By HENRY SREBRNIK For the past half-century, the United Nations’ Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP) has worked to delegitimize the State of Israel by amplifying Palestinian efforts to depict the Jewish state as a “colonial” and “apartheid” regime. The Palestinians are the only people to have such a dedicated propaganda organ inside the United Nations, while Israel is the only UN member state to face such attacks. 

The Committee is the child of that notorious day, November 10, 1975, when the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, equating Zionism with “racism.” The General Assembly also passed Resolution 3376, which created CEIRPP. In subsequent years, further resolutions expanded CEIRPP and provided it with greater resources. A UN report from 2024 shows that financial resources dedicated to servicing CEIRPP specifically stand at $3.1 million per year.

The language of Resolution 3379 encapsulated the antisemitic themes of Soviet and Arab propaganda. In his address to the General Assembly opposing Resolution 3379, Israel’s then-UN ambassador, Chaim Herzog, remarked that the draft was being debated on the 37th anniversary of the Nazi pogrom known as Kristallnacht, adding that Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler would have welcomed the proceedings. 

While that resolution was ultimately rescinded in 1991, CEIRPP continued to carry out its work, promoting the ideas at the heart of the Zionism-is-racism resolution, with its call for “the elimination of colonialism and neo-colonialism, foreign occupation, zionism, apartheid and racial discrimination in all its forms.” 

Within two years of the committee’s creation, its work and mission became further entrenched within the internal UN bureaucracy. On December 2, 1977, the General Assembly passed Resolution 32/40 (B), authorizing the creation of a “Special Unit on Palestinian Rights,” which would serve the committee by “preparing studies and publications” devoted to both Palestinian rights and the United Nations’ own efforts in that regard. This included the announcement of the annual observance of November 29, the anniversary of the United Nations General Assembly 1947 passage of Resolution 181 to partition Palestine, as the “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.” 

The “Special Unit” created through Resolution 32/40 (B) grew into an entire Division for Palestinian Rights (DPR) in 1979, housed within what is now known as the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. The DPR’s current role includes planning and servicing the committee’s various meetings in New York and internationally, maintaining an online database known as the United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine.

The CEIRPP is presently composed of 25 member states and 24 observers, the vast majority non-democratic countries in the Global South. Of these, 23 are Muslim countries. Observers include the League of Arab States and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.

The committee works in five areas: promoting Palestinian self-determination, advocating for an “immediate end” to Israel’s control of territories conquered during the 1967 war, mobilizing international support, liaising with UN bodies on the Palestinian question, and working with civil society organizations and parliamentarians to advance the Palestinian cause. While the committee does not directly impact the foreign policy of member states, it influences policy discussions and provides anti-Zionist NGOs with access to UN diplomats, staff, and financial resources.

In addition to the CEIRPP, there are several other UN bodies solely dedicated to the Palestinian cause. Created to provide humanitarian aid to Palestinians displaced by the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), a billion-dollar agency with 30,000 employees, expanded its roster from an initial 750,000 to 5.9 million by embracing a uniquely expansive definition of refugees. It is the only refugee agency dedicated to one particular group. All others come under the aegis of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Israel estimates that as 25 per cent of UNRWA employees belong to terrorist organizations. Some were found to have not only supported but directly participated in the October 7 Hamas attacks.

The position of the Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories was launched by a resolution in 1993, and its occupant reports on the human rights situation in the territories. In July 2025, the United States announced sanctions against the present rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, accusing her of having “spewed unabashed antisemitism.” Albanese’s activities are supported by staff from the UN human rights office, at an estimated cost of $500,000 a year.

Launched in 1968, the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices has produced annual 70-page reports, with legal analysis and recommendations on Israel’s alleged violations, summaries of Palestinian testimonies, and collections of statistics. Composed of Malaysia, Senegal, and Sri Lanka, and staffed out of the UN human rights office, the Special Committee also conducts regular field missions, including to Amman, Cairo, and Damascus. It has a mandate to investigate only alleged Israeli abuses. Its reports include unsubstantiated allegations, such as claims that Israeli excavations undermine the structural foundations of the Al-Aqsa Mosque on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount.

Also since 1968, the World Health Organization (WHO) has maintained an agenda item dedicated to scrutinizing Israel’s health record at the annual meetings of the World Health Assembly, its decision-making body. Israel is the only state to face such an agenda item.

