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Kyiv Jews celebrate their 2nd wartime Purim with renewed resolve and optimism
KYIV (JTA) — In a historic building in the most industrial part of Podil, the hipster district of Kyiv that once was the heart of the Jewish trading community, a senior and passionate Esther seduces a much younger Ahasuerus. She flirts with the handsome king to the raucous giggling of the audience, which breaks into applause when the Purim shpiel comes to an end.
A year and a few days into Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Jews in Kyiv and the rest of the country have celebrated Purim in precarious economic and emotional circumstances, under the continued threat of Russian attacks. Still, many of them are in much better spirits than in 2022, when the Jewish holiday of joy found Ukrainian Jews in a frantic state of worry and uncertainty about their immediate future.
“A year ago you could see the fear in people’s eyes; now they are very proud because Ukraine has resisted, and Jews are fully involved in the cause,” Rabbi Irina Gritsevskaya told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency during the movement’s Purim celebration in Podil. She is an Israeli rabbi who is the executive director of the Masorti movement-affiliated Schechter Institutes and periodically travels to Ukraine to serve the country’s Masorti communities. Masorti Judaism is similar to the Conservative movement in the United States.
“Last year it was very, very hard, because people were in shock, afraid, and they didn’t know what to do,” said Ariel Markowitz, Kyiv’s most senior rabbi from the Chabad-Lubavitch Orthodox movement, which held its own Purim celebration Monday night. “But now we know that we have a strong army, that we have a chance, and many people have actually returned to Kyiv.”
Rabbi Ariel Markowitz of Chabad Kyiv reads from the Megillah during his community’s Purim celebration, March 6, 2023. (Courtesy Markowitz)
The year-old war has shaken up Ukraine’s Jewish community, with members leaving the country or moving within it to avoid Russian shelling and its effects.
“Everyone has pretty much made a decision on whether to stay or to leave and we are reorganizing our community,” said Gritsevskaya.
Although at least 14,000 Ukrainians have moved to Israel since Russia’s all-out invasion started, and many more thousands have found refuge in Germany and other European countries, Gritsevskaya wants to focus on those who stayed. Estimates of the Jewish population in Ukraine ranged before the war from just under 50,000 to up to 400,000, depending on who counted.
One of the people who left the country was the former Masorti rabbi in Ukraine, Reuven Stamov, who moved with his family to Israel. Currently, the Masorti movement — whose Ukrainian following Grivtseskaya estimates in the thousands — does not have a rabbi permanently in the country. But the community keeps active in Kyiv and other cities, such as Kharkiv in the east, Odessa in the south and Chernivtsi in the southwest, thanks to activists, volunteers and rabbinical students, plus the visits by Gritsevskaya, who first returned for Purim last year.
“Community life has never been so important,” she said.
Gritsevskaya pointed to the difference that having access to material help, connections and emotional and spiritual support makes for those who arrive in new cities from places in the south or the east occupied by Russia or close to the front.
She acknowledged that some Jewish organizations have ceased their operations in Ukraine and stressed the need of strengthening the work of those who are committed to remain, so Jewish life in Ukraine could be as “diverse” as before and people “have options” to choose the way they practice their Judaism.
Among the Ukrainian Jews that decided to stay is the director of the MILI Foundation, the entity that organizes the Masorti community in Ukraine. Maksym Melnikov moved to Kyiv from his native Donetsk in 2014 after Russian-backed separatist militias declared the independence of part of the region and war broke out in Eastern Ukraine.
Rabbi Irina Gritsevskaya poses with community members of the Masorti community in Kyiv, March 6, 2023. (Marcel Gascón Barberá)
“I came when they started to occupy our land in Ukraine,” Melnikov told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency at the Masorti Purim celebration in Kyiv, just before taking the stage to help Gritsevskaya read the Purim Megillah. “Almost a decade later, war came after me to Kyiv, and I don’t want to move this time, I’m staying.”
Since 2014, many of Melnikov’s friends and acquaintances from Donetsk have moved to Kyiv. While Russia’s full-scale invasion has pushed many Jews from Kyiv to move westwards or leave the country, the western city’s communities have received a new infusion of people from the eastern cities more affected by the war.
“Communities are changing constantly countrywide, and we are trying to reach out to those who arrive, both to help them start a new life and to build our community stronger,” said Grivtsevskaya.
