Features
For Adam Rubin, success was secondary to maintaining roots in Canada – and reconnecting with old friends during Covid
By GERRY POSNER Could you predict an Adam Rubin? Not likely. If you asked him, he would have said not at all. But Adam, the youngest child of Chuck and Naida Rubin (neither of whom is exactly unknown to many readers of the JP&N) has carved out a path which is truly remarkable in many ways.
The grandson of Sam Rubin, a farmer from near Fort William, Ontario (as it was then called), Adam was what he calls a Ramah School dropout after Grade 1. He did, however, manage to complete Laidlaw Elementary School and later was one of a handful of Jewish boys at St. Paul’s High School. He was active in Kadima and BBYO and also was a camper at BB Kenora.
Then, in a an unusual step at that time, he left Winnipeg and headed east to study Economics and Political Science at McGill, living with two close friends form Winnipeg: Eric Corne and Jon Pesochin. Following graduation, Rubin headed to the University of Ottawa for an MBA. His roommate was another Winnipegger, Matt Golden. There is a theme here which Adam is quick to stress. He says, “I am still very close with Matt, Phil, Eric and Jon to this day (Phil being Phil Haid). One of the things I treasure most about Winnipeg is the lifelong friendships that have been nurtured by that city. In fact, as I am now middle aged, I look back with tremendous fondness and admiration for the strength of community Winnipeg has. It’s one I have not seen replicated.”
The education of Adam Rubin then expanded to include law school at the University of Calgary. Rubin thus had the package of business and law, on top of which he also completed the Advanced Leadership Programme at Harvard Business School. Upon graduation from law school, he entered the work force during the dot.com boom – followed by its bust. Rubin joined a boutique law firm specializing in corporate finance and securities law in Calgary where he was responsible for taking companies into the public domain. As Rubin reflects, “I took many of those high- flyers from the cradle to orbit – and then to the grave, in three or four years.” Ultimately, Rubin wanted to develop his business side and in particular to build businesses and foster their growth. He joined a top energy company at the time – Nexen, a Calgary based corporation with a global presence. As Rubin notes, however, the “oil patch was a strange place for a Jewish boy from Winnipeg.”
In 2007 Adam took what was supposed to be a two-year assignment in Dallas to help run Nexen’s US operations, so off he went with his former wife and four-year-old daughter, Sam. Two years turned into five years and, even with his success at Nexen, Adam had an opportunity in 2012 to join Venari Resources LLC, a private equity funded offshore exploration company in Dallas. Adam served as Senior Vice-President, General Counsel and Secretary for Venari. He and a few of his colleagues were responsible, among many other duties, for helping to raise $2.4 billion from leading private equity firms. Adam was a founding member of the largest private equity- backed start up in the oil and gas sector at the time. You could say Adam had come a long way from his grandfather Sam Rubin’s farming career, but they likely had the same work ethic. The business took off like a rocket ship, Adam states, but it also fell back to earth and, in 2019, the company’s assets were sold.
And so, in 2020 (just before the pandemic hit), Adam Rubin was unemployed for the first time in his life. Rubin was delighted to be in that position. He had what he calls “catching up time” with his buddies. Adam also did what many other parents were forced to do – he became a teacher to his son, as in Grade 3 science, geography and social studies. Adam describes that as a special time for him, also noting that time included tasting defeat in a 100 yard dash with his now 17-year-old daughter Samantha (named for his grandfather, Sam Rubin).
The big thing that was very special for Adam during Covid was reconnecting with his old friends as they all hit 50. The group – which included Avi Gesser, Matt Golden, Phil Haid, my son Ari Posner, Cory Pollock, Jason Klapman, Danny Stoller, also two guys from Saskatchewan and Alberta – Terry Levitt and Rob Eichelson, would meet online. The “prairie boys”, as they referred to themselves, tried to help each other navigate the new normal. They became coaches, mentors, cheerleaders and even entertainers for one another. They created a contest with each other to name that tune, with music provided by Ari.
