Features
Winnipeg-born and raised Michael Lang is at the forefront of a technological innovation that can help to change the way neurosurgery is performed and how brain diseases such as Alzheimer’s Disease are treated
By BERNIE BELLAN We’ve often heard that one of the main reasons Manitoba lags behind other provinces when it comes to economic development is because there is both a lack of entrepreneurial capital in this province and innovative individuals who are willing to base their operations here.
Thus, it was refreshing to hear of one young man who not only grew up in Winnipeg, but who has also decided to stay here and work to help turn a company which he co-founded into a successful start-up.
That young man’s name is Michael Lang, 37. I first met Michael when he was in a bar mitzvah class at Temple Shalom with my daughter, Shira. Having grown up in River Heights, the son of Ida and Sherman Lang, Michael attended, in order, Ecole Robert H. Smith, River Heights Middle School, and Kelvin High School.
Michael notes that, as a young boy, he and several other students, including Ben Carr, would go to Hebrew teacher Ethel Amihude’s home for Hebrew lessons. As a side note I should mention that the same day I interviewed Michael for this story, I also received a phone call from Ben Carr, who is now the Member of Parliament for Winnipeg South Centre. When I mentioned to Ben that I had just got off the phone with his former classmate Michael Lang, Ben said to me that, during the rally held in support of Israel on October 10, at which Ben spoke, he was approached by a woman who said, “I’ll bet you don’t remember me. I taught you Hebrew in my home.” Of course, it was Ethel Amihude – and yes, Ben did recognize her immediately.
Returning to Michael Lang – upon graduating from Kelvin High School, Michael enrolled at the University of Winnipeg to study science, with a particular interest in Physics, which is something he’s always loved, he says. Michael went on to complete his Masters and Ph.D. in Physics at the University of Manitoba, he notes, although his he did much of his research at the University of Winnipeg – “a great experience,” he observes.
I asked him how the Physics Department at the University of Winnipeg would compare with other Physics departments in Canada and the US and, although Michael acknowledges that “it’s a small faculty” – maybe 10 professors in total, they definitely “punch above their weight.”
Now, in order to keep this article at a level that would be understandable to most readers (and to this writer as well), I wanted to avoid asking Michael to go into any great detail about what his area of specialty in Physics was, but – just to give you a taste of what it was that he concentrated upon in his studies, here’s a brief excerpt from his bio on the company website (known as tauMEDIS) that he’s helped to found: “Michael received his Ph.D. in Physics from the University of Manitoba with work on hyperpolarized 129Xe gas production for high-precision co-magnetometry.”
The key word in that sentence is “magnetometry,” because it helps to explain how Michael’s research in that field eventually led him into the field of magnetic resonance imaging – or, as the acronym of that term is much more familiar to most of us: “MRI.”
By now, getting an MRI performed for a host of medical issues is something a lot of us expect to have done – and not with undue delays – and when we must wait for an MRI to be performed, which was something greatly exacerbated as a result of Covid disruptions to our medical system, it can be excruciatingly trying.
In the spring of 2020 – shortly after the start of the pandemic, Michael was working as a lab technician at the University of Winnipeg, where he maintained that university’s small animal MRI facility. It was then that the Principal Investigator of the lab, Dr. Melanie Martin, introduced Michael to members of a group working on a novel intraoperative MRI system. Michael would soon after join the group as a post-doctoral fellow, helping to lay the groundwork for what became tauMEDIS.
What is tauMEDIS? According to information available on its website, “Originally formed in 2018, and officially founded in 2023 by a group of Canadian scientists and engineers who are passionate about medical imaging, the name TauMEDIS is an acronym for tau Medical Imaging Solutions…” (tau is a letter in the Greek alphabet that “has significance in both magnetic resonance imaging as well as a variety of neurodegenerative diseases.”)