She said the Masorti community in Chernivtsi has experienced a notable revival. Situated near the border with Romania, Chernivtsi is one of the few Ukrainian provincial capitals that has not been bombed by Russia, and thousands have moved there. “They have received another family and are very strong right now,” she said about the once-dwindling community in this historical Jewish center, where she hosted a Purim celebration after making her way into Ukraine in March 2022.
The massive uprooting of entire Jewish communities has been experienced keenly by Chabad, which has the largest Jewish presence in the country, with hundreds of emissaries serving Jewish communities in dozens of cities.
“We’ve seen a huge increase in those who come looking for help,” Markowitz told JTA hours before the start of Purim at Chabad’s community center in Kyiv. Many of them, he said, had come from Mariupol, a city bombed into submission by Russia at the beginning of the war.
Scenes of the Purim shpiel at the Masorti community in Kyiv, March 6, 2023. (Marcel Gascón Barberá)
Chabad is one of several organizations providing aid to Ukrainian Jews, including support in obtaining food, medical care and generators that keep power flowing amid widespread outages.
The rise of the demand for these services is not only driven by refugees, but by families and individuals who have lost their source of income due to the economic disruptions caused by the invasion.
“There is inflation, there are less jobs, a lot of companies closed and people lost their jobs or are unable to help their family members,” Markowitz said.
Besides the demographic and economic shake-ups, the war has brought changes in the way Jews relate to their Ukrainian identity. Perhaps the most striking has been a rapid shift away from speaking Russian, the first language of many Ukrainian Jews until recently.
“Even I started learning and speaking Ukrainian and you can definitely see how a new sense of national identity is being born,” Maria Karadin, a Russia-born Israeli who moved to Ukraine with her husband in 2005, said at the Masorti Purim event.
Maiia Malkova is 15 years old and one of the most active young members of the Masorti community in Kyiv.
“Last year I didn’t even think about Purim so much because I was so frightened,” she said while wearing a necklace with a tryzub, the trident that symbolizes Ukrainian statehood and independence. “But we kind of got accustomed to this situation. And it is great to be able to celebrate Purim again.”
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The post Kyiv Jews celebrate their 2nd wartime Purim with renewed resolve and optimism appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Doxing Jewish and Pro-Israel Organizations Helps Antisemites Hunt Jews
Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow speaks to reporters in Toronto, March 8, 2025. Photo: Christopher Katsarov/The Canadian Press via ZUMA Press via Reuters Connect
Lists of Jews and Jewish businesses have a grim history, particularly in Europe.
Following pressure from organizations combating antisemitism, last week, French-based mapping platform GoGoCarto removed a map cataloging more than 150 Jewish and Israeli-linked businesses in Catalonia, Spain.
Maps of Jews aren’t merely encyclopedic exercises; they are invitations to violence.
An anonymous group compiled what it called a “collaborative map of the Zionist economy in Barcelona.” The list featured kosher restaurants, a Jewish school, and multinational companies linked to Israel, such as Airbus, Microsoft, and Siemens.
Organizations fighting antisemitism warned GoGoCarto that the map violates French laws against incitement to hatred and discrimination.
Combat Antisemitism Movement’s director of European affairs argued that the map “echoes some of the darkest chapters in history, including the prelude to the Holocaust in Nazi Germany.” But one needn’t look to the Nazis to realize the danger of tracking Jews.
Just last month, ISIS supporters gunned down 15 people — including a 10-year-old girl — who were attending a large Hanukkah celebration at Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia. Organizers advertised the annual celebration publicly, including the event’s location. The Bondi terrorists used this information to kill Jews.
The threat of violence is why Jewish and pro-Israel events often refrain from publicly posting the location of their gatherings. It is also why most synagogues and Jewish schools have armed security to protect attendees. Wherever Jews gather, they are targets.
And the number of Jews that have been killed worldwide since Oct. 7, 2023, would be much higher if all the thwarted attacks had not been stopped.
For example, shortly after the Bondi massacre, Canadian authorities announced that they had arrested three individuals from Toronto for trying to kidnap women and Jews. Months earlier, in June, Canada extradited to the United States Pakistani citizen Muhammad Shahzeb Khan, after he “attempted to enter the United States to carry out a deadly terrorist attack on a Jewish center in New York City” using “semiautomatic weapons.”
But Khan didn’t have to cross the border to kill Jews and supporters of Israel. And he didn’t even have to compile a list of targets. Canadian editor of the online publication The Maple, Davide Mastracci, who has claimed that “Zionism has a stranglehold on our political system,” has already done that.
