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After Mamdani’s Victory, Jewish New York Must Wake Up
New York City mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani holds a press conference at the Unisphere in the Queens borough of New York City, US, Nov. 5, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Kylie Cooper
The calls and texts started pouring in well before the race was even called. Friends, colleagues, rabbis, and former students — people who rarely agreed on anything — shared the same sense of shock.
“What happens now?” one message asked. “What does this mean for us?” said another. The tone was not rage, but grief along with fear, sadness, and concern about the Jewish future in New York.
Zohran Mamdani is now the mayor-elect of this city and presented a harsh and uncompromising vision of the future in his acceptance speech. These ideas would have been unthinkable only a few years ago. Yet here we are. The question before Jewish New York is not whether the election was fair (it was), or whether we can wish the results away (we can’t), but whether we will have the courage to respond with clarity, unity, and purpose.
This was no fringe contest decided by radicals. Many Jews — especially in Orthodox and older communities — backed former governor Andrew Cuomo, drawn to his long record and his familiarity with Jewish institutions. But roughly a third of Jewish voters, disproportionately younger and more secular, cast their ballots for Mamdani.
They did so despite his open anti-Zionism, his refusal to condemn the slogan “globalize the intifada,” calls to end the Cornell-Technion partnership on Roosevelt Island, and his repeated portrayal of Israel as a colonial project.
That division tells a story larger than one election. It tells of a community that has mistaken assimilation for acceptance, comfort for civic strength, and political quietism for peace. Mamdani’s rise is a mirror. What it reflects is not only the left’s growing hostility to Jewish identity, but our own complacency.
For decades, many Jews in New York assumed the city’s liberalism was a shield; that education, affluence, and civic reputation would protect us from the oldest hatred. October 7, 2023, should have shattered that illusion. Mamdani’s victory should bury it.
This is a man who proudly calls himself anti-Zionist, who has justified slogans glorifying violence against Jews, and who has described Israel’s existence as a moral failure. His final campaign message had a Palestinian flag prominently displayed behind him to further cement those statements.
That such a candidate could not only run but win in a city once called the modern capital of Jewish life speaks volumes. It reveals how profoundly the moral vocabulary of our politics has changed and how hesitant too many Jews have become to defend our own legitimacy in public life.
Too many Jewish institutions were slow to react, slow to mobilize, and slow to sound more than vague alarms. That hesitation cost us ground and voices. It revealed that for all our communal infrastructure, the reflex was to retreat, not rise. Engagement is no longer optional, it is imperative.
The fragmentation of the Jewish vote reflects a generational and cultural drift. Many younger Jews, alienated from synagogues and federations, are drawn to movements that speak in the language of justice and belonging, the very language our tradition helped shape but we’ve allowed others to monopolize.
Their support for Mamdani is not betrayal so much as a symptom of neglect: of education, of meaning, of connection. We taught the Holocaust, but not covenant. We taught survival, but not sanctity. We taught tolerance, but not purpose. We let Jewish identity become a lifestyle brand instead of a moral calling.
If Mamdani’s election jolts us awake, it will have served one sacred purpose: to remind us that continuity requires more than nostalgia and philanthropy. It requires conviction: a belief that being Jewish in New York is not an accident of history but a mission in itself.
New York’s Jewish community has been tested before. In the 1970s, when the city teetered on bankruptcy and neighborhoods burned, many families fled. Yet those who stayed built anew: schools, community centers, newspapers, and cultural networks that became models for the nation. Jewish New York did not survive by retreating. It survived by rebuilding.
We face another such inflection point. The test is not whether we can out-organize a political movement, but whether we can rediscover the courage and confidence that once made this community indispensable to the moral life of the city.
The temptation in moments like this is to withdraw — to build higher walls, add more guards, host more closed-door meetings. Security matters. But civic withdrawal is suicide. Jewish life flourished in New York not because we hid, but because we built. Our response to hostility must be institutional vitality: new leadership, deeper partnerships, serious investment in Jewish education and culture.
We must engage Mamdani’s administration on issues of safety, education, and fairness — but engagement must never mean erasure. Jewish organizations should meet him firmly and respectfully, insisting that antisemitism be confronted, religious freedom protected, and Jewish schools and synagogues treated as full partners in civic life. If he governs all New Yorkers, he must prove it.
