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Israeli democracy may not survive a ‘reform’ of its Supreme Court
(JTA) — On Dec. 29, Israel swore in Benjamin Netanyahu’s sixth government. The Likud leader became Israel’s prime minister once more, and one week later, Israel’s long-anticipated judicial counterrevolution began.
In the Knesset Wednesday, newly minted Justice Minister and Netanyahu confidant Yariv Levin unveiled a package of proposed legislation that would alter the balance of power between Israel’s legislature and its Supreme Court.
At the core of this plan is a bill to allow the Knesset to override the Supreme Court. Levin’s proposals — which almost certainly have the immediate support of a Knesset majority, regardless of Levin’s assurances that they would be subject to “thorough debate” — would pave the way for Israel’s new government to pass legislation that curtails rights and undermines the rule of law, dealing a blow to Israeli democracy.
The dire implications of this proposed judicial reform are rooted in key characteristics of the Israeli political system that set it apart from other liberal democracies. Israel has no constitution to determine the balance of power between its various branches of government. In fact, there is no separation between Israel’s executive and legislative branches, given that the government automatically controls a majority in the parliament.
Instead, it has a series of basic laws enacted piecemeal over the course of the state’s history that have a quasi-constitutional status, with the initial intention that they would eventually constitute a de jure constitution.
Through the 1980s, the Knesset passed basic laws that primarily served to define state institutions, such as the country’s legislature and electoral system, capital and military. In the 1990s, there was a paradigm shift with the passage of two basic laws that for the first time concerned individuals’ rights rather than institutions, one on Human Dignity and Liberty (1992) and the other on Freedom of Occupation (1994). These laws enshrined rights to freedom of movement, personal freedom, human dignity and others to all who reside in Israel.
Aharon Barak, the president of Israel’s Supreme Court from 1995 to 2006, argued that these laws constituted a de facto bill of rights, empowering the court to review Knesset legislation and to strike down laws that violate civil liberties, a responsibility not explicitly bestowed upon the court in the basic law pertaining to the judiciary. In 1995, the Supreme Court officially ruled that it could indeed repeal legislation that violates the country’s basic laws, heralding an era of increased judicial activism in Israel in what became known as the “judicial revolution.” The court has struck down 20 laws since, a fairly modest number compared to other democracies.
The judicial revolution of the 1990s shifted the balance of power in Israel’s political system from one of parliamentary sovereignty, in which the Knesset enjoyed ultimate power, to one in which the legislature is restricted from violating the country’s (incomplete) constitution. Israel’s Supreme Court became a check on the legislative branch in a country that lacks other checks and balances and separations of power.
As a result of these characteristics, the Supreme Court currently serves as one of the only checks on the extraordinary power of Israel’s 120-member Knesset — which is why shifting that balance of power would have such a dramatic impact on Israel’s democracy.
Levin’s proposed judicial overhaul includes several elements that would weaken the power and independence of Israel’s Supreme Court. The plan includes forbidding the Supreme Court from deliberating on and striking down basic laws themselves. It would require an unspecified “special majority” of the court to strike down legislation, raising the threshold from where it currently stands.
Levin has also called for altering the composition of the selection committee that appoints top judges to give the government, rather than legal professionals, a majority on the panel. It would allow cabinet ministers to appoint legal advisors to act on their behalf, rather than that of the justice ministry, canceling these advisors’ role as safeguards against government overreach. Should a minister enact a decision that contravenes a basic law, the ministry’s legal advisor would no longer report the violation to the attorney general, and would instead merely offer non-binding legal advice to the minister.
The pièce de résistance is, of course, the override clause that would allow the Knesset to reinstate laws struck down by the Supreme Court by 61 members of Knesset, a simple majority assuming all members are present. The sole restriction on this override would be a provision preventing the Knesset from re-legislating laws struck down unanimously, by all 15 judges, within the same Knesset term.
