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Israeli democracy may not survive a ‘reform’ of its Supreme Court
(JTA) — On Dec. 29, Israel swore in Benjamin Netanyahu’s sixth government. The Likud leader became Israel’s prime minister once more, and one week later, Israel’s long-anticipated judicial counterrevolution began.
In the Knesset Wednesday, newly minted Justice Minister and Netanyahu confidant Yariv Levin unveiled a package of proposed legislation that would alter the balance of power between Israel’s legislature and its Supreme Court.
At the core of this plan is a bill to allow the Knesset to override the Supreme Court. Levin’s proposals — which almost certainly have the immediate support of a Knesset majority, regardless of Levin’s assurances that they would be subject to “thorough debate” — would pave the way for Israel’s new government to pass legislation that curtails rights and undermines the rule of law, dealing a blow to Israeli democracy.
The dire implications of this proposed judicial reform are rooted in key characteristics of the Israeli political system that set it apart from other liberal democracies. Israel has no constitution to determine the balance of power between its various branches of government. In fact, there is no separation between Israel’s executive and legislative branches, given that the government automatically controls a majority in the parliament.
Instead, it has a series of basic laws enacted piecemeal over the course of the state’s history that have a quasi-constitutional status, with the initial intention that they would eventually constitute a de jure constitution.
Through the 1980s, the Knesset passed basic laws that primarily served to define state institutions, such as the country’s legislature and electoral system, capital and military. In the 1990s, there was a paradigm shift with the passage of two basic laws that for the first time concerned individuals’ rights rather than institutions, one on Human Dignity and Liberty (1992) and the other on Freedom of Occupation (1994). These laws enshrined rights to freedom of movement, personal freedom, human dignity and others to all who reside in Israel.
Aharon Barak, the president of Israel’s Supreme Court from 1995 to 2006, argued that these laws constituted a de facto bill of rights, empowering the court to review Knesset legislation and to strike down laws that violate civil liberties, a responsibility not explicitly bestowed upon the court in the basic law pertaining to the judiciary. In 1995, the Supreme Court officially ruled that it could indeed repeal legislation that violates the country’s basic laws, heralding an era of increased judicial activism in Israel in what became known as the “judicial revolution.” The court has struck down 20 laws since, a fairly modest number compared to other democracies.
The judicial revolution of the 1990s shifted the balance of power in Israel’s political system from one of parliamentary sovereignty, in which the Knesset enjoyed ultimate power, to one in which the legislature is restricted from violating the country’s (incomplete) constitution. Israel’s Supreme Court became a check on the legislative branch in a country that lacks other checks and balances and separations of power.
As a result of these characteristics, the Supreme Court currently serves as one of the only checks on the extraordinary power of Israel’s 120-member Knesset — which is why shifting that balance of power would have such a dramatic impact on Israel’s democracy.
Levin’s proposed judicial overhaul includes several elements that would weaken the power and independence of Israel’s Supreme Court. The plan includes forbidding the Supreme Court from deliberating on and striking down basic laws themselves. It would require an unspecified “special majority” of the court to strike down legislation, raising the threshold from where it currently stands.
Levin has also called for altering the composition of the selection committee that appoints top judges to give the government, rather than legal professionals, a majority on the panel. It would allow cabinet ministers to appoint legal advisors to act on their behalf, rather than that of the justice ministry, canceling these advisors’ role as safeguards against government overreach. Should a minister enact a decision that contravenes a basic law, the ministry’s legal advisor would no longer report the violation to the attorney general, and would instead merely offer non-binding legal advice to the minister.
The pièce de résistance is, of course, the override clause that would allow the Knesset to reinstate laws struck down by the Supreme Court by 61 members of Knesset, a simple majority assuming all members are present. The sole restriction on this override would be a provision preventing the Knesset from re-legislating laws struck down unanimously, by all 15 judges, within the same Knesset term.
This plan’s obvious and most immediate result would be the effective annulment of the quasi-constitutional status of Israel’s basic laws. If the Knesset’s power to legislate is no longer bound by basic laws, these de facto constitutional amendments no longer have any teeth. There are no guardrails preventing any Knesset majority from doing as it wishes, including violating basic human rights. The Knesset could pass laws openly curtailing freedom of the press or gender equality, for example, should it choose to do so.
This counterrevolution, in effect, goes further than merely undoing what occurred in the 1990s.