Every political earthquake exposes what is fragile and what endures. For all our anxiety, Jewish New York remains vast, creative, and resilient. There is an extraordinary opportunity now to rebuild communal strength; not in fear, but with faith. That means reclaiming Jewish education as the beating heart of continuity, alive with history, text, and moral reasoning, not rote or apologetic.
It means reinvesting in culture, music, art, and literature that express pride, humor, and belonging. It means reconnecting generations, letting older Jews teach courage and younger Jews teach empathy. And it means redefining leadership: raising voices who are intellectually serious, civically engaged, and unafraid to say that Jewish life has something vital to offer America.
As Rabbi Jonathan Sacks reminded us, “The test of faith is whether I can make space for difference — can I recognize God’s image in someone who is not in my image, whose language, faith, and ideals are different from mine?”
That must be our standard, not fearlessness as denial, but courage rooted in identity. New York has long been a proving ground for Jewish civic imagination from the Yiddish presses of the Lower East Side to the philanthropies that built hospitals and universities. The task now is to channel that same creative energy into a new era of pluralism without passivity.
In the short term, Jewish institutions must ensure that the mayor-elect’s administration guarantees security for synagogues and day schools, protects kosher and Sabbath accommodations, and confronts antisemitic hate crimes with the urgency they demand.
In the longer term, our challenge is civic and spiritual: to fortify a community that has grown affluent but unanchored, visible but unsure of its message. We cannot outsource Jewish identity to politicians or assume our moral credibility will be recognized automatically. It must be earned anew through learning, living, and leadership.
If Mamdani’s tenure tests us, let it also refine us. The health of Jewish New York will depend less on his rhetoric than on our resilience.
New York has always been more than a metropolis. For Jews, it is a covenantal space: a place where our story and America’s intersect. That story is now being rewritten, and we have a choice: to fade quietly into the background, or to remind the city that Jewish life is not a relic but a living force. Mamdani’s victory was democratic. Our response must be democratic too and rooted in persuasion, education, and courage. We will work with any administration that governs fairly, but we will speak plainly when Jewish dignity is at stake.
If this moment pushes us to strengthen our institutions, deepen our learning, and reassert our moral voice, then Jewish New York will emerge stronger, not weaker. The covenant did not end on election night. It begins again each morning — in our classrooms and sanctuaries, in our courage to speak, and in our refusal to disappear. That is how Jewish New York will endure: not by hiding, but by leading.
Samuel J. Abrams is a professor of politics at Sarah Lawrence College and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
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Shifka, a new pita shop on the Bowery, aims to be the Chipotle of Israeli cuisine
Fans of Sami & Susu, the Mediterranean-inspired Lower East Side wine bar and restaurant that opened during the pandemic, will be happy to know that its Jewish owners have opened a lower priced, more casual spinoff just a few blocks away.
Shifka at 324 Bowery offers elevated Israeli-style street food — like pita stuffed with schnitzel, Yemenite hot sauce, pickles, hot pepper and red cabbage, drizzled with creamy Har Bracha tahini.
Shifka is named after the spicy, light green pickled pepper that’s a popular condiment at falafel shops across Israel. “It was supposed to be called The Pita Shop, but you can’t trademark that name — it’s too general,” said Amir Nathan, 39, one of Shifka’s store’s four owners and a co-founder of Sami & Susu. “I said, why don’t we call it after the pepper, like Chipotle. I like names that trigger curiosity. You need to think about the experience that you are about to have.”
Nearly a half-decade in the making — Nathan and his partner, executive chef Jordan Anderson, conducted years of pita sandwich experiments at Sami & Susu — Shifka opened its doors on Oct. 14, just after a fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza began.
Throughout the development of Shifka, Nathan said that he and his partners were undeterred about opening another Israeli restaurant during a time of heightened antisemitism in New York. “When I see a crisis, I decide to do something positive,” said Nathan, who was born and raised in Beersheba, in southern Israel. “Opening Sami & Susu during the pandemic was a big one. And since Oct. 7, we emphasize more our Israeli and Jewish identity with the food that we do.”
Last winter, Nathan and Anderson took a “R&D trip” to Israel together. The goal, said Nathan, was to share Israeli cuisine with his partner, who was raised Jewish in New Jersey and had never visited Israel before.
“We went to classic pita shops in Israel but also toured the ASIF Culinary Institute and Arabic restaurants,” Nathan said. “How does a pita shop in Israel operate? How do they organize and order? Let’s be up to date with what is happening in the new generation of restaurants. It was a good introduction. We went to Akko to eat hummus and to a Druze restaurant in the north — all of the staples that together make this cuisine what it is.”