Although there are a host of other companies active in producing MRI systems, tauMEDIS has developed a particular type of technology in a specialized area of magnetic resonance imaging known as iMRI: “Intraoperative magnetic resonance imaging” or “iMRI,” for short. iMRI is a “method to acquire updated images of the brain throughout a neurosurgical procedure. Neurosurgeons rely on iMRI technology to obtain accurate images of the brain that guide them in removing brain tumors and treating other conditions such as epilepsy.”
Where tauMEDIS is unique in this highly specialized field though, is in its having developed a method to mobilize a full-sized MRI machine that, not only does not require the patient to be moved from the operating table into another room to have an MRI performed, it optimizes the installation process, allowing for retrofitting in existing operating rooms. (There is another company that makes moving magnet iMRI machines, known as IMRIS, that also allows the patient to remain on the operating table during surgery without having to be moved, but incorporating those particular systems into hospitals usually involves making major changes to the infrastructure of existing operating rooms.) The tauMEDIS system, Michael explains, minimizes renovations, and drastically reduces installation time in existing operating facilities.
“We developed a method to mobilize the MRI on a floor-moving track-based vehicle,” he says. “Essentially it’s a high-precision tank-like device that brings the MRI system to the patient undergoing neurosurgery,” providing the surgical team with updated images of the brain throughout the procedure.
tauMEDIS was just recently incorporated in Manitoba (six months ago). In March of this year its prototype machine received approval from the Food and Drug Administration in the US.
Now, in addition to his role as the company’s Chief Technology Officer, Michael, along with the other principals in the company, have found themselves in the position of having to seek out investment funds for tauMEDIS to commercialize the iMRI system they have developed. The funding would support development of a Winnipeg facility that would begin producing actual systems for sale.
“We just recently had our first showing at the Congress of Neurological Surgeons,” Michael says, “and now we’re in the fund-raising phase.”
I asked him how much money they’re seeking, and he says, “$200,000 to start.” I said to him that doesn’t seem like a lot to ask for and that I wondered whether having this article appear in this paper might not be just what it would take to elicit a positive response from some would-be investors.
Further, Michael notes that the goal of tauMEDIS “is to set up a local facility, combining manufacturing and R&D of tauMEDIS products, all located right here in Manitoba. We hope to attract and develop talent, growing the Winnipeg medical device sector.” (I should also mention that years ago, when I was writing about the Crocus Investment Fund, I noted that one of the first investee companies for Crocus was that very same IMRIS, to which I previously referred. I asked Michael if he knew whatever became of IMRIS back then since, according to Michael, it has now become very successful. As I recall, the Crocus Fund lost its entire investment in IMRIS. According to Michael, the company is now based in Minnesota. What happened after the Crocus debacle I’m not sure – just another example of a company that had a great idea but, for whatever reason, couldn’t succeed in Manitoba – although it did take off when it relocated elsewhere.)
Not only is tauMEDIS seeking capital to begin producing its iMRI systems, it also has other technological innovations in the works – all in the area of medical imaging. As Michael Lang says, his “goal as Chief Technology Officer is to work with physicians around the world to make advances in medical imaging technology and develop novel solutions” that would dramatically improve patient health outcomes.
If you would like to find out more about tauMEDIS, email info@taumedis.com or go to its website: taumedis.ca.
Features
The moral degradation of Israel’s far-right is even worse than you think
By Dan Perry (Posted March 27, 2026)
This story was originally published in the Forward. Click here to get the Forward’s free email newsletters delivered to your inbox.
This week, an Israeli Knesset member said something that should have been shocking, horrifying and unanimously condemned.
“I stand behind IDF soldiers in every situation,” said Yitzhak Kroizer, a member of the ultranationalist Otzmah Yehudit Party. Even if the “collateral damage is children or women — it does not matter to me.”
“In Jenin, there are no innocent civilians,” he added. “In Jenin, there are no innocent children.”
Kroizer was referring to a genuine tragedy: The killing of almost an entire Palestinian family by Israel undercover forces on March 15, near the village of Tammun. The forces opened fire on the family’s car as they returned from a shopping trip. Waed Bani Ohde, her husband Ali, and two of their young children Othman, 7, and Mohammed, 5, were killed. Two sons survived. The army says the car accelerated toward the forces; Palestinian witnesses say the IDF gave no warning before attacking.