In March 2025, Mastracci created “Find IDF Soldiers,” a website dedicated to cataloging Canadians fighting in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). In December, he released a follow-up, “GTA to IDF,” which lists seven schools, synagogues, and summer camps in the Greater Toronto Area that have had members serve in the IDF.
Mastracci explains that he is compiling this information because, “Canadians deserve to know who they [Canadians who have served in the IDF] are, the networks they’re a part of that may have influenced their decision to join the military and what they’ve done since returning to Canada.”
Mastracci claimed that the “information isn’t being collected and republished here to encourage any harassment of the institutions named.”
It seems that Mastracci doth protest too much.
A joint report from the Jewish Agency for Israel and the World Zionist Organization found a 340 percent increase in antisemitic incidents in 2024 compared to 2022. This has included violent attacks, overnight shootings at Jewish schools, vandalized synagogues, and discrimination.
Given the explosion of antisemitism in Canada since October 2023, publishing lists of Jews and Jewish organizations associated with alleged Israeli crimes is hardly an exercise in informing the public. It’s more like throwing a lighter to an arsonist.
Even the BDS Movement, the official organization spearheading the campaign to boycott and eliminate Israel, seemed to recognize this in 2022. When activists in the Boston area launched The Mapping Project to depict “local institutional support for the colonization of Palestine,” the BDS Movement disassociated itself with the endeavor, noting the devastating effect it had on the “Palestine solidarity movement.”
Doxing Jewish and Israel-related organizations will make Jews unsafe and will link pro-Palestinian activism to Nazi tactics of the 1930s. Mastracci’s projects may not meet the threshold for criminal incitement to violence in Canada, but they are certainly tools that will help antisemites hunt Jews.
David May is a research manager and senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD). For more analysis from the author and FDD, please subscribe HERE. Follow David on X @DavidSamuelMay. Follow FDD on X @FDD. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.
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The History of the Jews of South Florida: Antisemitism, Resilience, and Hope (PART TWO)
Congregants attend a service at Congregation B’Nai Israel in Boca Raton, Florida on October 10, 2023. Photo: GREG LOVETT/USA TODAY NETWORK via Reuters Connect
Part One of this article appeared here.
Miami Beach: Shtetl by the Sea
Despite its reputation for antisemitism in the early 1900s, Jews started coming to Miami Beach hoping to benefit from the prosperity the city had become known for.
In the 1930s, restrictive barriers to Jewish land ownership began to be removed. As a result, large numbers of Jews purchased properties from debt-ridden owners desperate to sell them. The Miami Beach Art Deco buildings of the 1930s and 1940s — many designed, built, and operated by Jews — are architectural treasures.
In 1949, the Florida Legislature passed a law ending discrimination in real estate and hotels, and the Jewish community’s development bloomed. By the 1970s, almost 80 percent of the population of Miami Beach was Jewish!
The Jewish influence on Miami Beach was tremendous. Jews were and are involved politically and in developing the tourist industry. Almost all the museums and arts organizations were started by Jews. Miami Beach has had at least 16 Jewish mayors, including the father and brother of the former Israeli Ambassador to the United States, Ron Dermer.
Thanks to its beautiful weather, Miami Beach became a popular Jewish winter vacation spot, earning it the nickname “Shtetl by the Sea.”
Yet, in 1980, Miami Beach began to change, with rising prices and changing demographics. This led many Jews to move north to Broward and Palm Beach counties, and in particular, Boca Raton.
Today, Miami Beach’s Jewish community has been bolstered by Jewish immigrants from Latin America, Russia, and Israel, as well as Orthodox Jews from the Northeast.
Surfside, which borders on Miami Beach, is currently the area’s most Jewish neighborhood. In fact, of its 6,000 residents, almost half are Orthodox Jews.
Miami in the 1930s.
Broward County: The Little-Known Story of Sam Horvitz
By 1910, five years before Broward became a county, a Jew named Louis Brown arrived in Dania, the county’s first city. By 1923, seven Jewish families were living in Fort Lauderdale, and after a few more families moved there, the first Jewish service in Broward County was held on September 17, 1926.
The building boom in the area went bust in 1926, but the small Jewish community remained. By the second half of the 1930s, the area began to recover. The Jewish community also grew, and by 1940, there were 1,000 Jews in Broward County. Today, the city of Hollywood, in Broward County, has a robust Jewish community.
Few know the fascinating background: a Jewish family is largely responsible for the city’s growth.
In the 1920s, Sam Horvitz, a high school dropout from Cleveland, entered a contract to build sidewalks and streets for Hollywood. In the building bust of the late 1920’s, Sam purchased and eventually owned more than half the vacant land in the city. As the owner of over 25,000 lots, Horvitz began building and selling single-family homes.
