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Judaism doesn’t want you to wander and live just anywhere — or does it?
(JTA) — I was a remote worker long before the pandemic made it a thing, but it was only last month that I really took advantage of it. Early on the morning of New Year’s Day, I boarded a plane from Connecticut bound for Mexico, where I spent a full month sleeping in thatch-roofed palapas, eating more tacos than was probably wise and bathing every day in the Pacific. I’ll spare you the glorious details, but suffice it to say, it wasn’t a bad way to spend a January.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, I found myself again and again coming into contact with expats who had traded in their urban lives in northern climes for a more laid-back life in the tropics. There was the recently divorced motorcycle enthusiast slowly wending his way southward by bike as he continued to work a design job for a major American bank. There was the yoga instructor born not far from where I live in Massachusetts who owned an open-air rooftop studio just steps from the waves. There were the countless couples who had chosen to spend their days running beachfront bars or small hotels on the sand. And then there were the seemingly endless number and variety of middle-aged northerners rebooting their lives in perpetual sunshine.
Such people have long mystified me. It’s not hard to understand the lure of beachside living, and part of me envies the freedom to design your own life from the ground up. But there’s also something scary about it. Arriving in middle age in a country where you know nobody, whose language is not your own, whose laws and cultural mores, seasons and flora, are all unfamiliar — it feels like the essence of shallow-rootedness, like a life devoid of all the things that give one (or at least me) a sense of comfort and security and place. The thought of exercising the right to live literally anywhere and any way I choose opens up a space so vast and limitless it provokes an almost vertiginous fear of disconnection and a life adrift.
Clearly, this feeling isn’t universally shared. And the fact that I have it probably owes a lot to my upbringing. I grew up in an Orthodox family, which by necessity meant life was lived in a fairly small bubble. Our house was within walking distance of our synagogue, as it had to be since walking was the only way to get there on Shabbat and holidays. I attended a small Jewish day school, where virtually all of my friends came from families with similar religious commitments. Keeping kosher and the other constraints of a religious life had a similarly narrowing effect on the horizons of my world and thus my sense of life’s possibilities. Or at least that’s how it often felt.
What must it be like — pardon the non-kosher expression — to feel as if the world is your oyster? That you could live anywhere, love anyone, eat anything and make your life whatever you want it to be? Thrilling, yes — but also frightening. The sense of boundless possibility I could feel emanating from those sun-baked Mexicans-by-choice was seductive, but tempered by aversion to a life so unmoored.
The tension between freedom and obligation is baked into Jewish life. The twin poles of our national narrative are the Exodus from Egypt and the revelation at Sinai, each commemorated by festivals separated by exactly seven weeks in the calendar, starting with Passover. The conventional understanding is that this juxtaposition isn’t accidental. God didn’t liberate the Israelites from slavery so they could live free of encumbrances on the Mayan Riviera. Freedom had a purpose, expressed in the giving of the Torah at Sinai, with all its attendant rules and restrictions and obligations. Freedom is a central value of Jewish life — Jews are commanded to remember the Exodus every day. But Jewish freedom doesn’t mean the right to live however you want.
Except it might mean the right to live any place you want. In the 25th chapter of Leviticus, God gives the Israelites the commandment of the Jubilee year, known as yovel in Hebrew. Observed every 50 years in biblical times, the Jubilee has many similarities to the shmita (sabbatical) year, but with some additional rituals. The text instructs: “And you shall hallow the 50th year. You shall proclaim liberty throughout the land for all its inhabitants. It shall be a jubilee for you: each of you shall return to your holding and each of you shall return to your family.”
Among the requirements of the Jubilee was that ancestral lands be returned to their original owners. Yet the word for liberty is a curious one: “d’ror.” The Talmud explains its etymology this way: “It is like a man who dwells [medayer] in any dwelling and moves merchandise around the entire country” (Rosh Hashanah 9b).
The liberty of the Jubilee year could thus be said to have two contrary meanings — individuals had the right to return to their ancestral lands, but they were also free not to. They could live in any dwelling they chose. The sense of liberty connoted by the biblical text is a specifically residential one: the freedom to live where one chooses. Which pretty well describes the world we live in today. Jewish ancestral lands are freely available to any Jew who wants to live there. And roughly half the Jews of the world choose not to.
