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The Torah Requires Us to Help the Poor and Needy, But Also Take Personal Accountability
“The greatness of America lies not in being more enlightened than any other nation, but rather in her ability to repair her faults.”
This quote from the 19th-century French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville reflects the hopeful dream of an Americophile in 1840, calling on the country he had fallen in love with to address the gnawing flaw in its system — slavery — before it was too late.
Unfortunately, that call was not heeded, and the destructive Civil War became the means by which the nation ultimately repaired itself. While de Tocqueville would undoubtedly have viewed the Civil War as a terrible and avoidable trauma, he likely would have considered it an aberration in the grander scheme. For him, the United States represented the ultimate realization of goodness in human governance and cultural advancement.
De Tocqueville remains perhaps the most insightful commentator on American life since its inception. Above all, he marveled at the American dedication to equality. Remarkably, his reflections — published in a pair of volumes titled Democracy in America — continue to resonate nearly two centuries later, not merely for their historical insight, but for their uncanny relevance to contemporary American society and civic life.
De Tocqueville dissected the American psyche with surgical precision, revealing the persistent tension between populism and elitism, prosperity and poverty, and the propensity for rugged individualism alongside communal responsibility.
As he traveled across the young nation, de Tocqueville encountered a society unlike that of his native France or indeed any other European country — defined by rigid class hierarchies. Instead, Americans were passionately committed to the idea that every person, regardless of birth or status, should have the opportunity to succeed.
This commitment to equality was not without its paradoxes and imperfections — slavery still tainted the landscape, and Indigenous peoples were mistreated and displaced — but the relentless drive toward equality was unmistakable. For de Tocqueville, this was the essence of America’s greatness and its unique spirit: a society striving toward a more just and equitable future, even if it stumbled and stuttered along the way.
But where did this American ideal come from? De Tocqueville noted that American society’s moral and ethical underpinnings were deeply rooted in religious tradition, particularly the Puritans’ engagement with Biblical teachings.
The Puritans were the original settlers, and they laid the groundwork for the fledgling colonies — heavily influenced by the Hebrew Scriptures and seeing themselves as a new Israel tasked with building a “City upon a Hill.”
As de Tocqueville observed, “Religion in America … must be regarded as the first of their political institutions.”
Indeed, many debates about justice, fairness, and equality that dominate American discourse today trace their origins back to Biblical values.
Recent studies have exposed the growing divide between rich and poor in modern America. A 2023 Pew Research Center study revealed that economic inequality has reached its most extreme point in half a century. Some argue for more robust government intervention to deal with the problem — by taxing the wealthy, expanding social welfare, and protecting workers’ rights.
Others advocate for greater economic freedom, suggesting that the best way to elevate the poor is by encouraging market forces and reducing regulation. But both sides, whether they realize it or not, are wrestling with questions that were addressed by the Torah thousands of years ago.
Consider the ongoing battle over the minimum wage. Advocates for raising the minimum wage insist that in a just society, no one who works full-time should live in poverty. Their opponents claim that raising the minimum wage will lead to job losses, stifle economic growth, and increase poverty.
This tension is not new. It reflects an ancient debate about the balance between fairness and freedom, and the rights of the individual versus the needs of the community.
In Parshat Ki Teitzei, the Torah confronts these very issues head-on, offering a blueprint for a society that balances economic opportunity with social responsibility.
In Ki Teitzei, the Torah instructs the Israelites, “Do not oppress a hired worker who is poor and needy, whether he is one of your brothers or a stranger in your land” (Deut. 24:14). This law is not merely about fair wages; it is about recognizing the inherent dignity of every person. Whether an Israelite or an outsider, the worker must be treated with respect and fairness.
The Torah anticipated the modern debate over wages by making it clear that economic interactions are not just transactions governed by self-interest, but rather they are moral encounters that must reflect society’s values.
The 19th-century commentator Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch understood these laws as far more than just economic policy. He saw them as a call to build a community where everyone feels valued and respected, regardless of their economic status.
“The Torah is not satisfied with a society that only practices charity; it demands a society based on justice. It is not enough for those who have more to give to those who have less; rather, society must be built on a foundation where the rights of every individual are respected and upheld.” Bottom line: it’s not about charity; it’s about justice.
The Torah does not shy away from economic realities but always frames them within a broader ethical context. In a society governed by Torah values, every person has responsibilities: the wealthy must support the poor, employers must treat employees fairly, and judges must apply the law without prejudice.