It is tempting to dismiss statements like Kroizer’s as the rhetoric of the extreme. Indeed, I often find myself making that point when talking to people inclined to think the worst of Israel: They do not represent the majority, and not even the immoral government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
But that, while true, is becoming a little too pat.
For it is also true that as time goes, as the wars continue and hearts harden, what Kroizer articulated is a moral framework that is steadily taking hold in the Israeli right.
That’s why the statements were not condemned by anyone associated with the government. And, indeed, Israeli far-right activists responded to the deaths with social media posts rejoicing in the death of the unarmed “terrorists.”
No senior Israeli official apologized for the shooting. No one said publicly that even if the soldiers believed they were acting under threat, the killing of two children demands something more than a routine internal review.
No official has even conceded that this type of event might contribute to agitation and instability in the West Bank, and perhaps spark another uprising. Set empathy aside; even enlightened self-interest is beyond the current Israeli government.
Yes, an investigation has been opened. But military investigations almost never lead to concrete action against the troops. A Guardian report this week revealed that no Israeli citizen has been prosecuted for a killing in the West Bank since 2020, despite a radical uptick in violence; settlers and police have already killed 10 Palestinian civilians this month alone.
The undercover soldiers, especially, are something like the real life version of the international hit Fauda, widely admired for their counter-terrorism activity. There is little appetite for throwing the book at them.
So while it’s tempting to chalk this up as just another tragedy in a long list of tragedies on both sides, it is actually much more: a devastating manifestation of something fundamental — not just a personal tragedy but a national one.
That’s a tragedy I’ve seen unfolding slowly, since even before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023.
I’ve seen it in the rhetoric of far-right leaders like cabinet ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. But I’ve also seen it firsthand, as when I found myself on wartime television panels where I was besieged by right-wingers enraged at my assertion that innocents have been killed during the war in Gaza. I challenged one of them about whether this idea would include a two-week old baby.
“OK, maybe not the baby!” he conceded, unhappily.
The descent of part of Israeli society into this unforgivable lack of compassion is, some have argued, an inevitable outcome of indefinite control over the Palestinian territories. For years, warnings that rule over millions of disenfranchised Arabs would mutate Israel’s character were treated as excessive, even hysterical.
Israel was not a colonial power in the classic sense, its defenders argued; it was a democracy under siege, navigating impossible dilemmas. The West Bank may be “occupied” but that was justifiable because of the threat its near proximity posed. Israel’s actions might be harsh, but they were necessary, the argument went. It was said that the country’s moral core, despite pressures, would remain intact.
The initial signs after this latest tragedy are not exactly reassuring. Far from condemning Kroizer, as they rightly should have, the cabinet convened this week to offer his party a great gift: the legalization of 30 illegal settlement outposts, including some in “Area A,” which is supposed to be under full Palestinian control.
Israel did not begin this way. Its founding story was deeply bound up with an acute awareness of the need to maintain morality. The early Zionists envisioned a country that would be a “light unto the nations.”
As occupation has become an entrenched reality, most Israelis have wanted to look away; the problem is too complicated. This position may not be possible for much longer. The moral rot is too extreme. But the good news is that it has not infected everything and everyone. Israel’s public broadcaster devoted a segment to the Palestinian family’s tragedy, characterizing Kroizer’s statements as a disgrace.
The humanistic ideas through which Israel once judged itself have eroded. We must now hope that they won’t entirely vanish.
Dan Perry is the former chief editor of The Associated Press in Europe, Africa and the Middle East, the former chairman of the Foreign Press Association in Jerusalem, and the author of two books about Israel. Follow his newsletter “Ask Questions Later” at danperry.substack.com.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward. Discover more perspectives in Opinion. To contact Opinion authors, email opinion@forward.com.
