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Waiting on line on Christmas is a time-honored New York tradition — was it ever thus?

At 6 a.m., the morning before Christmas, Charles Licata was waiting outside the door of Russ & Daughters, two hours before the century-old Manhattan appetizing store opened. Each Christmas Eve for the past 42 years, Licata, jones this time by a family member and a friend, has made the hour-long drive from central New Jersey. “I like to be first in line,” he told me.

Licata, who manufactures granite countertops, told me he was hosting 40 for a traditional Italian feast of seven fishes on Christmas Eve, and on Christmas Day, his family had plans to devour another seven fishes and then some. “We got sable, lox, caviar, the spreads, pickled herring, tuna fish salad, hot and cold smoked salmon,” he started to list, before adding, “we got everything.”

Nikki Russ Federman, the fourth-generation owner of Russ & Daughters, instantly greeted Licata who she recognized from years past. By 9 a.m., she was hustling off to the shop’s Brooklyn bakery because they were already running out of bagels.

The Christmas Eve crowds rival Erev Yom Kippur and they grow throughout the day.

From Left: Tommy Valenti, Guiseppe Licata, Charles Licata and Nikki Russ Federman Photo by Andrew Silverstein

“Christmas is a Jewish holiday,” Russ Federman quipped.

For Licata, the line itself, with its banter and camaraderie is part of the ritual, except queuing at Russ & Daughters isn’t traditional. Lower East Side Jews didn’t wait in line; they jostled at deli counters and mobbed pushcarts.

“When I arrived on the scene in 1978 to take over the business,” third-generation owner Mark Russ Federman recounted in his 2013 book Russ & Daughters, “I discovered that there had never been a real attempt to implement a method to maintain crowd control and customer flow.”

First, the lox slicers behind the counter would pick out their regulars from the crowd, and then call “Who’s next?” To which, according to Mark Russ Federman, several elderly women would yell in their Yiddish-inflected English, “My next.” Mayhem would ensue.

Immigrants wait in line to pass through customs at Ellis Island, New York City, circa 1905. Photo by Hulton Archive/Getty Images

“Grandpa Russ, my parents, and my uncles and aunts,” wrote Mark Russ Federman, “felt that having customers take a number from a machine and wait their turn was insulting, impersonal, and too ‘uptown.’”

It was during the Yom Kippur rush of 1978 that Russ Federman established a numbered ticketing system, turning the huddled mass of customers into an orderly line — something he saw as both more efficient for business and fairer for the customers. Since then, the appetizing store’s line has only grown, as have lines throughout the city.

Weathering the wait for Russ & Daughters seems more legit than camping out for the latest TikTok trend. Since the pandemic, lines in New York have become ubiquitous — for oversized pastries, for stunt croissants, for hype pizza. This past spring, a Saturday Night Live skit joked that a New Yorker’s favorite pastime is to “wait in a big dumb line.”

Men wait in a breadline on the sidewalk at a Bowery establishment, in lower Manhattan, New York, Feb. 7, 1910. Photo by Library of Congress/Interim Archives/Getty Images

Waiting on line for West Village brunch often feels performative, but for Licata at Russ & Daughters, it isn’t about clout, it’s about continuity. It was a Jewish friend who first brought bagels and lox over for Christmas breakfast at Licata’s home decades ago. “I’m just carrying the tradition forward,” he said.

Down the block, most every year, Jeremy Kahn and his family make a pilgrimage from Washington, D.C. to Katz’s Deli. This past week, he was shocked to find that, even at the off-time of 4 p.m., the line still stretched to the corner. He speculated that there were more tourists. “I thought we’d be able to just walk right in,” he said.

After the 30 minute-plus wait at Katz’s, customers hungry for pastrami take a ticket at the door; they must sort into new lines to wait their turn with a cutter at the counter. And before leaving, customers must again wait their turn at the cashier’s line.

For Kahn, the wait is worth it. “This is where my grandfather would come to eat,” he said, and now he was taking his two young children and his father. “It means something that there is a line to get in. People are willing to wait in the cold.”

Katz’s with its shared cafeteria tables is known for its hustle and bustle, but things feel orderly compared to how it once was. In 1966, the iconic cheap eats guide, Underground Gourmet, deemed Katz’s “the largest, nosiest, busiest, and sloppiest delicatessen in Manhattan.” The guide’s authors, the illustrators and graphic designers Milton Glaser and Jerome Snyder, described ordering as a “struggle” that involved having to “muscle your way up to the endless serving counter and try to make yourself heard.”