Most crucially, the Knesset that would once again enjoy full parliamentary sovereignty in 2022 is not the Knesset of Israel’s first four decades. Shackling the Supreme Court is essential to the agendas of the new government’s various ultra-right and ultra-religious parties. For example, the haredi Orthodox parties are eager to re-legislate a blanket exemption to the military draft for their community, which the court struck down in 2017 on the grounds that it was discriminatory. They also have their sights on revoking recognition of non-Orthodox conversions for immigrants to Israel, undoing a court decision from 2021.
The far-right, Jewish supremacist parties of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, meanwhile, see an opportunity to deal a decisive blow to an institution that has long served as a check on the settlement movement. They hope to tie the court’s hands in the face of oncoming legislation to retroactively legalize settlements built on private Palestinian land, which are illegal under Israeli law. But this is only the beginning: Neutering the authority of the court could pave the way for legal discrimination against Israel’s Arab minority, such as Ben-Gvir’s proposal to deport minorities who show insufficient loyalty.
The timing of Levin’s announcement Wednesday could not be more germane. The Knesset recently amended the basic law to legalize the appointment of Aryeh Deri, the Shas party leader who is serving a suspended sentence for tax fraud, as a minister in the new government. The Supreme Court convened Thursday morning to hear petitions against his appointment from those arguing that it is “unreasonable” to rehabilitate Deri given his multiple criminal convictions, a view shared by Israel’s attorney general. Levin’s proposals would bar the court from using this “reasonability” standard.
The Israeli right has long chafed at the power of the Supreme Court, which it accuses of having a left-wing bias. But a judicial overhaul like this has never enjoyed the full support of the government, nor was Netanyahu previously in favor of it. Now, with a uniformly right-wing government and Netanyahu on trial for corruption, the prime minister’s foremost interest is appeasing his political partners and securing their support for future legislation to shield him from prosecution.
In a system where the majority rules, there need to be mechanisms in place to protect the rights of minorities — political, ethnic and religious. Liberal democracy requires respect for the rule of law and human rights. Yariv Levin’s proposals to fully subordinate the Supreme Court to the Knesset will concentrate virtually unchecked power in the hands of a few individuals — government ministers and party leaders within the coalition who effectively control what the Knesset does. That those individuals were elected in free and fair elections is no guarantee that the changes they make will be democratic.
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Anti-Israel Conservative Activist Ousted From White House Religious Liberty Commission Over Behavior
Carrie Prejean Boller speaks during a White House Religious Liberty Commission hearing on Feb. 9, 2026. Photo: Screenshot
Carrie Prejean Boller, a conservative activist appointed to the White House Religious Liberty Commission during the Trump administration, was removed from the panel following outrage over her repeated downplaying of antisemitism and defense of antisemitic podcaster Candace Owens.
Dan Patrick, lieutenant governor of Texas and chair of the US President Donald Trump’s Religious Liberty Commission, announced the news on the social media platform X on Wednesday.
“Carrie Prejean Boller has been removed from President Trump’s Religious Liberty Commission. No member of the commission has the right to hijack a hearing for their own personal and political agenda on any issue,” Patrick posted. “This is clearly, without question, what happened Monday in our hearing on antisemitism in America. This was my decision.”
The controversy arose during a public hearing intended to address rising antisemitism in the United States. Instead of focusing on the growing threats facing Jewish communities, Prejean Boller repeatedly pressed witnesses on Israel and Zionism, questioning whether opposition to the Jewish state should be considered antisemitic.
Prejean Boller, a conservative activist and former Miss California, repeatedly pressed witnesses about Israel’s actions in Gaza and religious leaders on their views of Zionism, drawing audible boos from the audience and confusion from her colleagues. At one point she asked a Jewish activist if he would condemn Israel’s military response to Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel, despite the hearing’s official focus on domestic antisemitism. Prejean Boller also donned a Palestinian flag pin on the lapel of her suit, telegraphing her support for the anti-Israel ideological cause.
During the hearing, she also accused Rabbi Ari Berman, president of Yeshiva University, of Islamophobia after he declared that anti-Zionism — the belief that Israel does not have a right to exist —is an antisemitic ideology. Berman argued that attempts to delegitimize the existence of the world’s sole Jewish state, while showing ambivalence toward the existence of dozens of Muslim states, indicates anti-Jewish sentiment.
Members of the commission expressed visible surprise at Prejean Boller’s line of questioning and repeated downplaying of antisemitism. Jewish student activist Shabbos Kestenbaum took aim at Prejean Boller after she asserted that the young activist had conflated antisemitism with harboring anti-Israel sentiment.