This story was originally published on the Forward.
Features
The Entebbe Alliance Reborn: Why Uganda Is Ready to Fight Iran Alongside Israel
Fifty years ago, Israeli commandos stormed the terminal at Entebbe Airport under the cover of darkness. They engaged in a deadly firefight with Ugandan troops and Palestinian hijackers to rescue over 100 Jewish and Israeli hostages. The daring 1976 raid astonished the world and reshaped modern counterterrorism, but it cost the life of the assault unit’s commander, Lieutenant Colonel Yonatan “Yoni” Netanyahu.
Fast forward to March 2026, and the geopolitical script between Jerusalem and Kampala has flipped entirely. The very soil where Ugandan and Israeli forces once exchanged fire is now the foundation of an emerging alliance aimed squarely at countering the Islamic Republic of Iran.
General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the chief of Uganda’s armed forces and the son of President Yoweri Museveni, recently shocked the international community with a blunt declaration.
As regional tensions with Iran boiled over into direct military confrontations, Kainerugaba took to social media to draw a definitive line in the sand. He stated that while the world wanted the war in the Middle East to end, any talk of destroying or defeating Israel would bring Uganda into the war on the side of Israel. To physically cement this dramatic pivot, he previously announced that Uganda would erect a statue of Yoni Netanyahu at the exact spot where he fell at Entebbe Airport, framing the monument as a profound gesture designed to strengthen blood relations with Israel.
While some policymakers in Washington and European capitals are quick to dismiss Kainerugaba’s rhetoric as mere social media bluster, doing so overlooks a profound geostrategic realignment occurring in the Global South. This is not just historical poetry or diplomatic hyperbole. It is the public crystallization of Israel’s new “Circle of Partners” framework, a vital evolution of Jerusalem’s traditional defense strategy tailored for an era of multi-front warfare.
For decades, the Israeli defense and intelligence establishments relied heavily on the “Periphery Doctrine.” This strategy involved cultivating quiet but robust ties with non-Arab states to counterbalance a hostile Arab core.
Today, the threat matrix has completely inverted. The Arab core is increasingly allied with Israel, while the primary existential threat is the Iranian regime. Containing and defeating Tehran’s regional ambitions requires strategic depth far beyond the Levant, necessitating a modernized Periphery Doctrine that extends deep into the African continent. Israel recognizes that securing a “Circle of Partners” is no longer optional; it is a tactical imperative.
By cementing ties with Uganda — a Christian-majority, military heavyweight in East Africa — Israel is effectively anchoring a new southern flank. The strategic utility of this partnership becomes undeniable when looking at a map of Iran’s maritime ambitions. Tehran has spent years attempting to weaponize the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb strait, primarily through its funding of Houthi proxies in Yemen, while simultaneously seeking naval footholds in the Horn of Africa. East Africa serves as the geopolitical backdoor to this critical maritime corridor.
Furthermore, as the conflict with Iran expands across multiple domains, an allied Uganda offers Israel unparalleled intelligence-sharing nodes in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Uganda People’s Defense Force possesses deep institutional knowledge of local terror networks and illicit smuggling routes that Iranian proxies frequently exploit. Uganda also provides potential logistical staging grounds that sit safely outside the immediate range of Iran’s conventional ballistic missile umbrella, offering Israel a secure rear base for long-term strategic planning and operational depth.
Equally important is the diplomatic and ideological blow this alliance deals to Tehran. The Iranian regime relies heavily on a manufactured narrative that pits the Global South against a supposedly isolated Israel. At a time when international forums are routinely weaponized to turn Israel into a pariah state, unconditional support from a prominent African Union member shatters Iran’s diplomatic framing. When a leading African military commander publicly volunteers his own forces to defend the Jewish state and honors a fallen Israeli hero on African soil, it signals a shared recognition of the threat posed by radicalism that transcends geography.