In 2024, the UN General Assembly adopted 164 resolutions on Israel and 84 on all other countries combined. From 2006 through 2024, the UN Human Rights Council adopted 108 resolutions against Israel, 44 against Syria, 15 against Iran, eight against Russia, and three against Venezuela.

Meanwhile, the anti-Israel machine goes on without pause. Yet another UN commission of inquiry on Israel, headed by Navi Pillay, on Oct. 28 presented a report accusing the Jewish state of genocide. This body was initiated by the Arab and Islamic states at a special session that they convened at the UN Human Rights Council in wake of the May 2021 Hamas-Israel war. It was tasked with examining the “root causes” of the conflict, including Israel’s alleged “systematic discrimination” based on race. Instead of the usual one-year term for such inquiries, the investigation of Israel was made perpetual — it has no end date.

So while most people focus on the attacks on Israel launched regularly both in the UN General Assembly and Security Council, behind the scenes an entire bureaucracy is engaged in slandering and defaming the world’s only Jewish state. This relentless campaign takes its toll and serves to continually paint Israel as a uniquely malevolent nation worthy of elimination. We have seen the fruits of these labours since October 7, 2023.

Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

Tongits stands out as one of the most iconic card games in the Philippines, fusing fun, excitement, strategy, and social interaction. Spanning generations, this traditional game has remained a staple during family gatherings and leisure moments, bringing people together with its engaging mechanics. The emergence of mobile platforms such as Tongits Go elevated the experience further, offering Filipino players the opportunity to enjoy the thrill of the game anywhere and anytime. Alongside this advancement, however, a recurring question floods online forums: “Can I and how to earn money in Tongits Go? ”

Understanding the answer requires separating myths from facts surrounding Tongits Go, as well as examining alternatives like GZone Tongits, which brings competitive gameplay and tangible rewards into the picture.

Tongits Go: Digital Entertainment Rooted in In-Game Progress and Rewards

The appeal of Tongits Go lies in its seamless ability to deliver the essence of the traditional card game in a digital format. Widely accessible on mobile devices, the app continues to attract thousands of players seeking entertainment and lighthearted competition. However, misinformation about its ability to provide real monetary benefits stirs confusion, with claims linking how to earn money in Tongits Go to GCash as a source of cash withdrawals.

Myth: Real Money Withdrawals Are a Tongits Go Feature

Tongits Go is designed purely as an entertainment-centric platform. It operates as a digital space for online casino rather than an e-wallet or online casino. While players can earn in-app rewards such as Gold and Gostars, these hold value only within the game environment. Gold is primarily used for joining tables, competing in tournaments, and unlocking gameplay options. Gostars, meanwhile, are accumulated through completing daily missions or participating in special events. Occasionally, Gostars may be redeemed for prepaid loads or promotional digital vouchers, but these opportunities are infrequent and offer minimal monetary value.

Contrary to false claims about Tongits Go online acting as a money-making platform, there is no system in place for converting virtual winnings to genuine cash. The promotion of such statements often stems from unofficial or unreliable sources, heightening the need for player vigilance in protecting their personal information against scams.

Fact: In-Game Achievements Enhance the Fun Factor

How to earn real money in Tongits Go account rewards players through engaging in-game challenges that foster personal growth and development without monetary stakes. Tools such as the Battle Pass system, tournament leaderboards, achievement rewards, and daily missions help players track their progress and compete against others for prizes such as additional Gold and Gostars.

This approach motivates participants to focus on enhancing their gameplay skills and sharpening their strategies, contributing to a vibrant community atmosphere built on friendly competition.

Promoting Safe Play and Caution

How to earn real money in Tongits Go emphasizes ethical and responsible practices by encouraging players to moderate their time spent on the app. The developers position the game as a platform for relaxation and recreation rather than profit generation, warning users to remain alert against external claims promising “real cash withdrawals.” Ensuring safe and responsible play remains a cornerstone of Tongits Go’s philosophy.

GZone Tongits: Navigating Competitive Gameplay with Genuine Rewards

For players seeking higher stakes, GZone Tongits stands out as a viable alternative. Unlike Tongits Go, which functions purely as an entertainment platform, GZone Tongits combines skill-based gameplay with tangible rewards. As a PAGCOR-licensed platform adhering to Philippine online casino regulations, GZone guarantees fair competition, transparency, and a safe player experience.