Nathan believes that their wide-ranging trip gave Anderson a better understanding of the flavors of the Middle East.
“Baguette, harissa, preserved lemon, hard-boiled egg — a Tunisian sandwich is what I ate in my school cafeteria in Beersheba,” Nathan said. “When I tried to explain to Jordan the idea behind it — now when he saw it in Machane Yehuda Market he said, ‘Wow, this is where it comes from.’ He saw food from Iraq to Yemen to East Jerusalem. The idea that a mash of those cultures can work together actually clicked.”
They also visited two restaurants that Anderson had read about: HaBasta, near the Carmel Market in Tel Aviv and known for the freshness and seasonality of its dishes, and HaKatan, a seafood restaurant in Tel Aviv’s Levinsky Market.
“These chefs are cooking like me,” Anderson, who has a French culinary background, said of his new inspiration.
“We do a lot of upscale food at Sami & Susu,” the 33-year-old added. “It’s refreshing to do sandwiches and fast casual and spread your mind that way.”
At Sami & Susu, the menu is seasonal and changes eight times a year. The menu at Shifka, by contrast, is streamlined and stable. Customers choose from stuffed pita sandwiches and bowls with an option of rice, freekeh — an ancient Middle Eastern grain imported from Israel — and or salad as its base. As for proteins, options include chicken marinated in yogurt, lamb kebabs drizzled with amba and shrimp served with tzatziki, roasted red peppers and red cabbage.
Of course, you can also order shifka peppers at Shifka; served as a side dish ($2), they are imported from Israel. Other sides include french fries coated in zaatar ($8), as well as muhammara, a walnut and roasted red pepper spread, or matbucha, a roasted tomato and smoked paprika salad ($8 each). Alcoholic beverages and dessert — like creamy, nutty soft-serve ice cream made with Israeli tahini ($8) — are on offer, too.
Nathan said he and his partners considered using kosher meat but ultimately decided it was too costly. “Kosher is part of our heritage and history, but it’s not the only way,” he said. “What we do here is not traditional. I hope that people see it as a voice of our new generation of Jews all over the world.”
He added: “We’re going to do breakfast here at some point, and we will have bacon, egg and cheese bourekas and it’s phenomenal. And a shakshuka in a pita — that’s how we want to eat.”
The exterior of Shifka, an new Israeli pita sandwich shop at 324 Bowery. (Courtesy of Shifka)
More than “just” an Israeli restaurant, Nathan stresses that Shifka’s influences are far flung. “Obviously, I’m from Israel but the influences are from all around,” he said. “We have tzatziki in a pita. We have lamb kebab, a hybrid of Romanian kebab combined with Yemenite spices. It is not just Israeli.”
Nonetheless, Nathan said that Sami & Susu — which garnered a Michelin Bib Gourmand award in 2022, 2023 and 2024 — has been subject to some anti-Israel vandalism during the two-year war between Israel and Gaza.
“We got tagged a couple of times,” he said. “People sprayed on our window.”
And yet, Nathan and Anderson say that the war in Gaza impacted their business in an unexpectedly good way.
“It actually gave us more business I think,” Nathan said. “More Jews are coming to Sami & Susu after Oct. 7. Hipster couples from Fort Greene to Upper West Siders. Maybe they are looking for that kind of food — I call it Mediterranean because it is actually not meant to be just Israeli but food of the Diaspora.”
He added: “Israel, as much as I love it, is not the only heritage we have as Jews. We have a long history before the country existed.”
Since its opening three weeks ago, Shifka has garnered rave reviews. According to the Infatuation, “Shifka makes lunchtime in NOHO so much better,” while Grub Street named Shifka to its list of the city’s best new restaurants.
“Knock on wood, said Nathan. “We are fortunate to have a good beginning on this project.”
And like Chipotle — which is named for a smoked, dried jalapeno pepper and operates 3,700 restaurants around the globe — Nathan and his partners are hoping to scale Shifka one day. Unlike the fast-casual juggernaut, which is primarily owned by institutional investors, Shifka’s partners’ plans are more modest.
“We are looking for small growth, not duplicating it dozens of times. We are planning to expand Shifka and move Sami & Susu to a bigger location,” Nathan said. “We never prevent ourselves from dreaming big and maybe expanding to other cities.”