This plan’s obvious and most immediate result would be the effective annulment of the quasi-constitutional status of Israel’s basic laws. If the Knesset’s power to legislate is no longer bound by basic laws, these de facto constitutional amendments no longer have any teeth. There are no guardrails preventing any Knesset majority from doing as it wishes, including violating basic human rights. The Knesset could pass laws openly curtailing freedom of the press or gender equality, for example, should it choose to do so.
This counterrevolution, in effect, goes further than merely undoing what occurred in the 1990s.
Most crucially, the Knesset that would once again enjoy full parliamentary sovereignty in 2022 is not the Knesset of Israel’s first four decades. Shackling the Supreme Court is essential to the agendas of the new government’s various ultra-right and ultra-religious parties. For example, the haredi Orthodox parties are eager to re-legislate a blanket exemption to the military draft for their community, which the court struck down in 2017 on the grounds that it was discriminatory. They also have their sights on revoking recognition of non-Orthodox conversions for immigrants to Israel, undoing a court decision from 2021.
The far-right, Jewish supremacist parties of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, meanwhile, see an opportunity to deal a decisive blow to an institution that has long served as a check on the settlement movement. They hope to tie the court’s hands in the face of oncoming legislation to retroactively legalize settlements built on private Palestinian land, which are illegal under Israeli law. But this is only the beginning: Neutering the authority of the court could pave the way for legal discrimination against Israel’s Arab minority, such as Ben-Gvir’s proposal to deport minorities who show insufficient loyalty.
The timing of Levin’s announcement Wednesday could not be more germane. The Knesset recently amended the basic law to legalize the appointment of Aryeh Deri, the Shas party leader who is serving a suspended sentence for tax fraud, as a minister in the new government. The Supreme Court convened Thursday morning to hear petitions against his appointment from those arguing that it is “unreasonable” to rehabilitate Deri given his multiple criminal convictions, a view shared by Israel’s attorney general. Levin’s proposals would bar the court from using this “reasonability” standard.
The Israeli right has long chafed at the power of the Supreme Court, which it accuses of having a left-wing bias. But a judicial overhaul like this has never enjoyed the full support of the government, nor was Netanyahu previously in favor of it. Now, with a uniformly right-wing government and Netanyahu on trial for corruption, the prime minister’s foremost interest is appeasing his political partners and securing their support for future legislation to shield him from prosecution.
In a system where the majority rules, there need to be mechanisms in place to protect the rights of minorities — political, ethnic and religious. Liberal democracy requires respect for the rule of law and human rights. Yariv Levin’s proposals to fully subordinate the Supreme Court to the Knesset will concentrate virtually unchecked power in the hands of a few individuals — government ministers and party leaders within the coalition who effectively control what the Knesset does. That those individuals were elected in free and fair elections is no guarantee that the changes they make will be democratic.
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Italy’s New Jewish Community Leader Sounds Alarm on Rising Antisemitism, Targeted Violence
A Pro-Palestinian demonstrator waves a Palestinian flag during a national protest for Gaza in Rome, Italy, Oct. 4, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Claudia Greco
The newly elected president of the Union of Italian Jewish Communities (UCEI) has warned that Jews across Italy are facing a deepening climate of hostility, fear, and targeted violence, sounding the alarm over what she described as a growing antisemitic threat.
During her first press conference on Monday as the newly appointed head of UCEI, the main representative body of Italian Jews, Livia Ottolenghi laid out the priorities of her mandate, highlighting efforts to strengthen Jewish communal life and tackle antisemitism that, she warned, “affects the entire society.”
“My commitment will be focused on consolidating the UCEI’s role as a point of reference for Italian Jewish communities and as an authoritative voice on the national and international scene,” she said. “It is essential that we work together to ensure the continuity, cohesion, and future of Italian Judaism.”
“In Italy, Jews don’t live well,” she continued. “Or rather, we live well only thanks to the police. Schools have bars on the windows, students must be escorted whenever they leave, and from kindergarten to university, we face serious challenges even in the simple practice of our Judaism.”