And, what this all says to Adam is “It reminds me and affirms the great character of Winnipeg. Good people come out of that town. … Honestly, I think the best asset I have is having had the opportunity to be raised in Winnipeg. It’s the foundation for what makes our group who we are.”
Today, Adam is back in action working as General Counsel with another private equity portfolio company, owned by the Blackstone Group. This company is one of the largest manufacturers of highly engineered structures for the telecom and utility industries in the United States. He still makes every effort to return to Winnipeg to see his family, either in the city or at the family cottage at Matlock. He is thrilled that his oldest child, Sam, is a first year student in the Faculty of Arts at Western University. What he delights in most is watching his child come to realize the benefits of being in Canada.
Features
Team Spirit: Jewish College Sports Programs Making Headlines
For many educational institutions, sports are no longer just an optional activity: they have become an important part of the educational process. They build not only physical endurance, but also social skills, values and a sense of belonging to the Jewish community, as is often written on the website jewishsportsreview.com. Let’s take a look at the place of sports in Jewish colleges.
Features of Sports Programmes
Jewish educational institutions have always placed a special emphasis on the harmonious development of the individual. However, in the past, sports activities often took a back seat to academic subjects and religious education. Today, the situation has changed: more and more colleges are realising that sports are not just physical activity, but a tool for character building.
Sports in Jewish colleges serve several key functions:
- Social integration: joint training and competitions bring together students from different departments and courses.
- Strengthening values through fair play, respect for opponents, the ability to lose gracefully and win without arrogance are fully consistent with the ethical principles accepted in Jewish culture.
- Leadership development: team captains and sports event organisers gain experience in team management and decision-making under pressure.
Participation in sports clubs helps maintain a balance between mental and physical development, which is especially important for students who often have a heavy academic workload.
Sports Programme and Discipline Opportunities
Sports programmes at Jewish colleges are diverse and tailored to the interests of students, as well as the infrastructure of the educational institutions. In addition to traditional sports such as basketball, football and volleyball, the schedule may include baseball, tennis, table tennis and even sports related to historical or cultural traditions.
Interestingly, some colleges take Jewish holidays and Shabbat into account when drawing up their sports calendars so that training sessions and competitions do not clash with religious obligations. Students can combine sporting achievements with preserving their cultural identity.
Participation in intercollegiate tournaments is becoming an important element of sports programmes. This is not only a test of skill, but also an opportunity to represent one’s college at the regional or national level, creating a positive image for the educational institution. In such tournaments, the emphasis is often not only on winning, but also on the ability to behave in the spirit of fair play, which creates a special atmosphere of friendship and mutual respect between teams.
Impact on Student Life and Career
Sport in Jewish colleges plays a significant role in shaping the student experience. It helps students develop skills that are in demand not only in sport but also in any area of life: the ability to work in a team, make quick decisions and take responsibility for results.
Many graduates who participated in sports programmes note that this experience proved useful in building their careers. For example:
- Team leaders subsequently demonstrate high managerial competence at work.
- Players who are used to constant training and discipline adapt more easily to stress and deadlines.
- Participants in intercollegiate games gain public speaking and networking skills that help in business negotiations.
In addition to career advantages, sport improves health and reduces stress levels, which is especially important for students who are balancing their studies with community projects and religious obligations. The atmosphere of support and mutual assistance created by sports teams helps many students adapt to college life more easily, especially if they have come from another city or country.
Joining a sports team or regular training can become an important part of student life. Those considering this option should take several factors into account:
- Assess your goals: do you want to play sports professionally or just to stay in shape and socialise? This will help you choose the right level of commitment.
- Check your schedule to make sure that training does not conflict with your studies or religious obligations.
- Take advantage of college resources: many institutions offer free gyms, coaching, and access to sports clubs.
It is equally important to remember that sport is not just about winning. It teaches patience, respect for others and a willingness to work hard. At Jewish colleges, sports programmes are designed to combine these values with cultural and spiritual elements, making them unique.