But the Torah also insists on personal accountability. For example, the commandment to return lost property requires individuals to take active steps to ensure they honor their civic duty and strive for something more than just taking care of themselves and their families. This mirrors modern debates about personal responsibility versus societal obligations, urging a balanced approach that integrates both.
Unlike modern systems that often veer between extremes — total government control or laissez-faire capitalism — the Torah offers a middle path. It recognizes the importance of private property and economic initiative but insists on a framework that protects the vulnerable. It acknowledges human ambition while warning against exploitation.
De Tocqueville might have been surprised to learn just how deeply the American ethos of equality and justice is rooted in ancient Jewish teachings. By observing America’s unique commitment to these ideals, which he so admired and championed, he was indirectly paying homage to the Torah’s blueprint for society.
The Jewish vision of justice is not about creating a so-called utopia of absolute equality, which in practice often drags everyone down to the lowest common denominator. Instead, it seeks to build a society where each person has the opportunity to thrive, where the poor are not exploited, and where every individual, from the widow to the laborer, is treated with dignity and respect.
As we approach what is turning out to be one of the most contentious elections in modern history, living up to de Tocqueville’s hopeful ideal — that America’s greatness lies in her ability to repair her faults — will require a herculean effort.
De Tocqueville was concerned that the path to repair not descend into internecine violence or the chaos of destructive struggles that tear society apart. Tragically, that is exactly what happened in the Civil War.
We cannot and must not let it happen again. Instead, we need to draw on the wisdom of the Torah’s teachings alongside America’s foundational ideals so that we can keep the great American project on track.
By embracing these principles — justice balanced with mercy, and freedom tempered with responsibility — we can work towards a society that truly embodies justice and compassion, in which America’s promise of equality is not a hollow ideal but a lived reality.
The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.
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University of California Rejects Ethnic Studies Admissions Requirement in Faculty Assembly Vote
Demonstrators holding a “Stand Up for Internationals” rally on the campus of the University of California, Berkeley, in Berkeley, California, US, April 17, 2025. Photo: Carlos Barria via Reuters Connect.
The University of California (UC) Faculty Assembly has rejected a proposal to establish passing ethnic studies in high school as a requirement for admission to its 10 taxpayer-funded schools for undergraduates.
As previously reported by The Algemeiner, the campaign for the measure — defeated overwhelmingly 29-12 with 12 abstaining — was spearheaded by Christine Hong, chair of the Critical Race and Ethnic Studies department at UC Santa Cruz. Hong believes that Zionism is a “colonial racial project” and that Israel is a “settler colonial state.” Moreover, she holds that anti-Zionism is “part and parcel” of the ethnic studies discipline.
Ethnic studies activists like Hong throughout the University of California system coveted the admissions requirement because it would have facilitated their aligning ethnic studies curricula at the K-12 level with “liberated ethnic studies,” an extreme revolutionary project that was rejected by California Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2023. Had the proposal been successful, school officials of both public and private schools would have been forced to comply with their standard of what constitutes ethnic studies to qualify their students for admission to UC.
Being indoctrinated into anti-Zionism and “hating Jews” would essentially have become a prerequisite for becoming a UC student had the Faculty Assembly approved the measure, Tammi Rossman-Benjamin, executive director of antisemitism watchdog AMCHA Initiative, told The Algemeiner on Friday. AMCHA Initiative first raised the alarm about the proposal in 2023, calling it “a deeply frightening prospect.”
“Ethnic studies never intended to be like any other discipline or subject. It was always intended to be a political project for fomenting revolution according to the dictates of however the activists behind the subject defined it,” Rossman-Benjamin explained. “And anti-Zionism has been at the core of the field, and this became especially clear after Oct. 7. Most of the anti-Zionist mania on campuses that day — the support for the encampments, the Faculty for Justice in Palestine chapters — it was a project of Ethnic Studies. At UC Santa Cruz, 60 percent of Faculty for Justice in Palestine members were pulled from the ethnic studies department.”
Founded in the 1960s to provide an alternative curriculum for beneficiaries of racial preferences whose retention rates lagged behind traditional college students, ethnic studies is based on anti-capitalist, anti-liberal, and anti-Western ideologies found in the writings of, among others, Franz Fanon, Huey Newton, Simone de Beauvoir, and Karl Marx. Its principal ideological target in the 20th century was the remains of European imperialism in Africa and the Middle East, but overtime it identified new “systems of oppression,” most notably the emergent superpower that was the US after World War II and the nation that became its closest ally in the Middle East: Israel.