Ottolenghi added, “It’s far from a peaceful situation. Yet we continue to live our religious and civic lives fully, without fear.”
Previously a professor of Dentistry at Sapienza University of Rome, the 63-year-old Jewish leader warned that the alarming rise of antisemitism in Italian society and the surge in attacks “demands everyone’s attention,” urging both authorities and citizens to take immediate action to protect the community.
During the press conference in Rome, Ottolenghi also praised the Italian Senate’s recent approval of a bill aimed at combating antisemitism, calling it a crucial step for the community and emphasizing the need for continued legislative and societal efforts to combat hatred and protect Jewish life.
“It’s an important law, and we welcome its approval, as we believe it addresses a genuine and pressing need,” she said.
The legislation, which adopts the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, also lays the groundwork for a national strategy against antisemitism, according to the European Jewish Congress. The three-year plan will focus on improving the monitoring of antisemitic incidents, strengthening security for Jewish communities, and promoting educational initiatives in schools.
The strategy further calls for training programs for public officials, the military, and law enforcement, and includes measures both to counter antisemitic hate speech online and to promote awareness of Jewish history and culture.
“Antisemitism is not a concern solely for Jews. It is a structural poison in our society, a direct threat to democratic principles and civil coexistence,” Ottolenghi continued. “The Senate’s consensus — though not as broad as hoped — sends a strong and unequivocal signal: combating anti-Jewish hatred is a shared national priority.”
Addressing growing regional tensions in the Middle East and the war against Iran, Ottolenghi described the situation as “worrying and fraught with unpredictable consequences that we all fear.”
Like most countries across the Western world, Italy has seen a rise in antisemitic incidents over the last two years, in the wake of the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.
Across the country, Jewish individuals have been facing a surge in hostility and targeted attacks, including vandalism of murals and businesses, as well as physical assaults. Community leaders have warned that such incidents become more frequent amid tensions related to the war in Gaza.
In November, a pro-Palestinian individual brutally attacked a group of Orthodox Jewish American tourists at Milan’s Central Station, allegedly chasing one of the victims, punching and kicking him, and striking him in the head with a blunt metal ring.
During the attack, the assailant reportedly shouted antisemitic insults and threats, including “dirty Jews” and “you kill children in Palestine, and I’ll kill you.”
In September, a Jewish couple was walking through Venice in traditional Orthodox clothing when three assailants confronted them, shouted “Free Palestine,” and physically attacked them, slapping both.
This incident followed another attack on a Jewish couple in Venice the month before, when a man and his pregnant wife were harassed near the city center by three unknown individuals.
The attackers approached the couple, shouting antisemitic insults and calling the husband a “dirty Jew,” while physically assaulting them by throwing water and spitting on them.
One of the assailants later set his dog on the couple in an attempt to intimidate them before the group stole their phones.
Last month, the Milan-based CDEC Foundation (Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation) confirmed that antisemitic incidents in Italy almost reached four digits for the first time last year, spiking to record levels.
Of 1,492 reports submitted through official monitoring channels, the CDEC formally classified a record high 963 cases as antisemitic, according to the European Jewish Congress and UCEI.
By comparison, there were 877 recorded incidents in 2024, preceded by 453 such outrages in 2023 and just 241 in 2022.
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One Arrested in Norway Following Car Chase Near Trondheim Synagogue
An armed police officer guards the main entrance to the Norwegian parliament in Oslo, Norway April 3, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Gwladys Fouche
Norwegian police have arrested one person following an armed operation after a high-speed car chase near the Trondheim synagogue on Thursday evening, in an incident that sparked fear and emergency responses across the area.
Local authorities in Trondheim, a city in central Norway, say the exact circumstances of the incident remain unclear.
According to police reports, the incident began when officers tried to stop a vehicle near the city’s synagogue, but a passenger suddenly jumped out and fled on foot carrying what may have been a bag, while the stolen car sped away.
As the driver fled, a half-hour police chase unfolded, ending near Svorkmo, a village in central Norway, where officers used a spike strip to force the vehicle to stop.