Sports programmes at Jewish colleges become a space where traditional values are organically intertwined with modern approaches to education and leisure. For many students, participating in college sports is just as important as academic success. After all, team spirit, the ability to work together and support each other are qualities that stay with a person for life.
Features
The Jewish Federation isn’t evolving on Israel. So it’s losing young Jews like me
By Lahav ZakenAugust 8, 2025
This story was originally published in the Forward. Click here to get the Forward’s free email newsletters delivered to your inbox.
I’m a Jewish Israeli American teenager and North Carolina resident, and I was delighted to see that the North Carolina Democratic party recently approved new platform resolutions that called for an arms embargo against Israel, a ceasefire, and the release of the hostages. Very few people and organizations have managed to articulate my views of both Oct. 7 and the subsequent genocide as well as my state party’s resolutions did. Unfortunately, it seems that my perspective is not very welcome at my local Jewish Federation.
I was particularly gratified by how balanced the resolutions were. They directly condemned the deliberate killing of innocent civilians by both parties and called for the end of the war. The resolutions also condemned antisemitism and Islamophobia, condemned Hamas and the Oct. 7 terrorist attack and decried both Hamas and Israel’s human rights violations. They advocated for basic human rights, dignity and peace for all Israelis and Palestinians.
Yet somehow, this language advocating for peace was objectionable to the Jewish Federation. The CEOs of the Jewish Federations of Raleigh, Durham, Charlotte and Greensboro released a statement attacking the resolutions. Their biggest objection was to the resolutions’ use of the terms “apartheid” and “ethnic cleansing,” which they specifically singled out as “radical and inflammatory.” They argued that the resolutions ignored Oct. 7 and undermined Israel’s right to self-defense. They even went so far as to accuse the Democratic Party of devaluing the “safety, identity, and lived experiences” of Jewish Americans.
I strongly disagree with the Jewish Federations and believe the statement they released was deeply harmful and inaccurate. While the federations may still be a hub of Jewish institutional power and influence, their perspectives on Israel and Gaza and continuing unconditional support of Israel’s actions do not represent many American Jews.
This statement is not an isolated incident, but an example of the ongoing silencing of the perspectives of an increasing number of American Jews by Jewish Federations across the country and Jewish institutions and youth groups more broadly.
I am just about as Jewish as you can get. I was born in Israel and lived in Jerusalem until I was 4, when my family moved to Greensboro, North Carolina. I did not visit Israel for most of my childhood, but I still felt an extremely strong connection to my home country. Growing up, I ate Israeli food, listened to Israeli music and watched Israeli shows. I attended Jewish day school, I volunteer with my local synagogue and know most Jewish services by heart. In 2023, I traveled back to Israel on a school trip led by the Jewish National Fund. I genuinely loved getting to see my home city and country for the first time that I could vividly remember.
However, my connection to my country of birth has almost completely eroded following almost two years of non-stop war and aggression in Gaza. I am enraged and heartbroken that Jewish Institutions will not recognize or acknowledge that pain.
Like most Jews and Israelis, my gut reaction after Oct. 7 was to stand strong with Israel. I was horrified by the atrocities Hamas committed that day. I wanted to wave the flag of my birth country more strongly, to support Israel’s right to defend its civilians and demand the hostages be freed.
However, after months of seeing satellite images of the complete devastation of Gaza and reading testimonials from doctors and journalists describing the humanitarian crisis, my perspective has shifted. I couldn’t help changing my mind when I saw hostage families being beaten by police in the streets of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem for calling for a ceasefire, or when I read statements from Israeli leaders making it clear that their goals were to destroy the entire population of Gaza. I do not hold Israel to a different standard than any other country, no matter my love and connection to it. It is precisely my Jewish values that have pushed me to speak out so strongly against Israel’s unjustifiable actions in Gaza.
