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New York Times Goes All In on Slick ‘Apartheid Roads’ Propaganda

Illustrative: Israeli forces work at the scene of a suspected terrorist attack at a checkpoint outside of Jerusalem, in the West Bank, March 13, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Ilan Rosenberg

The interactive feature titled “Roadblocked,” published by The New York Times, is a visually striking and evidently resource-intensive project. With no fewer than five journalists’ bylines at the top, and additional reporting from two others on the ground in Israel, the 3,000-word piece comprises maps, videos, photos, and plenty of cherry-picked quotations that supposedly illustrate the system of “separate but unequal roadways” in the West Bank.

“In the occupied West Bank, Israelis zip along well-groomed roads designed for their convenience,” the piece opens. “Palestinians are shunted onto convoluted routes dotted with checkpoints.”

We are soon introduced to an Israeli and Palestinian, each living in the West Bank, whose daily commutes are presented as symbolic of this allegedly discriminatory road system.

The piece then asserts that since the October 7 Hamas attacks, the roads have become “more perilous for Palestinians” due to the threat of “Israeli settlers sometimes attacking Palestinian drivers.”

But because this is The New York Times a publication that has repeatedly demonstrated its tendency to downplay or outright dismiss Israel’s legitimate security concerns — little attention is paid to the real reason these roads are designed in the way they are.

For example, a caption accompanying a map showing the diverging routes taken by Palestinian and Israeli drivers claims that the barriers and detours are “rooted in Israel’s decades-long efforts to restrict Palestinian movement, prevent attacks on Israelis and increase the Jewish presence in the West Bank, which Israel has occupied since the 1967 war.”

The implication that Israel’s road network exists solely to “restrict Palestinian movement” for no reason other than malice is, frankly, absurd.

The truth, which the Times glosses over, is that these barriers and security measures were put in place to protect Israelis from terrorism. And, crucially, they likely would not exist if there were a Palestinian leadership committed to peace with Israel.

When @nytimes uses individual cases that go against the IDF’s own Code of Ethics to tarnish Israel’s entire army yet fails to address Hamas’ policy of using Gaza’s entire population as human shields, that’s not journalism, it’s a double standard. https://t.co/TnITu8Mmgv

— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) October 14, 2024

Both the success and necessity of Israel’s security measures, including the completion of the West Bank barrier in 2007, are undeniable.

While the barrier significantly reduced the number of deadly terror attacks from the West Bank, the threat of terrorism persists. Last year’s spate of attacks on Israeli civilians, such as the murder of schoolteacher Batsheva Nagari, who was gunned down while sitting in a car, are reminders of this reality.

It’s also important to correct a common misconception about the roads. The difference in license plate colors for Palestinian and Israeli drivers — which The New York Times states is used to “differentiate who can drive where” — is actually based on citizenship or residency, not ethnicity.

Israeli citizens and permanent residents, whether Jewish or Arab, have yellow plates, while Palestinian vehicles have their own plates issued by the Palestinian Authority.

The conclusion of the piece is given midway through: Israel is maintaining “apartheid roads,” as per the view of the Palestinian Authority and so-called “other critics.”

That the Times could uncritically reference the Palestinian Authority (PA)’s accusation of “apartheid roads” without acknowledging the PA’s own role in necessitating the checkpoints and barriers is truly astonishing.

Let’s not forget, this is the same Palestinian Authority that operates a “Pay-for-Slay” policy, where terrorists who murder Israelis are financially rewarded. By offering stipends to those who commit violent acts against civilians, the PA actively incentivizes terrorism.

Finally, let’s actually debunk the apartheid roads libel — the “separate but unequal” system that The New York Times so confidently accuses Israel of implementing. The reality is far more complex and less nefarious than the piece suggests.

First, Israeli vehicular traffic is also banned from entering Palestinian-controlled areas due to security concerns. This restriction applies to all Israeli citizens, including over one million Arab citizens of Israel, who have themselves been targets of terrorist attacks.

Furthermore, all road closures are temporary and subject to constant review by the Israeli courts, ensuring that they are not permanent or arbitrary measures.

Additionally, under Israeli law, Jews are severely restricted in which roads they can travel.

It is illegal for Jews to enter areas designated as Area A — territories under full Palestinian Authority security and administrative control. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) cannot operate freely in these areas, even if a Jewish citizen’s life is in danger. Large red signs warning Israeli citizens not to enter these towns and villages are a common sight at the entrances to Palestinian Authority-controlled areas, clearly illustrating the limitations imposed on Israeli citizens, not just Palestinians.

But since when has The New York Times ever let pesky facts get in the way of an “Israeli apartheid” slur? The answer: Never.

The author is a contributor to HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

The post New York Times Goes All In on Slick ‘Apartheid Roads’ Propaganda first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Netanyahu Expects to Meet Trump Next Week in the US

Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Tuesday he expects to travel to the United States next week for meetings with President Donald Trump, after a “great victory” in the 12-Day War with Iran last month.