When Sam Horvitz died, his son William took the reins of Hollywood Inc. and continued to build on his father’s vision. The company began extending the city westward, with carefully controlled development adhering to the concept of quality communities. Hollywood Inc. built Orangebrook Golf Estates, Hollywood Hills, Emerald Hills, Lakes of Emerald Hills, Hollywood Mall (the first enclosed mall in Florida), the Bank of Hollywood Hills, the Post Haste Shopping Center, Sheridan Mall, and the Executive Plaza of Emerald Hills.
In 1966, Maynard Abrams became Broward’s first Jewish mayor for the City of Hollywood. He was followed by many dozens of Jewish mayors, state legislators, and US Congressional representatives in Broward County.
In the 1970s, Jewish retirees began choosing Broward as their new home, and moved to retirement communities in west Broward, such as Century Village in Pembroke Pines. The large Jewish population in Broward fostered a strong sense of community and Jewish identity. Multiple synagogues opened there. In 1970, there were 40,000 Jews, and in 1990, the Jewish community of Broward peaked at 275,000.
Today, Broward County has many thriving Jewish communities, including Fort Lauderdale, Hollywood, Cooper City, Deerfield Beach, Hallandale Beach, Pompano Beach, Tamarac, and Weston, with over 235,000 Jews.
Palm Beach County’s Boca Raton: From One Family to Half the Population
The first known Jewish residents of Boca Raton, Florence, and Harry Brown, arrived in 1931 from St. Louis.
Restrictive and antisemitic real estate practices kept the Jewish community small during the first decades of the 1900s. By the 1960s, the Jewish population began to grow, and in 1979, the Jewish population of Boca Raton, Highland Beach, and Delray Beach was estimated at 37,000.
The opening of Interstate 95 through Boca Raton in the 1970s eased the path for Jews from the Northeast to move to South Palm Beach County. Additionally, Jews from Miami and Broward County began moving to Boca Raton in the 1970’s, a trend that continued for the next thirty years.
Today, Boca Raton’s Jewish community, which started with a single family in 1931, has grown to almost half the city’s population. There are approximately 230,000 Jews in Palm Beach County, with very large communities in Boca Raton, Delray Beach, and Boynton Beach.
One of Miami’s distinctive communities is that of Cuban Jews. With the rise of Fidel Castro in 1959, approximately 10,000 Cuban Jews came to South Florida. The foundation they laid would help Jewish immigrants who followed them integrate into the South Florida Jewish community.
The Miami area currently has the highest proportion of foreign-born Jews of any area in the United States. Jews from Venezuela, Argentina, Colombia, Mexico, and Brazil have settled in the Miami area. There are also almost 10,000 Israelis in the Miami and Hollywood areas.
The Growth of the Orthodox Community
Recently, there has been an explosive growth of South Florida’s Orthodox Jewish Community.
South Florida is blessed with hundreds of Orthodox shuls and Chabad centers, and dozens of Orthodox schools, and yeshivas. Over 8,000 children in Orthodox schools benefit from Florida’s school voucher system. There are advanced learning Kollels, Jewish outreach centers, and numerous kosher restaurants. In the winter, Chassidim from New York, including prominent rebbes and tens of thousands of Orthodox Jews from Brooklyn, Lakewood, and Chicago, visit South Florida for days or weeks.
Many residents and visitors take for granted the thriving Jewish communities and infrastructure already in place to benefit them.
The truth is that they owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to Rabbi Alexander S. Gross (1917 – March 10, 1980), who played a central role in establishing Jewish life and Torah education in South Florida.
Rabbi Gross was an American Orthodox rabbi who established the Hebrew Academy of Greater Miami, the first Orthodox Jewish day school south of Baltimore, Maryland. He began the school in a storefront with just six students in 1947.
He was a graduate of Yeshiva Torah Vodaas and a close student of the great Rabbi Shraga Feivel Mendlowitz, the founder of Torah U’Mesorah. Rabbi Gross believed that by giving children a strong Jewish education, he would raise the level of observance and knowledge among adults as well, thereby building vibrant, knowledgeable Jewish communities.
Rabbi Gross’ devotion was legendary. He would drive all around South Florida to bring Jewish children to Hebrew Academy, literally driving carpool for multiple families, to help ensure they received the vital Jewish education.
In time, the results of his efforts would be clear, as the following vignette demonstrates.