“She decided that this should be a debate on Israel’s conduct in Gaza, which I’m not entirely sure how that affects American students being discriminated against,” Kestenbaum said, “given that there are hundreds of millions of Catholics, including some who are on this commission, speaking at this commission today, who would vehemently disagree with such a grandiose assertion.”
Additionally, Prejean Boller issued an impassioned defense of pundits Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens, asserting that neither are antisemitic.
Owens, one of the country’s most popular podcasters, has spent the past two years spreading antisemitic conspiracy theories on her platform. She has called Jews “pedophilic,” argued that they persecute and murder Christians, minimized the Holocaust, and asserted that they are responsible for the trans-Atlantic slave trade.
Carlson, meanwhile, has platformed Holocaust deniers on his show and falsely accused Israel of wantonly killing Palestinian children. Last year, he appeared to blame the Jewish people for the deaths of both Jesus and conservative activist Charlie Kirk.
Following Prejean Boller’s dismissal, Owens took to X to sing her praises and accused Israelis of being “occult Baal worshipers.”
“Zionists are naturally hostile to Catholics because we refuse to bend the knee to revisionist history and support the mass slaughter and rape of innocent children for occult Baal worshipers,” Owens posted.
A report from the Wall Street Journal later revealed that Sameerah Munshi, a Muslim community advocate and member of the commission’s advisory board, had been recording Prejean Boller during her performance. The outlet also said that she and Prejean Boller appeared to be texting during the hearing, implying that the firebrand was fed talking points.
Later that day, Prejean Boller posted a photo of herself smiling next to Munshi at an event hosted by Palestine House of Freedom, an NGO founded by anti-Israel activist Miko Peled. The organization has drawn criticism over its alleged ties to extremist groups. The organization hosted a fundraiser for Birzeit University, whose student council is reportedly dominated by the Hamas-affiliated Al-Wafaa bloc.
Multiple commissioners and Jewish advocacy groups expressed alarm over Prejean Boller’s behavior, accusing her of hijacking a hearing meant to confront domestic antisemitism and using it as a platform to direct criticism toward Israel. They argued her conduct reflected a broader trend of using anti-Zionism as a cover for antisemitic rhetoric.
The backlash was swift, with religious liberty advocates and Jewish leaders calling Prejean Boller’s stated beliefs incompatible with the commission’s purpose.
Still, Prejean Boller remained defiant.
“I will continue to stand against Zionist supremacy in America. I’m a proud Catholic. I, in no way will be forced to embrace Zionism as a fulfillment of biblical prophesy [sic]. I am a free American. Not a slave to a foreign nation,” she posted on X on Tuesday.
However, the activist faced a number of denunciations from fellow Catholics who accused her of misrepresenting their faith to launch antisemitic attacks against Israel.
“From one Catholic to another: nobody is upset with you for your Catholic faith,” wrote Tim Chapman, president of the conservative think tank Americans Advancing Freedom. “Catholics can and should support Israel.”
“If Zionist means I think Israel has a right to exist, then I’m a Zionist, and so is the Catholic Church,” added conservative activist Lila Rose.
Following the viral incident, Prejean Boller gained over 50,000 new followers on X and has continued to attack Israel and Zionists, those who believe the Jewish state has a right to exist.
“I will never bend the knee to the state of Israel. Ever. I am more determined than ever to speak plainly about political Zionism and the lies we’ve been sold to justify endless war, dead children, and blank checks,” she wrote on X.
The commission was established by Trump to examine religious freedom issues and was intended to focus on concrete challenges facing Jewish communities, including bias and harassment. It is supposed to produce a report for Trump on religious liberty later this year.
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This Jewish Olympian prays with her mom before every race
Kamryn Lute’s Olympic ritual doesn’t start on the ice. It begins with a text to her mom: “Dear God,” she types. “Please help me do my best.”
Kamryn, 21, is the only member of Team USA’s speedskating squad to have had a bat mitzvah – or a beloved pug who shared her Hebrew name, Elisheva.
The pre-race prayer with her mother is the final buffer against the chaos of what’s to come. The words themselves are a contract with uncertainty. “My parents instilled in me that all that we can do is our best,” Kamryn said. “I just repeat that in my head. And then it’s out of my hands.”
As she bides her time in the athletes’ village — she’ll be making her Olympic debut on Saturday — Kamryn scrolls through messages from her mom and newsletters from her synagogue back home, grounding herself in faith and family.
Routine is everything. She wakes early and eats in the cafeteria with competitors from around the world. “We’re training every day,” she said via Zoom on Wednesday, sitting on the edge of her twin bed in the dorm-style room she shares with a teammate.