For now, though, the focus is on the Bowery location. On a recent morning, Shifka’s kitchen was abuzz as staffers busily filled dozens of lunch orders for local businesses. By lunchtime, “the whole place is packed,” Anderson said. “Delicious food, fair prices, creative. No fear about all the hate that is going around the city right now.”
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Hezbollah Rejects Israel-Lebanon Talks, Reaffirms Refusal to Disarm as Tensions Escalate Along Border
Smoke rises after Israeli strikes following Israeli military’s evacuation orders, in Tayr Debba, southern Lebanon, Nov. 6, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ali Hankir
Hezbollah has rejected any talks with Israel and reaffirmed its refusal to disarm, even as the Jewish state ramps up military operations in southern Lebanon amid rising border tensions.
On Thursday, the Iran-backed Lebanese terrorist group condemned the prospect of negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, while reaffirming its refusal to disarm and claiming it has “a legitimate right to resist [Israeli] occupation.”
In an open letter to Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, Hezbollah called for prioritizing efforts to pressure Israel into complying with the US-brokered ceasefire negotiated by the countries last year rather than “being drawn into political negotiations with the Zionist enemy.”
“Any attempt at political negotiations with Israel does not serve Lebanon’s national interest,” the letter read.
“The weapons that defended Lebanon will not be up for negotiation and will remain an integral part of the country’s national defense strategy,” it continued, with Hezbollah seemingly depicting itself as the protector of Lebanese sovereignty.
US and Israel officials have been pressuring the Lebanese government to enter direct negotiations with the Jewish state, with Egypt offering to mediate as fears of renewed conflict in the region intensify.
Hezbollah’s warning came as the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) carried out its latest airstrikes against the terrorist group, describing it as a response to ceasefire violations.
In a press release, the Israeli military confirmed it carried out a strike in southern Lebanon, targeting operatives at a Hezbollah site, which the IDF said was used to “produce equipment used by the organization to restore terror infrastructure.”
Under last year’s ceasefire agreement, the Lebanese government committed to disarm Hezbollah, which for years has wielded significant political and military influence across the country while maintaining significant terrorist infrastructure in southern Lebanon, which borders northern Israel. The deal was reached after Israel decimated much of Hezbollah’s leadership and military capabilities with an air and ground offensive following the Islamist group’s attacks on northern Israeli communities — which Hezbollah claimed were a show of solidarity with the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas amid the war in Gaza.
Hezbollah claimed in its letter on Thursday that “the government’s hasty decision regarding the monopoly of arms” enabled Israel to exploit the situation, making disarmament a prerequisite for halting what the group alleges are Israeli violations of the ceasefire.
“Disarmament should be discussed within a national framework and not as a response to a foreign demand or Israeli blackmail,” the letter read.
“We affirm our legitimate right to resist occupation and aggression, and to stand with our army and our people in defending our country’s sovereignty against an enemy that wages war on us, continues its attacks, and seeks to subjugate our state,” it continued.
New reports indicate that Hezbollah has been actively rebuilding its military capabilities, in violation of the ceasefire agreement with the Jewish state.
With support from Iran, the terrorist group has been intensifying efforts to bolster its military power, including the production and repair of weapons, smuggling of arms and cash through seaports and Syrian routes, recruitment and training, and the use of civilian infrastructure as a base and cover for its operations.
In recent weeks, Israel has conducted strikes targeting Hezbollah’s rearmament efforts, particularly south of the Litani River, where the group’s operatives have historically been most active against the Jewish state.
For years, Israel has demanded that Hezbollah be barred from carrying out activities south of the Litani, located roughly 15 miles from the Israeli border.
Earlier this year, Lebanese officials agreed to a US-backed disarmament plan, which called for the terrorist group to be fully disarmed within four months — by November — in exchange for Israel halting airstrikes and withdrawing troops from the five occupied positions in the country’s southern region.
The Lebanese government is now facing mounting pressure from Israeli and US officials to disarm Hezbollah and establish a state monopoly on weapons.
Meanwhile, the Iran-backed terrorist group has repeatedly defied international calls to disarm, even threatening protests and civil unrest if the government tries to enforce control over its weapons.
Since the Lebanese government has so far been unable to successfully implement the US-backed disarmament plan, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz last week accused Aoun of “dragging his feet” on this issue.
“The Lebanese government’s commitment to disarm Hezbollah and remove it from southern Lebanon must be implemented,” Katz said. “Maximum enforcement will continue and even intensify — we will not allow any threat to the residents of the north.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also warned that Israel would exercise its right to self-defense under the ceasefire agreement if Lebanon failed to disarm the terrorist group.