Clearly, I’m among them. And while I technically could live anywhere, I’m pretty sure I don’t want to. I like where I live — not because of any particular qualities of this place, though I do love its seasons and its smells and its proximity to the people I care about and the few weeks every fall when the trees become a riotous kaleidoscope. But mostly because it’s mine.
A version of this essay appeared in My Jewish Learning’s Recharge Shabbat newsletter. Subscribe here.
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Texas Joins Legal Action Against American Muslims for Palestine as Move to ‘Counter Hamas Terrorism’
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton speaks during AmericaFest, the first Turning Point USA summit since the death of Charlie Kirk, in Phoenix, Arizona, US, Dec. 20, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Cheney Orr
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton on Tuesday announced the state would join Virginia and Iowa in the filing of a legal brief against the nonprofit activist group American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) and other organizations which he characterized as “radical” in order “to combat Hamas terrorism.”
“Radical Islamic terrorist groups like Hamas must be decimated and dismantled, and that includes their domestic supporting branches,” Paxton posted on the social media platform X.
“Terrorism relies on complex networks and intermediaries, and the law must be enforced against those who knowingly provide material support,” Texas’s top legal officer added in a statement. “My office will continue to defend Americans who have been brutally affected by terrorism and ensure accountability under the law.”
In November, Texas began more aggressive legal efforts against organizations long alleged by researchers and law enforcement to be part of a domestic Hamas support network in the United States. Gov. Greg Abbott announced on Nov. 18, the designation of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) as terrorist organizations.
A month later, Paxton filed a motion defending the designation in court, countering a suit by the Dallas-Fort Worth and Austin chapters of CAIR. “My office will continue to defend the governor’s lawful, accurate declaration that CAIR is an FTO [foreign terrorist organization], as well as Texas’s right to protect itself from organizations with documented ties to foreign extremist movements,” Paxton said at the time.
In its latest statement, Paxton’s office described how on Oct. 8, 2023, one day after Hamas’s invasion of and massacre across southern Israel, the groups AMP and National Students for Justice in Palestine (NSJP) “declared that they were ‘part of’ a ‘Unity Intifada’ under Hamas’s ‘unified command.’”
“Those who have been victimized by Hamas’s terrorism brought claims against the radical groups under the federal Anti-Terrorism Act,” the statement continued. “Attorney General Paxton’s brief is in support of the victims and was filed to ensure terrorist supporters are brought to justice.”
The legal brief references the “unity intifada” and “unified command” sentiments before stating, “They should be taken at their word. And just like their predecessor organizations — convicted or admitted material supporters of Hamas — they should be held accountable.”
The brief charges, “Defendants here are alleged to have provided material support for Hamas, the brutal terrorist regime that not only oppresses millions in Gaza but that also murdered more than a thousand innocents and kidnapped hundreds more. States have an interest in ensuring that valid claims brought under material support statutes are allowed to be litigated in court and that any violators are held accountable.”
Last year, Virginia’s Attorney General Jason Miyares — whose name appears at the lead of the brief — sought to press AMP to reveal its funding sources, which a judge ruled it needed to do May 9, 2025.
The latest brief provides a history lesson about how AMP and NSJP “did not begin their material support for Hamas on Oct. 8, 2023; rather, their material support has been going on for decades — both as the current organizations and through predecessor entities. Indeed, AMP was founded after a predecessor organization and five of its board members were convicted of providing material support for Hamas.” The brief describes the network beginning when “first, the Muslim Brotherhood founded the ‘Palestine Committee’ in 1988 to fund the terrorist organization Hamas.”
This network included “several organizations providing Hamas financial, informational, and political support,” the legal document explained. “Among those organizations were the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development and the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), organizations founded and controlled by senior members of Hamas leadership.”
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Trump Slams Rep. Thomas Massie as ‘Hater of Israel,’ Praises Republican Primary Challenger Ed Gallrein
US Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) leaves a meeting of the House Republican Conference in the US Capitol on Wednesday, June 4, 2025. Photo: Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Sipa USA via Reuters Connect
US President Donald Trump on Monday lambasted Rep. Thomas Massie, a fellow Republican, as a “hater of Israel” and “totally ineffective loser,” calling on voters to support Massie’s challenger, retired Navy SEAL officer Ed Gallrein, in the GOP primary in Kentucky.