Real-Time PVP Competitions

Unlike casual apps, GZone Tongits incorporates Player vs. Player (PVP) matchups where individuals compete against other real players rather than AI opponents. This format introduces a dynamic and unpredictable element to each round while maintaining familiar mechanics rooted in traditional Tongits online gameplay.

Several variations of how to play Tongits are offered through GameZone Tongits, catering to diverse player preferences. Tongits Plus sticks closely to the original Filipino rules, preserving cultural authenticity. Tongits Joker introduces Joker cards, adding new layers of challenge and strategy. Tongits Quick, on the other hand, is a streamlined, fast-paced version suited for shorter play sessions. With flexible table levels ranging from Newbie to Master, the platform accommodates players of all skill levels, fostering an inclusive environment.

Legal Regulation and Verified Rewards

Game Zone Tongits sets itself apart through its legal framework, which guarantees its credibility across game transactions. As a PAGCOR-certified online casino platform, it abides by strict regulatory guidelines, ensuring fairness, transparency, and security for every player involved in competitions. Key events, such as the prestigious ₱10,000,000 GameZone Tablegame Champions Cup (GTCC)—the Philippines’ first Tongits e-sports championship—offer significant rewards to top-performing individuals, elevating the competitiveness of the game.

Unlike Tongits Go, GZone Tongits creates earning opportunities that are verified and legitimate. The presence of regulated payout systems ensures real-value rewards for players, making competition profitable without compromising integrity.

Smart Reward Structures and Responsibility in GameZone casino

GameZone Tongits supports an ecosystem that rewards players strategically while promoting responsible practices. Features such as daily and weekly rebates return percentages of wagers to players, creating avenues to continually reinvest and optimize their play experience.

VIP levels unlock better rewards and exclusive access to high-stakes tables for loyal players, while regular tournaments and leaderboard placements recognize skill and consistency, offering tangible prizes and acknowledgment. Tools for establishing spending limits and setting playtime boundaries enable players to engage responsibly, reinforcing GameZone’s commitment to moderation and sustainability.

Exploring Tongits Platforms Based on Player Preferences

Tongits Go provides a welcoming space for casual gamers seeking entertainment, social connections, and lighthearted play. Its focus on digital rewards, such as prepaid loads and promotional incentives, keeps gameplay enjoyable without monetary pressure. Those who prioritize relaxation and shared laughs often gravitate toward Tongits Go as the ideal choice for convenient online casino experiences.

Meanwhile, GameZone online Tongits appeals to competitive enthusiasts ready to immerse themselves in tournaments offering real-world prizes. Its elevated gameplay merges professional standards with Filipino tradition, providing guaranteed payouts alongside thrilling matchups. GameZone Tongits delivers a regulated environment perfect for individuals looking to combine play skills with tangible rewards.

Preserving Filipino Tongits Culture Through Modern Play

The allure of Tongits transcends generations, blending strategy and camaraderie to create an experience steeped in Filipino tradition. Digital platforms such as Tongits Go and GameZone slot adapt this beloved pastime to modern online casino preferences, catering to players from varied backgrounds and interests. Whether pursuing casual engagement or competitive achievements, the game retains its heart through its ability to build connections and challenge players to think intelligently.

By David Berkowitz October 31, 2025

This story was originally published in the Forward. Click here to get the Forward’s free email newsletters delivered to your inbox.

I was considering getting back together with someone I dated earlier this year. When we reconnected this past summer, we hit it  off again instantly. As we took in the sunset along the East River promenade, we reminisced about how easily the conversation had always flowed between us.

But then, she had to ask the question: “Who are you going to vote for?”

“I have to vote for Mamdani,” I said.

And that was the end of that. It became a Zohran Mamdani breakup. Or, Mamdani, the Democratic candidate for New York City mayor, torched the chances of us getting back together. I have him to blame — or thank — for that one.

Dating in New York City has never been easy. Dating here as a divorced 40-something Jewish dad seeking to meet other Jews in a post-Oct. 7 world, with an autocrat as president and a democratic socialist running for mayor, is almost impossible. There are so many political reasons to decide it’s not worth it to pursue a relationship with someone — even before determining how well you’d really get along.

When I resumed using dating apps this spring, after the end of my first long-term relationship following my divorce, I noticed that way more Jewish women in their 30s and 40s were listing their politics as “moderate” than I’d ever seen before. Many of them showcased Israeli flags or Stars of David in their bios or noted something positive about Israel or Zionism.