Born at Manhattan’s Mount Sinai Hospital and named at Central Synagogue, Kamryn spent her early years shuttling between New York and Washington, D.C., as her parents followed careers in government and diplomacy. Her dad, Douglas, worked in both the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, and her mom, Jane, worked at the United Nations.
Her journey to Milan began in her living room. In the winter of 2010, short track speedskating phenom Apolo Ohno carved impossible lines across the TV during the Vancouver Olympics. Kamryn, then five, pointed at the screen. “I want to do that,” she announced ambitiously to her parents. They assumed her interest would fade. It didn’t.
Kamryn, who is 5′ 10”, has not stopped since. She won her first medal on a broken ankle at the age of 7. By eight, she was a national champion. She has set 10 national records.

At 17, she nearly made it onto the team for the Winter Olympics in Beijing. In Milan, Kamryn is competing in two events: the 3000-meter relay and, individually, in the 1500 meters.
Short track is a study in contradictions: grace pitched against danger, speeds nudging 35 miles an hour, each lap a negotiation with physics and fate. Kamryn has trained for 16 years to make the improbable look inevitable — a victory, if it comes, measured in centimeters and seconds.
“Actually,” she admitted, “I’m scared of heights, so I’m just happy we’re on the ground, compared to skiing and ski jumping.”
Kamryn’s pursuit of speedskating took her west, where she trains with the U.S. team. She’s a junior at the University of Utah, majoring in economics with a minor in French. When not training or competing, she’s focused on coursework and her long-term goal: to become a lawyer, a path inspired in part by her mother’s career in public service. “I’ve known for 10 years now that I want to go to law school,” Kamryn said.
The importance of faith
Kamryn is the youngest of four girls, and part of a blended, interfaith family. The family’s Jewishness is foundational: lighting Shabbat candles, memberships at both Central Synagogue in Manhattan, which is Reform, and the Conservative congregation Etz Hayim in Arlington, Virginia, just outside D.C.
“Being Jewish is a big part of our identity,” Jane Lute, Kamryn’s mother, said in an interview with the Forward. “It’s grounding. I tell my girls, courage is contagious in a crowd. You were born to a crowd. Never fear doing the right thing.”

Before the games began in Milan, Jane told Kamryn to recite the Shehecheyanu — the blessing for new experiences — during the opening ceremony, which Kamryn did. “I listen to my mom,” she said with a laugh.
On race day, Kamryn’s rituals are methodical: 90 minutes of warm-up, bike and stretches, hip hop and rap in her ears. “I always get nervous when I race,” she said. “But once the race starts, everything else disappears.”
Jane’s expectations are as precise as her daughter’s routines. “It’s impossible for you to disappoint anyone in your life at this stage,” she told her daughter. “Don’t put that pressure on yourself. Do pay attention to your character. Pay attention to how you conduct yourself.”
Whether the Olympics end in a blur of medals or missed turns, the duo will likely send the same post-race text they always do.
“God is good,” Jane usually types.
Kamryn’s reply is always the same: “Baruch Hashem.”
The post This Jewish Olympian prays with her mom before every race appeared first on The Forward.
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New York Democrat Comptroller Candidate’s Plan to Divest From Israel Is Imprudent, Republican Opponent Says
Joseph Hernandez, Republican candidate for New York State Comptroller, speaking with voters. Photo: Hernandez campaign
The plan of a Democratic candidate for New York comptroller to divest the state of its holdings in Israel bonds violates the fiduciary duties of an office which oversees the management of hundreds of billions of dollars in pension funds and other assets, his Republican opponent, Joseph Hernandez, told The Algemeiner during an exclusive interview on Monday.
Hernandez, a Cuban refugee whose family fled the Castro regime, explained that the proposal, promised by former Kansas state Rep. Raj Goyle (who moved to New York after a failed bid for US Congress in 2010), would amount to an endorsement of the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel while alienating a country widely regarded as arguably the most reliable US ally.
Israel bonds, he added, are one of the safest assets a government could own. He has promised to invest $1 billion in them if he is elected.
“From a purely financial perspective, these are good investments. You would put your own money in this for sure, and you shouldn’t apply politics to the equation,” he said. “Imagine if we stopped investing the bonds of other foreign countries or vice versa because of disagreements over policy. That’s just bad decision making.”
“The economic rationale for investing in Israeli bonds is impeccable,” Hernandez continued. “Israel has an exploding technology sector producing giant leaps in artificial intelligence and the next generation of health care and biotech. We should be partnering with them in these areas, beyond the bonds. I think the relationship, from an investment perspective, should be broader. As the fiduciary and ultimately as the sole trustee of the New York State pension fund, I will seek ways not only to increase investment on the bonds side but also to collaborate on bringing the next generation of technologies to New York and promote a new era of job growth in the state.”