“We expect the Lebanese government to uphold its commitments, namely, to disarm Hezbollah. But it’s clear that we’ll exercise our right to self-defense as stipulated in the ceasefire terms,” the Israeli leader said. “We won’t let Lebanon become a renewed front against us, and we’ll do what’s necessary.”
For his part, Aoun criticized Israel for escalating strikes after he expressed willingness to negotiate, accusing it of hindering prospects for negotiations while also directing the Lebanese army to confront IDF incursions along the southern border.
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Artist Won’t ‘Surrender to Extremism’ After Mural of Hamas Victims Shiri Bibas, Two Sons Defaced Again in Milan
A look at the mural “October 7, The Hostages” before (left) and after (right) it was vandalized for a second time. Photo: Provided
Italian contemporary pop artist and activist AleXsandro Palombo spoke to The Algemeiner on Thursday about the “antisemitic hatred” that fueled the second vandalism of his mural in Milan, Italy, honoring Shiri Bibas and her two young sons – all three of whom were murdered by Hamas terrorists in the Gaza Strip after being taken as hostages from Israel.
Shiri’s face in the mural was recently covered with white paint, as was the Star of David on the Israeli flag that is draped over her two children Kfir and Ariel, who were 4 and nine months old, respectively, when taken hostage on Oct. 7, 2023, along with their mother. The mural shows Shiri, 32, holding her two sons. The three of them were kidnapped from Kibbutz Nir Oz when Hamas-led terrorists went on a deadly rampage across southern Israel, and they were later killed in captivity in Gaza.
Palombo titled the mural “October 7, The Hostages.” It is featured in the center of Milan, outside the Qatari consulate, and just a few steps from the famous Via Montenapoleone shopping area. The mural was first vandalized days after it was unveiled in October during an event commemorating the two-year anniversary of the Oct. 7 terrorist attack. French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy described the vandalism as “a vile gesture against the memory of the victims.”
“These works are testimonies; they carry memory and truth within them,” Palombo told The Algemeiner on Thursday following the most recent vandalism of his mural dedicated to the Bibas family. “Those who destroy them aren’t just targeting art; they’re trying to erase its meaning, its message, its resistance. It’s a deliberate act meant to extinguish what stands up to hatred, to intimidate anyone who defends freedom of thought and to rewrite history for their own advantage.” He added that stopping his art “would mean surrendering to extremism.”
“The works dedicated to the Bibas family, like all those destroyed by antisemitic hatred, must continue to live,” he said. “Every time art is silenced, the conscience of our civilization is struck. Defending artistic freedom means defending the dignity and memory of the West.”
Yarden Bibas – Shiri’s husband and the father of Ariel and Kfir — was separately kidnapped from Israel by Hamas-led terrorists on Oct. 7, 2023. He survived captivity and is the only living member of his immediate family.
Other murals by Palombo that have been dedicated to the Holocaust, antisemitism, or the deadly terrorist attack in October 2023 have all been vandalized in the past, including murals depicting Auschwitz survivors and another featuring a survivor of the Nova music festival. Even a mural created in support of Iranian women protesters was vandalized. Palombo told The Algemeiner he has received hundreds of death threats because of his artwork, mostly from “extremist online communities and radicalized pro-Palestinian movements.” He believes the vandalism of his work tied to the Holocaust, Israel, or antisemitism “is part of a deliberate strategy that uses antisemitism as a weapon to spread fear and destabilize democracies from within.”
“Today, anti-Jewish hatred is no longer just a social or cultural phenomenon; it has become a tool of hybrid warfare, employed by hostile networks to manipulate public opinion and undermine the very foundations of freedom and civil coexistence,” he added. “To attack art is to attack freedom of expression and erase collective memory. It’s a way to weaken democratic consciousness and pave the way for fanaticism. Every defaced mural is not just an attack on an artwork; it’s an assault on the right to remember.”
The only murals tied to the Holocaust and antisemitism that have not been vandalized are those displayed in Rome after being acquired by the city’s Shoah Museum. Palombo explained that they are located near a police booth and in front of a synagogue, which has a constant armed guard stationed in front.
“It’s a paradox: In a Western democracy, art must be protected like a potential target, as if memory itself had become something to be defended by law enforcement,” he told The Algemeiner.