Standing on line was foreign enough to Jewish immigrants that the Forverts mostly referred to queues, not by the Yiddish word “rey” (meaning row), but with the English “line,” spelled out in Hebrew letters. In 1930, the Forverts reported that boxing fans were waiting on long lines in the cold and rain to watch a Jackie Kid Berg lightweight championship bout at Madison Square Garden, but Jews at the time mostly seemed to be lining up at Depression-era soup kitchens and unemployment lines in the U.S. or, worse, for handouts at refugee centers in Europe.

It’s not just Jews who were late to line up; lines are actually a fairly modern phenomenon. Often cited as containing the first description of a queue in English is Thomas Carlyle’s 1837 book The French Revolution, which described Parisians lining up at bakers’ shops during a famine. By World War II, queuing had become commonplace in rationing-era Britain.

Fans line up to purchase World Series tickets outside Ebbets Field in Brooklyn, 1949. Photo by Transcendental Graphics/Getty Images

Lines were then associated with shortages and bureaucracy; now they represent wealth and leisure. There are still long waits at the DMV and over-burdened food pantries, but today, many lines are fueled by social media. A long line at a bakery signals that their $8.50 pistachio rose croissant is popular; joining the line gives you online bragging rights, not joining risks FOMO.

My friend Miriam Berger, a 91-year-old Manhattanite, says she has no memory of these types of lines in the 20th century. “I have no patience to stand on a line for anything,” she told me, “probably because such behavior didn’t exist in my growing-up environment.”

We still manage to do much without lines. We squeeze into rush hour subway cars, flag down bartenders at crowded pubs, and hail cabs. At times, it feels cut-throat, but there’s an unspoken etiquette — someone waves you into a lane, a stranger holds the door.

Lines promise efficiency and equity, but the first-come-first-serve system easily breaks down. There are cutters, professional line waiters, and ways to pay your way to the front of the line with priority passes and VIP options for most anything.

And very often, there are ways to avoid lines altogether. At the end of his book, Mark Russ Federman writes that when his daughter Nikki and his nephew Josh entered the business in 2001, they started online ordering. “This wasn’t the way the Russ family did business,” he initially thought before he accepted the idea. “If you wanted to buy our fish, you came to the store. If you wanted to place an order over the phone, we had to recognize your voice or know your family.”

Now, Russ & Daughters ships nationwide, and with delivery apps, lox and herring can be ferried almost instantly to your door on an electric moped.

That’s too uptown for my tastes. I’d rather take a number.

 

The post Waiting on line on Christmas is a time-honored New York tradition — was it ever thus? appeared first on The Forward.

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Years of Ignored Antisemitism Led to Terror in Australia — and the Media Helped Normalize It

Mourners carry the casket of 10-year-old Matilda the youngest victim of a mass shooting at Australia’s Bondi Beach targeting an event for the Jewish festival of Hanukkah on Sunday, at Chevra Kadisha Memorial Hall, in Sydney, Australia, Dec. 18, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Hollie Adams

Years of hatred and antisemitism that was swept aside or outright denied led to one of the most horrific attacks on the Jewish people in Australia.

The warning signs were unmistakable more than two years ago: chants of “gas the Jews” outside the Sydney Opera House days after October 7; “Jew die” graffiti scrawled outside a Jewish school; a synagogue firebombed; and a Jewish community that made clear, again and again, that it did not feel safe or protected.

A terrorist attack targeting the Jewish community should not be what it takes for the world to pay attention to the undeniable rise in antisemitism.

And yet, even now, it appears that many are still unwilling to acknowledge the attack was antisemitic.

Despite the terrorists specifically aiming at the crowd gathered at the Hanukkah event, there was initial reluctance to name the Jewish community as the target.

Rather, the attack was framed in vague terms as part of a broader act of violence and a public safety issue in Australia. This reluctance to call out antisemitism is not incidental, but part of the pattern that allowed it to foster unchecked for so long.

As the news coverage on the attack continued, outlets slowly started to shift the story away from the victims of the attack and towards the terrorists who carried it out.

While understanding the motive and background has a place in responsible reporting, many outlets instead crossed a dangerous line by subtly humanizing the perpetrators while sidelining the Jewish victims.

One headline in Newsweek focused on the attacker’s relationship with his family, quoting that his mother considered him a “good boy.” But what his mother thought of him before the attack should not have been headline news — the fact that he took part in mass murdering people at a Hanukkah event should have.

The pain and trauma of the victims’ families and survivors deserved the center of the story, rather than emotional character references for the terrorist.

