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A New Book Shows the Path Forward for the US-Israel Alliance
An Israeli flag and an American flag fly at Abu Dhabi International Airport before the arrival of Israeli and U.S. officials, in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates August 31, 2020. REUTERS/Christoper Pike
Eight days before Hamas’ barbaric invasion of Israel, President Biden’s National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan, declared, “The Middle East region is quieter today than it has been in two decades.”
That single statement epitomized an administration that never understood that Israel’s national security is directly related to that of the United States, and that US foreign policy can directly – and negatively – impact Israel’s security as it did on October 7, 2023.
This is one of the premises of former Deputy National Security Council Advisor Victoria Coates’ The Battle for the Jewish State: How Israel – and America – Can Win. Senator Ted Cruz penned the forward for the book noting, “[Hamas’] war is not just being waged against the United States, our citizens, and our national security interests. The objective of Israel’s enemies is not just the elimination of the Jewish state, but also Western civilization, led by America writ large.”
The Battle for the Jewish State serves as a reminder of why a strong US-Israel alliance is not only critically important to both countries’ national security interests, but also stability in the region more generally. When a strong alliance is the basis for US policy, as was the case under Donald Trump, relative quiet is accompanied by new alliances among Israel and her neighbors. When US policy is based on daylight between the two nations, as implemented by Barack Obama and Joe Biden, who sought to realign the region by elevating, enriching, and empowering the Islamic Republic of Iran, war results.
Coates sets out to address how we got to October 7th, where we are now, and what our policy options are going forward, understanding that the values of both countries are at stake in this existential war.
As to how we got here, she says that Obama/Biden foreign policy is the main culprit. Post-10/7, US policy has consisted of equivocation and suggestions of moral equivalence between Israelis and Palestinian terror groups and terror-supporting leaders, calls for a ceasefire, unprecedented demands that Israel provide humanitarian aid to its enemies, absurd talk of creating a Palestinian state despite the attack, and a partial arms embargo — on Israel.
The media regurgitates Hamas talking points on civilian death tolls and starving civilians, and legitimizes terrorism as a tactic of resistance. Hamas-support networks, international non-governmental organizations, and the flagrantly antisemitic United Nations have all played active roles in delegitimizing Israel’s right to exist while bolstering Palestinian propaganda and the establishment of a Palestinian state.
But throughout the book, Coates weaves in the role of cultural Marxism which begins with the 30-year march of Critical Race Theory (CRT) through higher education. She recognizes that the indoctrination from childhood into the cultural-Marxist construct of the “oppressors” versus the “oppressed” has reflexively supported the Palestinians as the oppressed party in the conflict with Israel, consigning the Jewish State, but also Jews around the world, to the category of “oppressors.”
Thus, do we see generations of brainwashed extremists infiltrating American institutions that begin in academia but permeate the media, corporate board rooms, and local, state, and federal governments. As Coates points out, it’s not surprising that Hamas invents propaganda to demonize Israel; what is shocking, however, is that senior members of the Biden administration including the president himself amplify and legitimize the lies. Coates compares the perpetuation of this warped narrative by campus radicals to the “Vietnam playbook of counterculture resistance” which is being used today to destroy the US-Israel alliance.
CRT proponents may repudiate history as they wrap themselves in Keffiyeh-adorned anti-Zionism, but Coates’ book makes a strong case for an incoming Trump administration to cease the indoctrination destroying the hearts and minds of American students. Recognizing that the “progressive rejection of ‘Judeo-Christian values’ in recent years…threatens both the legacy of our greatest American leaders and our alliance with the state of Israel,” she writes, “The great lesson of the Holocaust should be that antisemitism is a noxious cancer that can corrupt and consume a great culture. It is tolerated and justified at our peril.”
The second chapter of The Battle for the Jewish State tells the story of a long-standing tradition of American sympathy for Judaism and support for the Jewish State. The understanding that the US and Israel, the “Start-Up Nation” with scientific geniuses like Chaim Weizmann, face common enemies has led to a strong alliance that includes intelligence sharing, military collaboration, and economic partnerships.
If only the Palestinians realized the reality that alliance presents. Referring to Ze’ev Jabotinsky’s 1923 essay “The Iron Wall,” which recognized that until the Palestinians accept that the Jewish state is not going away, their “Plan A” will always be the eradication of Israel, Coates concludes, “If a president of the United States ever decides to acknowledge the actual truth and unequivocally declare Israel’s victory, the sad history of US engagement in Vietnam may not need to play out again in the Middle East.”