In 1959, due to severe financial strain, the Hebrew Academy of Miami Board of Directors had to institute an austere tuition policy. If parents didn’t pay tuition, their child would no longer be able to attend the school. One of the affected families, which was in any case not overly enthusiastic about their son attending the Jewish school, told their son, Billy, that he would no longer be able to attend Hebrew Academy.
Billy was devastated. He loved the Torah studies and the school. Sadly but gratefully, he wrote a handwritten letter to Rabbi Alexander Gross, letting him know how much he appreciated what the Hebrew Academy did for him and that he had no hard feelings towards anyone at the school.
After reading the letter, Rabbi Gross personally paid his tuition, and Billy stayed in the school. He thrived and graduated eighth grade as class valedictorian. He continued his studies in the renowned Telshe Yeshiva in Cleveland and became an accomplished Torah scholar. He returned to Florida as a rabbi and built up the North Miami Beach community. Rabbi Zev (Billy) Leff is today the rabbi of Moshav Mattisyahu in Israel and a renowned lecturer and author.
After Rabbi Gross passed away, his family was clearing out his desk and found a folder that had “my children” written outside in Yiddish. It was a list of children he personally paid tuition for, so they could stay in the Hebrew Academy and not attend public school.
After building the Hebrew Academy, Rabbi Gross looked to raise the level of Torah learning and scholarship in South Florida. Until that point, he had sent his best students out of town to study in the larger yeshivas of the Northeast. In 1974, the Talmudic College of Florida was started with the support of Miami Beach philanthropist Moshe Chaim Berkowitz. He brought Rabbi Yochanan Zweig to serve as the esteemed Rosh Yeshiva, and as a result of this step, other yeshivas, Bais Yaakovs, and Kollelim would come to be built in multiple South Florida communities.
Rabbi Alexander S. Gross, like Moses Elias Levy 130 years earlier, had a Jewish vision for Florida. Both of their visions have come true.
Rabbi Menachem Levine is the CEO of JDBY-YTT, the largest Jewish school in the Midwest. He served as Rabbi of Congregation Am Echad in San Jose, CA, from 2007 to 2020. He is a popular speaker and writes for numerous publications on Torah, Jewish History, and Contemporary Jewish Topics. Rabbi Levine’s personal website is https://thinktorah.org
A version of this article was originally published at Aish.
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Ceasefires in Name Only: How the Media Ignores Hamas and Hezbollah Violations
A Palestinian man points a weapon in the air after it was announced that Israel and Hamas agreed on the first phase of a Gaza ceasefire, in the central Gaza Strip, October 9. Photo: REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
Ceasefires are meant to bring relative quiet to the parties that have agreed to them. Unfortunately, Israel knows all too well that when dealing with terrorist organizations, quiet is rarely guaranteed, even after the signing of a ceasefire agreement.
It should be abundantly clear to the media that terrorist organizations are not interested in peace because this contradicts their very modus operandi. Yet the media has consistently omitted the ceasefire violations being committed by terrorist organizations, and instead has been shifting the responsibility for the lack of stability and peace onto Israel alone.
Israel has adhered to the agreements it signed with both Hamas and Hezbollah. Consistent violations by both of these terrorist organizations have resulted in Israel taking military action in Gaza and Lebanon to ensure the safety of its citizens and the security of the state. Only when the terrorist organizations have not upheld their end of the agreement as required has Israel taken action.
Graph based on data from The Long War Journal.
Graph based on data from The Long War Journal.
As of this time of writing, the body of one hostage, Ran Gvili, is still being held by terrorist organizations in Gaza. It is perhaps one of the most explicit violations of the agreement, which called for all hostages to be released within 72 hours of Israel’s withdrawal from certain areas in the Gaza Strip. While the media might be moving on to Stage 2 of the ceasefire agreement, Israel can only do so once Gvili’s body is returned.
Why not, “New blow to Gaza peace deal as Hamas still hasn’t returned the body of hostage Ran Gvili,” @IrishTimes?
Hamas hasn’t fulfilled its obligations under the ceasefire agreement. How about holding the terrorist org accountable instead of solely blaming Israel? pic.twitter.com/aHCCd666T6
— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) January 7, 2026
Beyond the mishandling of hostages, Hamas has also violated the ceasefire by attacking the IDF 13 times, which involved sniper or RPG attacks, ambushes, detonations, storing weapons, and individual terrorist leaders advancing plots against the IDF in Gaza. Some of these violations have resulted in the deaths of IDF soldiers, underscoring that this is not a technical breach but a premeditated continuation of warfare. Terrorists have also breached the ceasefire using tunnels on five separate occasions, emerging from the underground system as an attempt to commit one of the above attacks.