As I began chatting with potential interests, I learned that for some women, the aftermath of the Oct. 7 attack had transformed them from social liberals into supporters of President Donald Trump, due to Republicans’ perceived alignment with Israel’s interests. Others were liberal and perhaps even progressive in many of their views, but adamantly Zionist. They were thus much more conservative than me when it came to any question about Israel’s right to keep prosecuting a war with an exceptionally high civilian death toll.

Being back on the dating scene was a minefield. And then Mamdani’s stunning surge in the Democratic mayoral primary began.

I wasn’t ready to vote for Mamdani in the primary, instead ranking his Jewish ally, Comptroller Brad Lander, first. But the more I learned, the more comfortable I was with Mamdani’s vision and plans for New York. And he’s running for mayor of New York City, after all, not Tel Aviv.

Yet what I found: With many potential dates, even an allusion to Mamdani would halt any progress in its tracks.

Just this month — ironically, on Oct. 7 — I was having a pleasant back-and-forth with someone on Lox Club, the supposedly selective dating app for Jews with “ridiculously high standards.” I was increasingly eager to meet her: She was bright, pretty, well-traveled, and, most importantly, starting to find me hilarious.

She lived in Manhattan, like me. But when I asked about where she’s from, she said she’s from Long Island and that she’ll likely move back after the election if Mamdani wins.

Part of me was tempted to say whatever was needed to at least score a date. I could have done the texting version of smiling and nodding, perhaps validating her fears and saying I’m worried too. But I suspected I’d be wasting my time pretending we could accommodate differing outlooks on the city’s future. I texted her that I’m convinced a Mamdani administration would be way better for the city than most people fear. Still, it seemed our views were too divergent, as much as I’d have loved to meet her. She agreed, and I ruefully tapped “unmatch.”

In some ways, it seems frivolous to lament the plight of diaspora dating. The trauma experienced by Jewish daters in the comfortable environs of New York City can’t possibly be compared to the trauma of those who experienced the terror of Oct. 7, or the suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza during the subsequent war.

But there’s a real cost to Jews becoming more suspicious of one another. We risk isolating ourselves into smaller and smaller blocs, making it harder for us to connect once we find each other.

It also means that those who take a less reactive and more nuanced view wind up silencing themselves. How can I express that my heart was torn apart every time I heard first-hand accounts from freed hostages who returned to Israel — but that I also grieve deeply over the devastation in Gaza? How can I admit that former Gov. Andrew Cuomo has a good track record in connecting with Jewish voters and would likely reliably stand up to antisemitism, but be more compelled by Mamdani’s infectious love for New York City — and believe his criticism of Israel doesn’t make him an antisemite?

And how can I express my love for Israel — the idea of it and its people, though not necessarily its government — while voting for a candidate who questions Israel’s viability as a Jewish state?

For too many Jewish daters like myself, there is increasingly a sense that looking for someone who is also willing to take an open-minded approach to conflicting political truths is like praying for a miracle.

There was one promising moment, before my springtime interest and I decided not to renew our romance, that gave me hope. My date and I watched an episode of Real Time with Bill Maher, one of her favorite shows, together. I hadn’t seen his show in so many years that I was game to see why she enjoyed it so much.

I was surprised she could find humor in someone so critical of Trump, the president for whom she voted. She was surprised I could agree with a lot of the centrist views from Maher and his guests, most of which didn’t toe the progressive line. I told her that night that if things worked out between us, we’d have to invite Maher to our wedding.

That obviously didn’t happen. But I still think we need more moments like that — opportunities to appreciate both our commonalities and differences. I could envision another version of that relationship, where we end up listening to different podcasts and following different Instagram accounts, but still find areas where we can share similar perspectives and laugh at the same jokes.

I’m skeptical, and disheartened. But I’m still holding out hope for some future “Maher weddings” — even though with every swipe right or left, it feels increasingly naïve to think that. And yet, at heart, I’m a Jew, and I’ve studied enough of the history of the Jews to know that we’ve been through worse. We’ll get through this. But not before more anniversaries of Oct. 7 have passed.

David Berkowitz is the author of The Non-Obvious Guide to Using AI for Marketing and founder of the AI Marketers Guild.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward. Discover more perspectives in Opinion. To contact Opinion authors, email opinion@forward.com.

This story was originally published on the Forward.