Netanyahu said in a statement ahead of a cabinet meeting that the visit will also include talks with other top US officials, such as Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick.

“We still have a few things to finalize in order to reach a trade agreement in addition to other matters,” he said, referring to Trump’s tariff plans. “I’ll also have meetings with congressional and Senate leaders and some security meetings.”

Trump last month announced a ceasefire ending the hostilities between Israel and Iran.

The US president said last week that his administration would send letters to a number of countries notifying them of their higher tariff rates before July 9, when the duties are scheduled to revert from a temporary 10% level to a range of between 11% and 50% announced on April 2 and subsequently suspended.

The U.S. initially set a 17% tariff on Israeli goods sold in the United States.

The post Netanyahu Expects to Meet Trump Next Week in the US first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Haaretz Claim That IDF Was Ordered to Fire on Unarmed Gazans Refuted by Translation Discrepancies, Contradictions, and Eyewitness Accounts

Gazans receiving humanitarian aid in the Gaza Strip. Photo: Col. Richard Kemp

A recent Haaretz exposé accusing the Israeli military of ordering troops to fire at unarmed civilians near food aid sites in Gaza relied on mistranslation, selective quotes, factual omissions, and contradictions to construct a narrative of unprovoked Israeli violence, according to independent observers interviewed by The Algemeiner.

Debunking the claim of indiscriminate fire by the IDF, the experts instead described widespread fear of Hamas, not the Israeli military. 

The Haaretz report quickly gained traction in international media. Titled “’It’s a Killing Field’: IDF Soldiers Ordered to Shoot Deliberately at Unarmed Gazans Waiting for Humanitarian Aid,” it was cited by outlets such as NPR, CNN, and Reuters, . 

British military analyst Andrew Fox criticized the article for its framing and language. One of the discrepancies he pointed to was the shift in the English version of the story from soldiers firing “towards” civilians, as stated in the Hebrew original, to “at” them. The original Hebrew subheader also specified that soldiers were told to fire “towards” crowds “to distance them” from the aid sites, suggesting the shooting took place as a means of crowd control. 

“It’s a matter of intent,” Fox told The Algemeiner. The phrase “‘at civilians’ means they are trying to kill them. It’s misleading because they’re firing warnings to avoid harm rather than shooting to cause harm.” 

“Warning shots are something all armies do — we did in Afghanistan — but when you pull the trigger there’s always a risk of harm, and that’s not great,” explained Fox, a think tank researcher and former British Army officer. “Still, there’s a huge difference between that and deliberately targeting civilians.”

Colonel Richard Kemp, a former commander of British forces in Afghanistan, said that “shooting towards,” as in the original Hebrew, was “quite reasonable as a means to exercise crowd control in a war zone.”

“It is highly unlikely the IDF would be ordered to shoot at unarmed civilians unless they directly endangered them,” Kemp told The Algemeiner, citing Israel’s interest in the success of US-backed humanitarian relief efforts in Gaza. “The IDF rigidly follows laws of war. It makes no sense for the IDF to want to damage aid efforts. They cooperate with and facilitate [the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation] and want it to succeed. The ones who want it to fail are Hamas because it deprives them of control and funds. If anyone has been doing this shooting, it would be Hamas. They have the motive the IDF do not.”

There were other discrepancies in the original headline and its translation. Whereas the Hebrew version reads “Soldiers testify: IDF deliberately shoots towards Gazans near aid collection points,” the English version not only omitted any reference to mediating testimony or attribution, but also framed the event as an empirical fact: “IDF soldiers ordered to shoot deliberately at unarmed Gazans waiting for humanitarian aid.” Further, the phrase “waiting for humanitarian aid” may carry specific legal implications under international law, suggesting heightened vulnerability, whereas the Hebrew version referred more vaguely to crowds “near aid collection points.”

The subheader — which claimed soldiers were ordered to fire at unarmed civilians “even when no threat was present” — conflicted with the body of the text, which acknowledged that Israeli soldiers were wounded near the aid distribution zones. One sentence, appearing for the first time in the 21st paragraph, stood out: “There were also fatalities and injuries among IDF soldiers in these incidents.” The piece offered no explanation for how such casualties could occur if, as the article claims, no one else present was armed. 

Elsewhere in the article, a soldier is quoted describing the IDF creating a “killing field,” supposedly involving heavy machine guns, mortars, and grenade launchers. But if such weapons were used with lethal intent, as Fox pointed out in a Substack post, the casualty rate would be far higher than the one to five reported per day. “That’s not a massacre,” he wrote, going on to quip that the only massacre to take place was one of “journalistic standards by Haaretz.”

“Could some soldiers accidentally miss and hit someone?” Fox wrote. “Yes. That is tragic and warrants investigation. However, the article itself acknowledges that the IDF is already examining those incidents. To jump from that to ‘deliberate killing fields’ is not responsible reporting. It is narrative laundering.”