UC Santa Cruz’s Critical Race and Ethnic Studies (CRES) department is a case study in how the ideology leads inexorably to anti-Zionist antisemitism, AMCHA Initiative argued in a 2024 study.
Following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel, CRES issued a statement rationalizing the terrorist group’s atrocities as political resistance. Additionally, the department days later participated in a “Call for a Global General Strike,” refusing to work because Israel mounted a military response to Hamas’s atrocities — an action CRES called “Israel’s genocidal attack on Gaza.” Later, the department held an event titled, “The Genocide in Gaza in our [sic] Classrooms: A Teaching Palestine Workshop,” in which professors and teaching assistants were trained in how to persuade students that Zionism is a racist and genocidal endeavor.
Imposing such noxious views on all California students would have been catastrophic, Rossman-Benjamin told The Algemeiner.
“The goal of admissions requirements is to make sure that students are adequately prepared for college,” she noted. “Their goal was to use their power to force students to take the kind of Critical Ethnic Studies that is taught at the university, with the goal of revolutionizing society. The idea should have been dead on arrival, being rejected on the grounds that there is no evidence that it is a worthwhile subject that should be required for admission to the University of California.”
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.
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Israeli FM Praises Paraguay Decision to Label Iran’s IRGC, Proxies Hamas and Hezbollah as Terrorist Organizations
Paraguayan President Santiago Peña praying at the Western Wall in Jerusalem on Dec. 12, 2024. Photo: The Western Wall Heritage Foundation
Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar praised Paraguay’s decision to designate Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization, and to broaden the country’s previous designation to include all factions of Hamas and Hezbollah.
The top Israeli diplomat congratulated the South American country and described President Santiago Peña’s decision as a “landmark move” in addressing security challenges and fostering international peace.
“Iran is the world’s leading exporter of terrorism and extremism, and together with its terror proxies, it threatens regional stability and global peace,” Sa’ar wrote in a post on X. “More countries should follow suit and join the fight against Iranian aggression and terrorism.”
I commend Paraguay and @SantiPenap for the landmark decision to designate the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, Hamas, and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations.
Iran is the world’s leading exporter of terrorism and extremism, and together with its terror proxies, it threatens… https://t.co/OzWACbWcno— Gideon Sa’ar | גדעון סער (@gidonsaar) April 24, 2025
On Thursday, Peña issued an executive order designating the IRGC as a terrorist organization “for its systematic violations of peace, human rights, and the security of the international community.”
The executive order also expanded Paraguay’s 2019 proscription of the armed wings of the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas, the al-Qassam Brigades, and Hezbollah, the Iran-backed terrorist group in Lebanon, to encompass the entirety of both organizations, including their political wings.
“With this decision, Paraguay reaffirms its unwavering commitment to peace, international security, and the unconditional respect for human rights, solidifying its position within the international community as a country firmly opposed to all forms of terrorism and strengthening its relations with allied nations in this fight,” Peña wrote in a post on X, emphasizing the country’s strategic relationship with the United States and Israel.
Iran is the chief international backer of Hamas and Hezbollah, providing the Islamist terror groups with weapons, funding, and training. According to media reports based on documents seized by the Israeli military in Gaza last year, Iran had been informed about Hamas’s plan to launch the Oct. 7 attack months in advance.
Last year, Peña reopened Paraguay’s embassy in Jerusalem, making it the sixth nation — after the US, Guatemala, Honduras, Kosovo, and Papua New Guinea — to establish its embassy in the Israeli capital. During the same visit, he condemned the Hamas-led massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, calling the perpetrators “criminals” in a speech at the Knesset, the Israeli parliament.
The Trump administration also praised Paraguay’s decision to officially label the IRGC as a terrorist organization, describing it as a major blow to Iran’s terror network in the Western Hemisphere.
“Iran remains the leading state sponsor of terrorism in the world and has financed and directed numerous terrorist attacks and activities globally, through its IRGC-Qods Force and proxies such as Hezbollah and Hamas,” US State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce said in a statement.
The US official said Paraguay’s action will help disrupt Iran’s ability to finance terrorism and operate in Latin America — particularly in the Tri-Border Area, where Paraguay borders Argentina and Brazil, a region long regarded as a financial hub for Hezbollah-linked operatives.
“The important steps Paraguay has taken will help cut off the ability of the Iranian regime and its proxies to plot terrorist attacks and raise money for its malignant and destabilizing activity,” the statement read.