In 1976, the raid on Entebbe proved to the world that Israel possessed the operational reach to strike its enemies and defend its citizens anywhere on the globe. In 2026, the emerging Entebbe alliance proves that Israel possesses the diplomatic foresight to build a continental strategic firewall against Iranian hegemony.
Uganda’s willingness to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Israel is a testament to the shifting tides of global alliances. If Tehran continues to escalate its multi-front war, the ayatollahs will rapidly discover that Israel is not fighting alone, and its “Circle of Partners” reaches much further than the Islamic Republic ever anticipated.
Amine Ayoub, a fellow at the Middle East Forum, is a policy analyst and writer based in Morocco. Follow him on X: @amineayoubx.
Features
Iran Lowers Minimum Age for War Roles to 12, Sparking Outcry Over Child Soldier Use
The Iranian regime has lowered the minimum age for participation in war-related activities to just 12 years old, a move that will likely fuel the concerns of human rights groups, which have condemned Iran’s treatment of children.
In a televised interview with state media, Rahim Nadali, a cultural with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in Tehran, announced that the new initiative “For Iran” is recruiting participants to assist with patrols, checkpoints, and logistics.
“Since children are increasingly volunteering to take part, we have lowered the minimum age to 12,” Nadali said, urging young children to join the war effort if they wish.
Rahim Nadali, Cultural Deputy of the IRGC’s Tehran branch (Mar 26, 2026):
“12 and 13-year-old children wanted to participate in Basij checkpoints across the cities. We have lowered the age limit to 12 and above.” pic.twitter.com/lLZy9pU5xm— حافظه تاریخی (@hafezeh_tarikhi) March 26, 2026
Iran International first reported Nadali’s statement, which has since circulated on social media.
As part of the regime’s state media coverage of the US-Israeli war against Iran, this latest announcement has ignited mounting backlash over the use of minors in security‑related roles — a practice that is not new in Iran.
“Recruiting children into military activity is a violation of international laws and the international community must not stay silent,” Iranian-American activist Masih Alinejad posted on social media, along with video of Nadali’s comments. “This is the same regime that lectures the world about morality. But when it comes to survival? They’re willing to send children into danger.”
In the past, widely circulated social media images and videos have repeatedly shown children and teenagers in military-style uniforms cracking down on protests, including during the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom uprising, which erupted nationwide after Mahsa Amini, a young Kurdish woman, died in a Tehran police station following her arrest for allegedly violating hijab rules.
Under international law, Iran’s move flagrantly violates the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which explicitly prohibits the use of children in military activities, marking a dramatic breach of its global obligations.
Human rights groups have also repeatedly accused Iranian security forces of killing child protesters during past crackdowns.
According to the Center for Human Rights in Iran, more than 200 children were killed during the nationwide anti‑government protests earlier this year, which security forces violently crushed, leaving thousands of demonstrators tortured or killed.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also documented cases of children being shot, detained, and abused during these latest demonstrations, noting that government forces have repeatedly targeted minors in ways that breach international law.
Iran has a long track record of widespread human rights abuses, including crackdowns on protesters, harassment of activists, threats to minorities, executions of children, violations of women’s rights, and dire prison conditions.
During the January uprising, at least 6,724 protesters, including 236 children, were killed, with another 11,744 cases still under verification, according to the Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA). Multiple other reports have estimated that the overall death toll may exceed 30,000.
As in past years, executions remain one of the starkest manifestations of human rights abuses in Iran, with at least 2,488 people executed last year, including 63 women and two children, 13 of them carried out publicly.
Tehran’s latest controversial move comes as Iran has reportedly slammed a US proposal to end the war as “one‑sided and unfair,” a rebuff that has cast doubt on the prospects for a negotiated ceasefire.
US President Donald Trump has warned the Islamist regime it must reach a deal or face a continued onslaught.
“They now have the chance, that is Iran, to permanently abandon their nuclear ambitions and to join a new path forward,” Trump said during a Cabinet meeting at the White House.
“We’ll see if they want to do it. If they don’t, we’re their worst nightmare. In the meantime, we’ll just keep blowing them away.”