Another 50 ceasefire violations come from terrorists crossing the yellow line into an area controlled by Israel, as agreed upon in stage 1. These incursions are not incidental, as many of the unauthorized crossings of the yellow line also involve terrorists seeking to ambush Israeli troops, plant explosive devices, or commit other hostile activities that pose an immediate threat to the IDF.
“Israeli fire kills three people in Gaza,” writes @Reuters.
Omitted: they were terrorists who crossed the yellow line, breaking the ceasefire.
Once again, Reuters hides the terrorism – but never misses a chance to blame Israel. pic.twitter.com/4n8oICokfm
— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) November 4, 2025
When such violations are ignored or stripped of context, Israel’s defensive responses are falsely framed as escalations rather than obligations to protect its forces and population. Yet in reporting on the yellow line and Israel’s inevitable countermeasures, the media has more often than not omitted these critical facts and, in doing so, has distorted the reality of who is violating the ceasefire and at whose expense.
The breaking of the ceasefire is not only a danger to Israel, but also to Palestinians living in Gaza. Hamas has turned its violence inward, targeting Palestinians suspected of collaborating with Israel on at least two occasions. Additionally, Hamas has loaded or launched rockets on two different occasions. Most recently, the launch failed and fell inside Gaza near a hospital. These actions expose the central truth often missing from media coverage that Hamas’ refusal to disarm is not symbolic or political. It is an ongoing, tangible threat, and yet this continued militarization and the civilian danger it creates are routinely omitted from reporting.
Israel-Hezbollah Ceasefire
Graph based on data from Doron Kadosh.
While there is less information about each specific violation by Hezbollah, it is evident that the terrorist organization has no intention of abiding by the agreement by disarming and remaining beyond the Litani River. From January 2 until January 11, the IDF X account has reported seven different responses to Hezbollah violations. This includes the targeting of terrorist infrastructure, including weapons facilities and training compounds currently being used by terrorists, launch sites, and terrorists working to advance attacks or rebuild infrastructure.
Despite the glaringly obvious violations, the media has still worked tirelessly to turn a blind eye to Hezbollah’s consistent violations – reported to average seven per day in July 2025 – and the terrorist organization’s persistence in its goal of rearming, rebuilding its infrastructure, and destroying Israel has not withered.
“Israel hasn’t upheld their end of the ceasefire agreement,” according to @SkyNews‘s @YousraElbagir.
No mention whatsoever of Hezbollah’s failure to disarm or its efforts to rebuild and reassert itself in southern Lebanon in breach of the ceasefire agreement. https://t.co/0htPoft5NB pic.twitter.com/Vk0A3Hvb62
— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) December 29, 2025
The ceasefire agreement explicitly states that Israel is allowed to practice its “inherent right of self-defense” while adhering to international law. With Hezbollah’s refusal to disarm and move beyond the Litani River as required by this agreement, Israel has every right to exercise acts of self-defense to ensure there will no longer be a threat on the northern border.
Except Hezbollah hasn’t ceased, and that’s why Israel is firing.
Not firing rockets into Israel is only a small part of Hezbollah’s ceasefire obligations. Rebuilding its forces in southern Lebanon is a violation.@CNN‘s @bencnn won’t give you the full picture. pic.twitter.com/71hEHsJcQf
— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) November 30, 2025
Because Hezbollah is a multifaceted hybrid, deeply embedded within Lebanese society, the media’s reporting frequently minimizes or obscures the extent to which it is classified as a terrorist organization. In doing so, Hezbollah is implicitly absolved of its requirement to uphold the agreement.
Terrorist groups, @AP.
That’s the term you’re looking for. pic.twitter.com/V1WxWZYWM2— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) January 8, 2026
Despite the ceasefires with Hezbollah and Hamas, the threat of both terrorist groups looms as they refuse to abide by the deal, most crucially by declining to give up their power and disarm. As a result, Israel has had to take action against both terrorist organizations to restrain them and ensure the security of the state.
For the past two and a half years of war, the Western media has found any excuse to shift the blame onto Israel, and the aftermath of the ceasefires is no different. The context of terrorist groups refusing to adhere to the agreement is frequently missing from reporting. Any article that mentions the fragility of the ceasefires must include the violations by the terrorist organizations or otherwise risk obscuring the truth on the ground and covering for terrorists.
The author is a contributor to HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.