The Irish Times similarly stressed the terrorists had no criminal background, omitting their ISIS-inspired ideology and once again framing them as ordinary, well-meaning people.

The BBC likewise whitewashed the crimes of the terrorists by refusing to call them terrorists at all. Instead, they were described merely as “gunmen,” a term so sanitized that readers would have no idea from the headline that they carried out a deadly attack on Jews.

Meanwhile, Sky News shifted the focus from the Jewish victims to warn that Muslims in Australia may feel unsafe. This creates a moral inversion that recasts the aftermath of an antisemitic terror attack as a story about the potential discomfort of an entirely different community.

This inversion completes a familiar pattern where Jewish victims disappear, antisemitism becomes abstract, and the media moves on without ever confronting the hatred that made the attack possible.

When explicit calls to murder Jews are dismissed as isolated incidents, when attacks on Jewish institutions are minimized, and when Jewish fear is treated as political exaggeration, violence becomes inevitable. A terrorist attack against Jews in Australia is the consequence of sustained denial, indifference, and moral failure. The minimization of antisemitic incidents and violence against the Jewish people in the media contributes to the vicious cycle.

Antisemitism does not begin with terror attacks. It begins when warning signs are ignored — and it will continue until institutions, leaders, and the media are willing to say clearly and unequivocally that Jews were targeted because they are Jews.

The author is a contributor to HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

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Palestinian Terrorist Was Killed Throwing Grenades; PA Said He Was ‘Young Boy’ ‘Delivering a Package’

Illustrative: Palestinian demonstrators call for an end to clashes between Palestinian security forces and militants in Jenin, in the West Bank, Dec. 16, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Raneen Sawafta

The Palestinian Authority (PA) continues its hypocrisy about terrorists who are killed trying to murder Jews.

The “successful” terrorists are coined heroic fighters, and the PA names schools, streets, and squares after them.

But if they are young terrorists and the PA wants the world to condemn Israel, they are repackaged as innocent victims.

Such was the case of 16-year-old Islamic Jihad terrorist Muhammad Iyad Abahreh, who was killed after throwing hand grenades at Israeli soldiers near Jenin.

Text on picture:
“Martyr Jihad fighter
Muhammad Iyad Abahreh
One of the Jihad fighters of the Al-Quds Brigades, Al-Yamun Brigade
Al-Quds Brigades – Military Media”

Islamic Jihad’s terror wing, the Al-Quds Brigades, openly lauded Abahreh as one of its fighters.

The group proudly described him as a “Jihad fighter,” declared that he died as a “Martyr,” and vowed to continue armed resistance:

Headline: “The Al-Quds Brigades accompany to his wedding Martyr Muhammad Abahreh from Jenin”

“The Al-Quds Brigades, the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine’s military wing, accompanied to his wedding [i.e., a Martyr’s funeral is considered his wedding to the 72 Virgins in Paradise in Islam] Martyr Muhammad Iyad Abahreh …

In a statement on Sunday, [Dec. 14, 2025,] the brigades said that Abahreh is one of the Jihad fighters of the Al-Yamun Brigade and that he ascended to Heaven as a Martyr after he managed to engage with the occupation [i.e., Israeli] soldiers and threw several hand grenades at them during an invasion of the town of Silat Al-Harithiya yesterday evening, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2025.

The brigades emphasized that they will remain steadfast on the path of Jihad and resistance until liberation and return.”

[Safa, independent Palestinian news agency, Dec. 14, 2025]

Just one day later, the Palestinian Authority’s official daily, Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, published a fabricated version of the attack.

The “Jihad fighter” became a “young boy,” the grenade attack was erased, Islamic Jihad was not mentioned, and Israeli soldiers were accused of killing him while he was “delivering a package.”

Abahreh was painted as a “loved, diligent, seeker of knowledge” whose “death as a Martyr halted his aspirations” to graduate high school and help his parents.

Headline: “Young Muhammad Abahreh”

“Al-Yamun and Silat Al-Harithiya, west of Jenin, were partners in grief two nights ago, Saturday, [Dec. 13, 2025]. The two neighboring towns mourned 16-year-old boy Muhammad Iyad Muhammad Abahreh, who ascended to Heaven in Silat Al-Harithiya, and the occupation seized his body…

Family sources told Al-Hayat Al-Jadida that young Abahreh is the eldest [child] in the family and that he was looking forward to finishing his experimental matriculation exams, but the occupation’s bullets changed the course of his dreams.