Local media reported that the driver was taken into custody, though authorities have not released further details.
Police continue to search for a second suspect, maintaining a heavy presence around the synagogue with drones, while officers have reportedly been seen wearing bulletproof vests and carrying rifles and protective shields.
As of now, police have started lifting the cordons and scaling back security around the synagogue, which had been secured earlier ahead of a scheduled event.
Officials have confirmed that there is no immediate threat to the public in central Trondheim.
“Everything indicates that no connection can be made between the threat against the synagogue and this incident,” incident commander Karl Småland said.
This latest development comes amid an increasingly hostile climate for Jews and Israelis in Europe, with several Jewish institutions facing targeted attacks as regional tensions in the Middle East escalate and the war with Iran intensifies.
In Norway, police had stepped up security around synagogues and Jewish institutions following the March 8 attack on the US embassy in Oslo.
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Trump Endorses Congressional Candidate Who Made Light of Holocaust, Nazis
Brandon Herrera, a Republican congressional candidate in Texas endorsed by US President Donald Trump. Photo: Screenshot
US President Donald Trump has endorsed Republican congressional candidate Brandon Herrera in Texas, a move drawing renewed attention to controversial past videos in which the firearms influencer discussed owning Adolf Hitler’s antisemitic manifesto Mein Kampf and participated in satirical skits referencing Nazi imagery.
Trump announced his support for Herrera as the Republican nominee in Texas’s 23rd Congressional District, praising him as an “America First” candidate aligned with conservative priorities such as gun rights and border security.
The endorsement comes as Herrera, a 30-year-old firearms manufacturer and YouTube personality known online as “The AK Guy,” faces criticism over resurfaced clips circulated by a Democratic super PAC. In one podcast segment, Herrera said he owned a 1939 English-language edition of Mein Kampf, remarking that he found it surprising that the book was difficult to purchase online while works like The Communist Manifesto and Das Kapital were readily available.
“That’s my copy at my house next to a bunch of the German stick grenades,” Herrera said in the clip, which has circulated widely on social media.
“I got the 1939 edition printed in English, just because I thought it was wild that you couldn’t buy it on Amazon, but you can buy The Communist Manifesto and Das Kapital,”he continued.
Other videos highlighted by critics show Herrera and collaborators parodying scenes from the film Inglourious Basterds, making Holocaust-related puns while shooting firearms, and marching to the German song “Erika,” which dates to the Nazi era.
Herrera has rejected accusations that the material reflects sympathy for Nazi ideology. In public comments responding to the backlash, he said the clips were intended as satire mocking Nazis and argued that critics were taking jokes out of context.
The controversy comes at a particularly sensitive time for Jewish communities and supporters of Israel, as antisemitic rhetoric and Holocaust distortion remain persistent concerns. Jewish organizations have long warned that casual or comedic references to Nazi symbolism risk trivializing the genocidal ideology responsible for the murder of six million Jews during the Holocaust.
Herrera became the presumptive Republican nominee for the border district after incumbent Rep. Tony Gonzales withdrew from the race amid an ethics investigation into allegations that he had a relationship with a staffer who later died by suicide. Gonzales previously repudiated Herrera as a “known neo-Nazi.”
Texas’s 23rd District stretches hundreds of miles along the US–Mexico border and has historically been competitive, though Republicans have held the seat in recent years. Herrera is expected to face Democratic nominee Katy Padilla Stout in the general election this fall. Controversies surrounding Herrera’s past comments have rendered him vulnerable in the district, according to polls. A Democratic PPP poll revealed that 58 percent of respondents indicated concern over Herrera’s ownership of Mein Kampf. The survey results also show Herrera maintaining a narrow lead, 42 percent to 40 percent, over his presumptive opponent.
Trump’s endorsement ensures the race will draw national attention, while the controversy surrounding Herrera’s past content is likely to remain a focal point in the campaign, particularly as Jewish leaders and pro-Israel advocates have criticized rising antisemitism within the Republican Party.