In New York City specifically, records show that Israel bonds, historically yielding approximately 5 percent annually, have outperformed many alternatives.
As for the state overall, Israeli firms pour billions of dollars and tens of thousands of jobs into the local economy, and business experts have warned that a push for divestment could lead Israeli-associated and Jewish-owned companies to leave.
A study released by the United States-Israel Business Alliance in October revealed that, based on 2024 data, 590 Israeli-founded companies directly created 27,471 jobs in New York City that year and indirectly created over 50,000 jobs when accounting for related factors, such as buying and shipping local products.
These firms generated $8.1 billion in total earnings, adding an estimated $12.4 billion in value to the city’s economy and $17.9 billion in total gross economic output.
As for the entire state, the report, titled the “2025 New York – Israel Economic Impact Report,” found that 648 Israeli-founded companies generated $8.6 billion in total earnings and $19.5 billion in gross economic output, contributing a striking $13.3 billion in added value to the economy. These businesses also directly created 28,524 jobs and a total of 57,145 when accounting for related factors.
From financial tech leaders like Fireblocks to cybersecurity powerhouse Wiz, Israeli entrepreneurs have become indispensable to the innovation ecosystem. The number of Israeli-founded “unicorns,” privately held companies with a valuation of at least $1 billion, operating in New York City has quadrupled since 2019, increasing from five to 20.
However, anti-Israel activists in the US have been pushing for state and local governments, in addition to businesses, universities, and various cultural forums to divest all assets from Israel-linked entities in accordance with the BDS movement.
The BDS movement seeks to isolate Israel on the international stage as the first step toward its elimination. Leaders of the movement have repeatedly stated their goal is to destroy the world’s only Jewish state.
Goyle’s plan would enact the divestment component of BDS by aiming to limit Israel’s capacity to issue bonds for the purpose of borrowing money, a core function of government which raises capital for expenditures such as roads and bridges while contributing to economic health, market stabilization, and a high credit rating.
The New York Post reported last month that Goyle wants to fully divest $338 million in foreign assets, including Israel bonds, from New York’s retirement fund.
“I’m here to tell you that when I am comptroller, we will not renew the foreign bond portfolio of the state comptroller’s office and that includes Israel bonds,” Goyle told a gathering of supporters of the left-wing Working Families Party. “We will not send a blank check for [Israeli Prime Minister] Benjamin Netanyahu’s war crimes in Gaza.”
The state comptroller’s office manages pensions for state and municipal workers and runs the Common Retirement Fund, one of the largest pension funds in the country with a $291 billion investment portfolio. It currently holds about $337.5 million in Israel bonds.
“I live in New York, the largest Jewish population outside of Israel. I see what this community contributes to America and to our society,” he said. “The relationship that we have is unbreakable and it is one we should continue to invest in both socially, politically, and financially.”
Across the political spectrum, Israel bonds are widely considered wise investments.
“They’re stable, they’re guaranteed, they’ve never had a problem, and it’s a good investment,” state Assemblyman David Weprin, a Democrat and former chair of the New York City Council Finance Committee, told the Post.
Goyle is not the only New York Democrat advocating a rupture in the state’s financial relationship with Israel. New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who entered office last month, has been an outspoken supporter of the BDS movement.
Mamdani, a far-left democratic socialist who has made anti-Israel activism a cornerstone of his political career, has repeatedly accused Israel of “apartheid” and refused to recognize its right to exist as a Jewish state.
Such positions have raised alarm bells among not only New York’s Jewish community but also Israeli business owners and investors, who fear a hostile climate under Mamdani’s leadership.
His election came after former New York City Comptroller Brad Lander refused last year to renew some Israel bonds in the city’s pension fund, which is a separate entity. The office of then-Mayor Eric Adams accused Lander of pushing a political agenda by moving to withdraw millions of dollars in city pension funds from bonds issued by the Jewish state.
On Monday, Hernandez pledged to be beholden to New York’s taxpayers and not fringe ideological groups.
“There’s a reason that this is an independent elected role,” he concluded. “It’s supposed to be a role that doesn’t take political filters or use politics for decision making. This is about fiduciary duty and what it is in the best interest of the taxpayers, and I intend to execute to that effect.”
Both Goyle and Hernandez are vying to unseat incumbent state Comptroller Tom DiNapoli, a Democrat.
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.