I believe two wrongs do not make a right. What Hamas did was immoral. And the genocidal war of aggression that Israel has waged on the people of Gaza is also immoral. I am horrified and ashamed to see tens of thousands of innocent Palestinians killed, including the deliberate targeting of aid seekers at distribution sites. If I, as an Israeli-born teenager, can acknowledge the atrocities committed by Israel and that multiple things can be true at the same time, why can’t Jewish institutions?
For those reasons, along with the sheer brutality and immorality of the war, more and more American Jews oppose Israel’s government and their war on the people of Gaza. Unfortunately, those who dare to express opposition are being isolated and alienated from their Federations, synagogues and youth groups. All of these institutions explicitly and implicitly manufacture total support for the Israeli government and its actions.
The North Carolina Federations’ statement not only blatantly misrepresents the state Democratic party’s resolutions by falsely implying that they are apologists for Hamas, but also misleadingly implies they speak for all or most Jewish North Carolinians. A November 2024 J Street poll of Jewish Americans found 61% support an arms embargo against Israel. As of June 2024, according to a poll conducted by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, 30% of Jewish Americans believe that Israel is committing genocide, a number that has undoubtedly risen since then.
The Federation leaders are completely right to be concerned about the extreme rise in antisemitism since Oct. 7. I have had multiple personal run-ins with antisemitism since Oct. 7. Someone close to me experienced identity-based discrimination in a local progressive organization we are both a part of because they are Israeli-American and worked as a journalist in Israel. I have repeatedly been subjected to antisemitic comments online, and was once told that I should join the Israel Defense Force after I condemned the killing of innocent civilians on Oct. 7, implying that being Israeli and opposing the killing of innocent Israeli civilians meant that I somehow enjoyed killing Palestinian civilians.
Many Jews in America have had similar experiences, and I have no doubt that Jewish Federation and Jewish institutional leaders care deeply about fighting antisemitism and keeping their Jewish communities safe. However, statements like the North Carolina Federation heads made do not keep us safe.
When a local Jewish Federation, synagogue or youth movement chapter releases statements claiming that they stand fully with Israel in the conflict, they are isolating and ignoring those of us who offer critiques of Israel’s actions and policies. If these actions continue, millions of American Jews across the country will be pushed out of Jewish institutions, excluded from Jewish spaces and have their Jewishness questioned over their stance against Israel’s actions in Gaza. This is, unfortunately, already happening.
The reality is that in 2025, most American Jews do not stand unconditionally with Israel anymore. If Jewish federations and other institutions want to be the inclusive spaces for all Jews that they claim to be, then they must adapt to this reality.
If groups such as the Jewish Federations cannot reflect American Jewish opinion in 2025 or acknowledge the isolation from Israel that more and more American Jews feel, then millions of Jewish Americans with perspectives such as mine will be erased from the institutions designed to make us feel most at home.
Lahav Zaken is a junior at New Garden Friends School and a local progressive organizer in Greensboro, North Carolina.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward. Discover more perspectives in Opinion. To contact Opinion authors, email opinion@forward.com.
This story was originally published on the Forward.
Features
Will Former Soviet States Join the Abraham Accords?
By HENRY SREBRNIK President Donald Trump’s administration has been discussing with Azerbaijan the possibility of bringing that nation and some Central Asian allies into the Abraham Accords. During his first term in office, four Muslim-majority countries agreed to normalize diplomatic relations with Israel. It is now closer to fruition.
The Abraham Accords, signed in 2020, were a historic step and are considered a breakthrough in Israel’s relations with Arab states. On the surface, these agreements with Bahrain, Morocco, Sudan, and the United Arab Emirates, heralded not only diplomatic engagement but also the normalization of ties in every field, including technology, economy, tourism, security, and agriculture.
While the original Accords were centered on diplomatic ties, Azerbaijan and every country in Central Asia already has relations with Israel, meaning that an expansion of the Accords to include them would largely be symbolic, focusing on strengthening ties in areas like trade and military cooperation.