“The United States will continue to work with partners such as Paraguay to confront global security threats,” Bruce added. “We call on all countries to hold the Iranian regime accountable and prevent its operatives, recruiters, financiers, and proxies from operating in their territories.”
During his first administration, Trump designated the IRGC as a foreign terrorist organization (FTO), citing the Iranian regime’s use of the IRGC to “engage in terrorist activities since its inception 40 years ago.”
At the time, Trump said this designation “recognizes the reality that Iran is not only a state sponsor of terrorism, but that the IRGC actively participates in, finances, and promotes terrorism as a tool of statecraft.”
“The IRGC is the Iranian government’s primary means of directing and implementing its global terrorist campaign,” he continued.
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Yale’s Silence Is Allowing Blatant Campus Antisemitism — and Betraying the Promise of ‘Never Again’
Yale University students at the corner of Grove and College Streets in New Haven, Connecticut, U.S., April 22, 2024. Photo: Melanie Stengel via Reuters Connect.
As darkness fell over Yale University on Wednesday evening, Jewish students faced intimidation that echoed history’s darkest chapters. The following day, as the sun rose on Holocaust Remembrance Day, the world solemnly reflected on the devastating consequences of unchecked hatred.
Yet, disturbingly, at Yale, the shadows of that same hatred linger once again.
For several nights now, radical anti-Israel activists, primarily organized by “Yalies for Palestine,” an anti-Israel hate group, have targeted Jewish students at Yale — in many cases, based solely on their outwardly Jewish appearance.
On Wednesday, protestors blocked walkways, physically intimidated Jewish students, and hurled bottles and sprayed liquids at them — all while campus police stood by and did nothing.
One Jewish student described her chilling encounter with the protesters the night before, on Tuesday: “When I tried to get through, they blocked me, ignored my requests to pass, and handed out masks to those obstructing me. Yale security told me they couldn’t help.”
The immediate trigger for this harassment is the invitation extended by Shabtai, a Yale Jewish society, to Itamar Ben-Gvir, an Israeli government minister. Whether one supports or opposes Ben-Gvir’s politics is beside the point. Notably, Naftali Bennett, a former Israeli prime minister, was also protested and disrupted during a separate campus event in February, underscoring a broader trend of hostility toward Israeli speakers regardless of their political affiliation.
These events signal more than isolated protests; they constitute a redux of hatred that historically escalates when met with institutional silence or indifference.
Yale’s administration, under President Maurie McInnis and Dean Pericles Lewis, has failed to adequately respond. Though Yale revoked official recognition from Yalies for Palestine, its tepid actions have not halted the dangerous slide toward overt hostility. The silence — from both the university and the Slifka Center, Yale’s center for Jewish life — is deafening.
This isn’t the first troubling instance at Yale. A year ago, similar demonstrators disrupted campus life with vitriolic anti-Israel rhetoric, silencing dialogue and fostering an atmosphere hostile to Jewish students.
Earlier this year, CAMERA on Campus documented Yale’s Slifka Center pressuring students to erase evidence of anti-Jewish harassment during a pro-Israel event, effectively whitewashing antisemitism and emboldening extremists.
As CAMERA’s Ricki Hollander has powerfully documented, the rhetoric of anti-Zionism today often revives the antisemitic patterns of the past, particularly those propagated by the Nazi regime in the 1930s. These tactics, she explains, echo Nazi-era propaganda that portrayed Jews as subhuman, sinister, and uniquely malevolent — a narrative used to justify marginalization and, ultimately, genocide.
These dynamics — scapegoating, dehumanizing, and ostracizing Jews under the guise of “anti-Zionism” — are not relics of history. They are alive and active across elite American campuses. And now, unmistakably, they have taken root at Yale.
McInnis must break the silence and condemn the open harassment and assault of Jewish students. She must also hold the perpetrators of the heinous actions and those responsible for the safety of students accountable for their inaction.
This week has revealed a grave failure of moral and institutional duty on many fronts. When law enforcement stands by as Jewish students face intimidation and assault, it sends a chilling message: their safety matters less.
We must demand a full investigation and real accountability. Condemnations of antisemitism are not enough. Policies must be changed to ensure Jewish students and organizations can freely exercise their right to free expression without being subject to harassment and assault. Anything less would betray Yale’s stated values — and the promise of “never again.”
Douglas Sandoval is the Managing Director for CAMERA on Campus.
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