The lack of video footage of the alleged mass shootings near GHF sites raises questions, given the large volume of media typically produced from Gaza, according to Fox, who noted that Hamas has repeatedly circulated images and clips for propaganda purposes. 

“Every Gazan has a mobile phone, and numerous videos of other events have been released,” he wrote. “Why is there a total absence of any credible footage of these supposed IDF combined arms assaults on queuing civilians?”

Kemp, who visited two of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation’s distribution sites in the days following the report’s publication, described hearing distant gunfire but reported that the aid operation proceeded mostly without disruption. 

Col. Richard Kemp at humanitarian aid site with Gazans. Photo: Provided

“None of the Gazans there showed any concerns [about the IDF] whatsoever,” he said. Many of the civilians identified Hamas, not the IDF, as the main threat to the aid effort — a dynamic not acknowledged in the Haaretz report — telling Kemp they could not return home for fear of being recognized and targeted by Hamas. 

“I must have spoken to at least 50 Gazans at each site,” he said. “Many told me they feared Hamas and Hamas threatened them if they used the sites.” 

Kemp added that the atmosphere was chaotic but manageable, with GHF workers — most of them local Gazans — interfacing directly with the crowds. He described people smiling, holding up food packages, and expressing gratitude for the aid. 

“The overwhelming impression was how grateful they were to be getting free aid for once, as opposed to buying aid looted by Hamas and sold at a premium,” he told The Algemeiner

Many Gazans at the GHF sites who spoke to Kemp voiced hatred for Hamas and praised the US-backed aid effort, with some chanting “kill Hamas” while others said “I love America” or expressed admiration for President Donald Trump. The alignment between Hamas and UN criticism of the food program was “shocking,” Kemp added, particularly given the visible gratitude expressed by many recipients.

“They associate this aid program with the US,” he said. “They seem to like it, whereas Hamas and the UN seem to be its greatest enemies.” 

The post Haaretz Claim That IDF Was Ordered to Fire on Unarmed Gazans Refuted by Translation Discrepancies, Contradictions, and Eyewitness Accounts first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Former Australian Nurses Charged Over Threatening Viral Video Banned from NDIS

Illustrative: Supporters of Hamas gather for a rally in Melbourne, Australia. Photo: Reuters/Joel Carrett

Two former Australian nurses who were charged over a viral video in which they allegedly threatened to kill Israeli patients have been banned from working under the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS), four months after being suspended from their jobs at Bankstown-Lidcombe Hospital in Sydney.

Earlier this year, Ahmad Rashad Nadir and Sarah Abu Lebdeh, both 27, gained international attention after they were seen in an online video posing as doctors and making inflammatory statements during a night shift conversation with Israeli influencer Max Veifer.

The widely circulated footage, which sparked international outrage and condemnation, showed Abu Lebdeh declaring she would refuse to treat Israeli patients and instead kill them, while Nadir made a throat-slitting gesture and claimed he had already killed many.

Following the incident, New South Wales authorities suspended their nursing registrations and banned them from working as nurses nationwide. They are now also prohibited from working with or providing any services — paid or unpaid — to NDIS participants for two years.

This latest ban, which took effect on May 9, applies nationwide and prohibits Nadir and Abu Lebdeh from working with NDIS participants or performing any role for or on behalf of NDIS providers in any Australian state or territory.

Abu Lebdeh was charged with federal offenses, including threatening violence against a group and using a carriage service to threaten, menace, and harass. If convicted, she faces up to 22 years in prison.

Nadir was charged with federal offenses, including using a carriage service to menace, harass, or cause offense, as well as possession of a prohibited drug.

Currently, both of them remain free on bail and have not yet entered any pleas, with a court appearance scheduled for July 29. They’ve been prohibited from leaving Australia or using social media while their cases proceed.

According to Nadir’s lawyer, the video was captured “without the consent and knowledge” of his client, and he intends to argue for its exclusion from court.

“We will be challenging the admissibility of the video recording because it was a private conversation which was recorded by the person overseas without my client’s consent and without his knowledge,” Nadir’s lawyer said. “That video recording was made secretly overseas and was unlawfully obtained.”

This incident, which drew international attention, occurred amid a surge of antisemitic acts across Australia since the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza began in October 2023, with Jewish institutions targeted in arson attacks and businesses defaced.

Antisemitism spiked to record levels in Australia — especially in Sydney and Melbourne, which are home to some 85 percent of the country’s Jewish population — following Hamas’s Oct. 7 atrocities, with the escalation continuing amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and Iran.

According to a report from the Executive Council of Australian Jewry (ECAJ), the country’s Jewish community experienced over 2,000 antisemitic incidents between October 2023 and September 2024, more than quadrupling from 495 in the prior 12 months.

The number of antisemitic physical assaults in Australia rose from 11 in 2023 to 65 in 2024. The level of antisemitism for the past year was six times the average of the preceding 10 years.

The post Former Australian Nurses Charged Over Threatening Viral Video Banned from NDIS first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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