In a social media post, Trump formally endorsed Gallrein, a political newcomer who has officially filed to run in Kentucky’s 4th Congressional District. Trump praised Gallrein as a US military veteran, farmer, and businessman, describing him as a candidate who embraces a foreign policy of “peace through strength” and his policy agenda on a range of issues such as energy, gun rights, and immigration. The president asked his supporters to “rally behind” the insurgent in a bid to topple Massie.
At the same time, Trump launched a scathing attack on Massie, calling him the “worst’ ‘Republican’ congressman” and accusing him of consistently voting against Republican priorities. Trump singled out Massie’s views on Israel, labeling him “a true hater of Israel” and arguing that his record has undermined both the party and a key US ally.
“Unlike ‘lightweight’ Congressman Massie,” Trump wrote, Gallrein is a “WINNER” who is best positioned to defeat the incumbent in a Republican primary.
Trump’s endorsement places Israel at the center of the race, elevating what had long been a policy disagreement into a defining issue for Republican voters in the district.
Massie has emerged as one of the most vocal Republican skeptics of US military assistance to Israel, voting against multiple Israel-related measures that passed Congress with overwhelming bipartisan support. Those votes have drawn increasing criticism from pro-Israel lawmakers and advocacy groups, particularly as Israel continues to face regional threats and remains engaged in active conflict.
By contrast, Trump portrayed Gallrein as a candidate aligned with his approach to foreign policy and as a reliable supporter of Israel at a moment Trump described as critical for US leadership abroad.
The president also highlighted Gallrein’s military background as evidence that he would prioritize national security, support the US military, and stand firmly with allies like Israel.
Kentucky’s 4th District is a solidly Republican seat, making the winner GOP primary all but guaranteed to win the general election. Trump urged his supporters to back Gallrein and discouraged other potential challengers from entering the race, signaling an effort to consolidate opposition to Massie early.
Trump has clashed with Massie over foreign policy, spending, and executive authority. The explicit focus on Israel suggests that support for the Jewish state is increasingly being treated as a litmus test within parts of the Republican Party.
Massie has previously defended his votes as rooted in constitutional restraint and fiscal conservatism, arguing that opposition to foreign aid packages does not equate to opposition to Israel itself. However, in the two years following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel, Massie has sharpened his criticisms of Israel’s conduct.
During an appearance on the podcast of anti-Israel political commentator Tucker Carlson, Massie criticized the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) — the foremost pro-Israel lobbying group in the US — accusing the organization of deploying “AIPAC babysitters” to steer congressional votes.
In a post on X/Twitter, Massie said, “Blind support for foreign governments, including Israel, has cost this country dearly. Congress must put America first.”
Massie has also suggested that Israel deliberately targets civilian infrastructure during its military campaigns, an unfounded accusation which enraged many supporters of the Jewish state.
Massie responded to Trump’s post, accusing the president of targeting him over his refusal to vote in favor of foreign aid and warfare.
“It happened again today! Why do I get attacked weekly? Because I’m the only Republican who refuses to rubber stamp foreign aid, endless deficits, and unnecessary wars. I’m also exposing sex traffickers. My primary is in May. Please help if you can,” Massie posted.
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Virginia AG Calls for K-12 Schools to Adopt IHRA Definition of Antisemitism Ahead of New Governor Taking Office
Virginia Governor-elect Abigail Spanberger (center), former Gov. Ralph Northam (left), and Rep. James Walkinshaw (D-VA) attend a statue unveiling ceremony for Barbara Rose Johns in Emancipation Hall on Dec. 16, 2025. Photo: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call/Sipa USA via Reuters Connect
Virginia’s outgoing attorney general on Monday implored the commonwealth’s K-12 schools to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, citing a dramatic increase in antisemitic hate crimes occurring in 2024 alongside an overall reduction in crime.
“Every student has the right to learn in an environment free from fear,” Virginia Attorney General Jason Miyares, whose tenure ends on Jan. 17, wrote in an open letter to superintendents and school boards. “The IHRA definition provides schools with a clear framework to recognize and respond to antisemitic conduct and distinguish protected speech from unlawful discrimination, intimidation, and harassment.”