Although the Abraham Accords were initially agreements over Israeli-Arab normalization, the pacts have since transcended Arab borders into a high-profile forum that can incorporate Muslim countries committed to shared values of tolerance, peace, and prosperity.
Wedged between Russia to the north and Iran to the south, Azerbaijan occupies a critical link in trade flows between Central Asia and the West. The Caucasus and Central Asia are also rich in natural resources, including oil and gas, prompting various major powers to compete for influence in the region.
Azerbaijan normalized relations and trade with the Jewish state in the early 1990s, shortly after gaining independence from the Soviet Union. Since then, ties have quietly flourished under the stewardship first of Heydar Aliyev and subsequently that of his son, Ilham.
Last year, trade between the two countries reached nearly one billion dollars, mainly in the energy and defence sectors. Azerbaijan has become Israel’s critical energy partner, supplying more than 60 per cent of its gasoline needs. It has also become Israel’s second-largest defence customer, accounting for nearly a tenth of all Israeli defence exports between 2018 and 2022.
Russia, Azerbaijan’s Soviet-era political master, is currently preoccupied with its war in Ukraine, leaving it with little ability to interfere in the South Caucasus. Meanwhile, Iran, Azerbaijan’s southern neighbor and ideological challenger, is now at its weakest political point in decades, with minimal influence in the country’s internal affairs through religious appeal or sectarian outreach, as it has tried to do in previous years.
Kazakhstan also enjoys strong ties with Israel, and Astana benefits from advanced Israeli agriculture, medical, water, and security technology. The Abraham Accords provide an opportunity to further deepen security and economic cooperation and could help the country reduce its economic dependence on Russia and China at a time when such dependence is proving to be a liability.
Trump’s special envoy for peace missions, Steve Witkoff, traveled to Azerbaijan’s capital, Baku, in March to meet with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev. As part of the discussions, Azerbaijani officials contacted officials in Central Asian nations, including in nearby Kazakhstan, to gauge their interest in a broader Abraham Accords expansion. For Azerbaijan, the Accords could provide a path to expanded security cooperation against Iranian threats and, if pursued in coordination with Kazakhstan, progress towards its goal of becoming a bridge to Central Asia
Joseph Epstein of the Turan Research Center at the New York-based Yorktown Institute, a non-partisan program dedicated to exploring modern-day developments in the Turkic and Persian worlds, argues that bringing Azerbaijan into the Abraham Accords would signal to Muslim majority states in Central Asia that open cooperation with Israel is both possible and worthwhile. It would also squeeze Tehran which sees a secular Shia state aligned with Israel and Turkey as a strategic problem.
“When President Donald Trump shared a clip of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s speech at the Shusha Global Media Forum on Truth Social, it wasn’t just a friendly gesture,” Epstein explained. “It signaled that Azerbaijan’s partnership with Israel and the United States is now firmly on his radar.”
At a time when the United States was trying to get the Abraham Accords back on track, all of this was certainly encouraging. But a sticking point remained: Azerbaijan’s conflict with its neighbor Armenia. The Trump administration considered a peace deal between the two Caucasus nations as a precondition to join the Abraham Accords. The breakthrough came on Aug. 8, when Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a joint letter officially indicating their willingness to end their conflict.
The pact also gives the U.S. exclusive rights to develop a transit route through a mountainous stretch of Armenian territory between Azerbaijan known as the Zangezur corridor. It will connect Azerbaijan proper with its Nakhchivan region, which borders Baku’s ally Turkey via Armenian territory. The new transit corridor will allow unimpeded connectivity between the two countries while respecting Armenia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and its people. The securing of that route also marks a significant setback for Russia and Iran in the South Caucasus. Restrictions were also lifted on defence co-operation between Azerbaijan and the United States.
Trump framed the agreement as a “peace deal,” writing on Truth Social that “Many Leaders have tried to end the War, with no success, until now.” This is another feather in a potential Trump Nobel Peace Prize cap.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.