraq and Syria in the first half of 2024, a rate which would put the group “on pace to more than double the number of attacks” claimed the year before.
H.A. Hellyer, an expert in Middle East studies and senior associate fellow at the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies, said it was unlikely Islamic State would gain considerable territory again.
He said ISIS and other non-state actors continue to pose a danger, but more due to their ability to unleash “random acts of violence” than by being a territorial entity.
“Not in Syria or Iraq, but there are other places in Africa that a limited amount of territorial control might be possible for a time,” Hellyer said, “but I don’t see that as likely, not as the precursor to a serious comeback.”
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US Plans $8 Billion Arms Sale to Israel, US Official Says
The administration of President Joe Biden has notified Congress of a proposed $8 billion arms sale to Israel, a US official said on Friday, with Washington maintaining support for its ally.
The deal would need approval from the House of Representatives and Senate committees and includes munitions for fighter jets and attack helicopters as well as artillery shells, Axios reported earlier. The package also includes small-diameter bombs and warheads, according to Axios.
The State Department did not respond to a request for comment.
Protesters have for months demanded an arms embargo against Israel, but US policy has largely remained unchanged. In August, the United States approved the sale of $20 billion in fighter jets and other military equipment to Israel.
The Biden administration says it is helping its ally defend against Iran-backed terrorist groups like Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.
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Hamas Releases Proof-of-Life Video of Israeli Hostage Liri Albag
i24 News – The Palestinian terrorists of Hamas on Saturday released a video showing signs of life from Israeli hostage Liri Albag.
Albag’s family requested media not to share the video or images from it, asking journalists to respect their privacy at this moment.
Albag, 20, is a surveillance soldier stationed at the Nahal Oz base, was abducted on October 7 by Palestinian jihadists.
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