And yet US administrations continue the futility of failed attempts at a two-state solution which ultimately led to the disastrous Oslo Accords and other misguided mistakes under both Republican and Democrat administrations. But it’s Obama’s legacy that brought us to where we are today, with his pivot to Iran and claims in a speech in 2013 that “the only way to endure and thrive as a Jewish and democratic state is through the realization of an independent and viable Palestine.” With Biden’s foreign policy team comprised of Obama alumni, the Palestinians’ Plan A seemingly became US foreign policy. October 7th was the result.
What’s next? In the final chapter, Coates sets forth policy recommendations the basis of which can best be summarized in a quote from a 2016 Trump’s speech: “[W]hen the United States stands with Israel, the chances of peace really rise and rises exponentially…we will send a clear signal that there is no daylight between America and our most reliable ally, the state of Israel. The Palestinians must come to the table knowing that the bond between the United States and Israel is absolutely, totally unbreakable.”
One can only imagine what would have transpired over the past four years if Trump had won a second term: peace with expansion of the Abraham Accords to include Saudi Arabia and others, the fall of the Islamic Republic through continued maximum pressure, weakened Houthis and freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, 1200 Israeli civilian lives saved, and the Palestinians moving on to “Plan B.”
Notably, the antisemitism genie would still be locked inside its bottle, and on this front, Coates has much to recommend understanding how this corrosive ideology harms both Israel and the United States. Understanding that “American antisemitism isn’t just hatred of Jews, it is hatred of the very essence of the United States as well,” Coates lays out several prescriptions to address the scourge.
The Battle for the Jewish State provides a roadmap for Israeli victory but also for a stronger US that returns to its Judeo-Christian values and that once again leads the West in navigating these dangerous and tumultuous times. That begins by abandoning generations of failed policies that emboldened Palestinians while once again recognizing that Israel is a vital ally helping to project American power throughout the region and bringing peace in its wake.
Lauri B. Regan is the Vice Chair of the Endowment for Middle East Truth, Vice President and Treasurer of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, and board member of Polaris National Security.
The post A New Book Shows the Path Forward for the US-Israel Alliance first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire
Explosions send smoke into the air in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, July 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen
The spokesperson for Hamas’s armed wing said on Friday that while the Palestinian terrorist group favors reaching an interim truce in the Gaza war, if such an agreement is not reached in current negotiations it could revert to insisting on a full package deal to end the conflict.
Hamas has previously offered to release all the hostages held in Gaza and conclude a permanent ceasefire agreement, and Israel has refused, Abu Ubaida added in a televised speech.
Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the United States, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a US-backed proposal for a 60-day truce in the war.
Israeli officials were not immediately available for comment on the eve of the Jewish Sabbath.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on a call he had with Pope Leo on Friday that Israel‘s efforts to secure a hostage release deal and 60-day ceasefire “have so far not been reciprocated by Hamas.”
As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned along with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release a number of detained Palestinians.
“If the enemy remains obstinate and evades this round as it has done every time before, we cannot guarantee a return to partial deals or the proposal of the 10 captives,” said Abu Ubaida.
Disputes remain over maps of Israeli army withdrawals, aid delivery mechanisms into Gaza, and guarantees that any eventual truce would lead to ending the war, said two Hamas officials who spoke to Reuters on Friday.
The officials said the talks have not reached a breakthrough on the issues under discussion.
Hamas says any agreement must lead to ending the war, while Netanyahu says the war will only end once Hamas is disarmed and its leaders expelled from Gaza.
Almost 1,650 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed as a result of the conflict, including 1,200 killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Over 250 hostages were kidnapped during Hamas’s Oct. 7 onslaught.
Israel responded with an ongoing military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.
The post Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel
People hold images of the victims of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Irina Dambrauskas
Iran on Friday marked the 31st anniversary of the 1994 bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires by slamming Argentina for what it called “baseless” accusations over Tehran’s alleged role in the terrorist attack and accusing Israel of politicizing the atrocity to influence the investigation and judicial process.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on the anniversary of Argentina’s deadliest terrorist attack, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 300.
“While completely rejecting the accusations against Iranian citizens, the Islamic Republic of Iran condemns attempts by certain Argentine factions to pressure the judiciary into issuing baseless charges and politically motivated rulings,” the statement read.
“Reaffirming that the charges against its citizens are unfounded, the Islamic Republic of Iran insists on restoring their reputation and calls for an end to this staged legal proceeding,” it continued.
Last month, a federal judge in Argentina ordered the trial in absentia of 10 Iranian and Lebanese nationals suspected of orchestrating the attack in Buenos Aires.