They noted that Muhammad was on his motorcycle on his way to deliver a package in nearby Silat Al-Harithiya, but the occupation soldiers shot him with six bullets and seized his body…

Al-Yamun High School Principal Radwan Freihat described the loss experienced by the school with Muhammad’s death … who was loved, diligent, and a seeker of knowledge. He said that his death as a Martyr halted his aspirations to earn a high [school graduation] certificate to help his parents.”

[Official PA daily Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, Dec. 15, 2025]

The Palestinian Authority routinely rewrites terrorist attacks to demonize Israel and mislead international audiences and donors.

It did this just a month ago after terrorists from its own ruling party murdered Aharon Cohen and injured three others. The PA denies the October 7 atrocities. And it lies to world leaders about condemning terrorism and antisemitism.

Itamar Marcus is Palestinian Media Watch (PMW)’s Founder and Director. Ephraim D. Tepler is a contributor to Palestinian Media Watch. A version of this article originally appeared at PMW.

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Foreign Press Correspondents Honored Terrorists, Awarded Al Jazeera Cash Grant

The Al Jazeera Media Network logo is seen on its headquarters building in Doha, Qatar, June 8, 2017. Photo: REUTERS/Naseem Zeitoon

The Association and Club of Foreign Press Correspondents USA bestowed honors on some of America’s most distinguished journalists at its gala in Washington, D.C., including veteran NBC journalist Andrea Mitchell.

Yet the same organization also chose to bestow posthumous honors on individuals later exposed as active terrorists who had worked as “journalists” for Al Jazeera, the Qatari state broadcaster and a co-sponsor of the event.

The channel itself was even awarded the association’s so-called “press freedom grant.”

According to a dinner attendee, the ceremony included a moment of silence for 10 Al Jazeera reporters and media workers killed in Gaza while “covering the Palestinian conflict with Israel,” with their photos displayed at a memorial table — a disturbing imitation of the empty hostage tables used to honor Israelis kidnapped by Hamas.

During the event, Fox News chief foreign correspondent Trey Yingst used his acceptance speech to eulogize Gazan reporters. He criticized Israel for restricting independent journalistic access to Gaza, while omitting a crucial fact: Hamas routinely threatens, censors, and kills journalists, while selectively protecting cooperative reporters who comply with its messaging.

Yingst praised the “fearless and tenacious Palestinian journalists in Gaza who don’t have the luxury to leave when reporting becomes too dangerous,” adding after applause: “May we not forget their sacrifice and contributions to our industry.”

Since these “contributions” went unnamed, they deserve documenting.

Anas Al-Sharif (killed on Aug 10, 2025)
Intelligence materials recovered in Gaza, including training lists and salary records, identified Al-Sharif as the head of a Hamas terror cell responsible for rocket attacks on Israeli civilians and IDF troops. He was photographed with Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar and other senior operatives. On October 7, 2023, he posted praise on Telegram for “heroes still roaming the country killing and capturing.”
Ismail Al-Ghoul (killed on July 31, 2024)
Identified as a member of Hamas’ Nukhba forces. According to the IDF, his military role included instructing operatives on filming terror attacks and participating in the production and dissemination of propaganda footage.
Hossam Shabat (killed on March 24, 2025)
Served as a sniper in Hamas’ Beit Hanoun Battalion. Hamas documents show his participation in formal military training as early as 2019. During the war, he carried out attacks against Israeli troops and civilians. As an Al Jazeera correspondent, he promoted a fabricated story accusing Israeli soldiers of gang-raping a pregnant woman at Shifa Hospital — a claim that Al Jazeera later quietly walked back.
Hamza Al Dahdouh (killed on January 7, 2024)
Recovered documents revealed he served in Palestinian Islamic Jihad’s electronic engineering unit and had previously been deputy commander of the Zeitoun Brigade’s rocket force. When killed, he was operating a drone that endangered Israeli forces.
Mustafa Thuria (killed on January 7, 2024)
Identified in Hamas documentation as a deputy squad commander in the Gaza City Brigade. He was killed in the same strike as Al Dahdouh during drone activity linked to military operations.
Mohammed Salama (killed on August 25, 2025)
Infiltrated Israel on October 7 and actively documented the terror assault. As OSINT researcher Eitan Fischberger noted: “Staging photos and videos while chanting ‘Allahu Akbar’ isn’t journalism — it’s active participation.”

By memorializing known terror operatives and rewarding a propaganda outlet, the Association and Club of Foreign Press Correspondents USA transformed what should have been a celebration of journalistic integrity into a moral failure.

This was not an act of solidarity with journalism — it was the elevation of militants masquerading as reporters.

The author is the Executive Director of HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

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