He added, “Pushing back against antisemitism requires clarity, consistency, and courage. We cannot fight something we fail to define. By adopting this resolution, schools can meet their legal obligations while upholding constitutional principles and ensuring equal access to education for every student.”
IHRA — an intergovernmental organization comprising dozens of countries including the US and Israel — adopted the “working definition” of antisemitism in 2016. Since then, the definition has been widely accepted by Jewish groups and lawmakers across the political spectrum, and it is now used by hundreds of governing institutions, including the US State Department, European Union, and United Nations.
According to the definition, antisemitism “is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.” It provides 11 specific, contemporary examples of antisemitism in public life, the media, schools, the workplace, and in the religious sphere. Beyond classic antisemitic behavior associated with the likes of the medieval period and Nazi Germany, the examples include denial of the Holocaust and newer forms of antisemitism targeting Israel such as demonizing the Jewish state, denying its right to exist, and holding it to standards not expected of any other democratic state.
Virginia’s state government first adopted the IHRA definition of antisemitism in 2023, responding to a series of antisemitic incidents which included the graffitiing of a swastika on a Jewish family’s home in Burke and an Arlington student’s airdropping an image of a swastika to his entire class and proceeding to play an online quiz game “using a swastika and a racial slur.” Most notable, however, was the Unite the Right Rally, which took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and led to death of 32-year-old Heather Heyer, who was killed when a white supremacist attending the rally intentionally crashed into dozens of counter-protesters.
Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a Republican, enthusiastically signed a bill which called for the IHRA adoption, saying during a signing ceremony, “When we acknowledge that we live in a world where there is hate and where that hate is translated into despicable actions, we can stand up together and say there is no room for that.”
Monday’s letter comes as Virginia prepares to turn the reins of government over to Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger, who beat Youngkin’s lieutenant and chosen successor Winsome Earle-Sears by 15 points in a general election contest held in November. A moderate Democrat with a history of condemning Hamas and advocating pro-Israel policies, Spanberger is on record supporting the IHRA definition of antisemitism, having voted in favor of it twice as a member of the state’s House of Representatives.
However, the month of January has already seen a local government’s commitment to IHRA be overturned by a newly sworn in administration. In New York City, Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a far-left Democrat, dropped the IHRA definition on his first day of office last week and revoked an executive order that opposed the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel. Citing these developments, lawyer and civil rights nonprofit founder Kenneth Marcus commended Miyares for stressing the importance of using the IHRA definition as a tool for combating antisemitic hatred amid a surge of antisemitism in Virginia’s own K-12 schools.
“Antisemitism in Virginia public schools has become a major national issue in recent months, as we’ve seen with the opening of a congressional investigation into Fairfax County public schools, where there have been multiple high-profile issues surrounding antisemitic activity,” Marcus, who leads the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, said in a statement on Monday. “This definition is the gold standard across the globe … to this new administration and to Gov.-elect Spanberger: Virginia must not follow New York City’s example. We call on you to follow the lead of Presidents Obama, Trump, and Biden, whose administrations similarly embraced the IHRA working definition of antisemitism.”
Antisemitism is also present in Virginia’s private schools, as was recently alleged in a lawsuit settled in November.
As previously reported by The Algemeiner, Nysmith School for the Gifted in Fairfax County, Virginia, agreed to pay $100,000, plus attorneys’ fees and other costs after parents came forward to accuse it of expelling three Jewish students for reporting antisemitism.
In addition to paying the victim’s family what amounts to nearly $150,000, the school has said it will adopt the IHRA definition of antisemitism, which is used by governments across the world, and submit to monitoring by a third-party watchdog for a minimum five-year period. That monitor will oversee the conclusion of Nysmith’s investigation of the bullying allegations and determine whether school officials did not intentionally violate the law.
“I want to take this opportunity to acknowledge that there are things I could have done differently in this particular situation, and for that, I am truly sorry,” Nysmith’s headmaster, Ken Nysmith, wrote in a letter to parents. “For the 40 years I have been at Nysmith, I have always tried to do my personal best, guided by our commitment to our students, families, and staff. In this instance, I will use this experience to reflect, to learn, and to continue improving as a leader.”
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.