The ten suspects set to stand trial include former Iranian and Lebanese ministers and diplomats, all of whom are subject to international arrest warrants issued by Argentina for their alleged roles in the terrorist attack.
In its statement on Friday, Iran also accused Israel of influencing the investigation to advance a political campaign against the Islamist regime in Tehran, claiming the case has been used to serve Israeli interests and hinder efforts to uncover the truth.
“From the outset, elements and entities linked to the Zionist regime [Israel] exploited this suspicious explosion, pushing the investigation down a false and misleading path, among whose consequences was to disrupt the long‑standing relations between the people of Iran and Argentina,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said.
“Clear, undeniable evidence now shows the Zionist regime and its affiliates exerting influence on the Argentine judiciary to frame Iranian nationals,” the statement continued.
In April, lead prosecutor Sebastián Basso — who took over the case after the 2015 murder of his predecessor, Alberto Nisman — requested that federal Judge Daniel Rafecas issue national and international arrest warrants for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei over his alleged involvement in the attack.
Since 2006, Argentine authorities have sought the arrest of eight Iranians — including former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who died in 2017 — yet more than three decades after the deadly bombing, all suspects remain still at large.
In a post on X, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), the country’s Jewish umbrella organization, released a statement commemorating the 31st anniversary of the bombing.
“It was a brutal attack on Argentina, its democracy, and its rule of law,” the group said. “At DAIA, we continue to demand truth and justice — because impunity is painful, and memory is a commitment to both the present and the future.”
31 años del atentado a la AMIA – DAIA. 31 años sin justicia.
El 18 de julio de 1994, un atentado terrorista dejó 85 personas muertas y más de 300 heridas. Fue un ataque brutal contra la Argentina, su democracia y su Estado de derecho.
Desde la DAIA, seguimos exigiendo verdad y… pic.twitter.com/kV2ReGNTIk
— DAIA (@DAIAArgentina) July 18, 2025
Despite Argentina’s longstanding belief that Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah terrorist group carried out the devastating attack at Iran’s request, the 1994 bombing has never been claimed or officially solved.
Meanwhile, Tehran has consistently denied any involvement and refused to arrest or extradite any suspects.
To this day, the decades-long investigation into the terrorist attack has been plagued by allegations of witness tampering, evidence manipulation, cover-ups, and annulled trials.
In 2006, former prosecutor Nisman formally charged Iran for orchestrating the attack and Hezbollah for carrying it out.
Nine years later, he accused former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — currently under house arrest on corruption charges — of attempting to cover up the crime and block efforts to extradite the suspects behind the AMIA atrocity in return for Iranian oil.
Nisman was killed later that year, and to this day, both his case and murder remain unresolved and under ongoing investigation.
The alleged cover-up was reportedly formalized through the memorandum of understanding signed in 2013 between Kirchner’s government and Iranian authorities, with the stated goal of cooperating to investigate the AMIA bombing.
The post Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns
Murad Adailah, the head of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, attends an interview with Reuters in Amman, Jordan, Sept. 7, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Jehad Shelbak
The Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist movements, has been implicated in a wide-ranging network of illegal financial activities in Jordan and abroad, according to a new investigative report.
Investigations conducted by Jordanian authorities — along with evidence gathered from seized materials — revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood raised tens of millions of Jordanian dinars through various illegal activities, the Jordan news agency (Petra) reported this week.
With operations intensifying over the past eight years, the report showed that the group’s complex financial network was funded through various sources, including illegal donations, profits from investments in Jordan and abroad, and monthly fees paid by members inside and outside the country.
The report also indicated that the Muslim Brotherhood has taken advantage of the war in Gaza to raise donations illegally.
Out of all donations meant for Gaza, the group provided no information on where the funds came from, how much was collected, or how they were distributed, and failed to work with any international or relief organizations to manage the transfers properly.
Rather, the investigations revealed that the Islamist network used illicit financial mechanisms to transfer funds abroad.
According to Jordanian authorities, the group gathered more than JD 30 million (around $42 million) over recent years.
With funds transferred to several Arab, regional, and foreign countries, part of the money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as illegal activities and cells.
In April, Jordan outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s most vocal opposition group, and confiscated its assets after members of the Islamist movement were found to be linked to a sabotage plot.
The movement’s political arm in Jordan, the Islamic Action Front, became the largest political grouping in parliament after elections last September, although most seats are still held by supporters of the government.
Opponents of the group, which is banned in most Arab countries, label it a terrorist organization. However, the movement claims it renounced violence decades ago and now promotes its Islamist agenda through peaceful means.
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