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After police clash with Tel Aviv protesters who blocked highway, Netanyahu likens demonstrations to settlers who rioted
(JTA) — In a defiant televised address, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu compared protesters of his government’s proposed judicial overhaul to the West Bank settlers who recently rioted in a Palestinian village, burning houses and cars.
Netanyahu, speaking for about seven minutes shortly after 8 p.m., warned that the protesters were crossing “red lines” and would themselves face retaliation, without elaborating on what shape it might take.
His remarks came after what protesters billed as a “day of disruption,” in which demonstrations blocked roads across the country, including a central highway in Tel Aviv. Police fired stun grenades, water cannons and tear gas at protesters, and at least 11 were hospitalized. Dozens of protesters were arrested.
Later in the day, including during Netanyahu’s speech, a crowd of protesters surrounded a hair salon in an upper-class neighborhood where Sara Netanyahu, the prime minister’s wife, was getting a haircut. The crowd kept the salon surrounded for hours, until a convoy of Israeli border police came to evacuate her from the building.
Netanyahu alluded to the crowd surrounding his wife in his speech and likened the protesters to the settlers who rioted in the Palestinian village of Huwara after a Palestinian killed two Israelis there. The settler rioters injured dozens of Palestinians, and a Palestinian man was killed amid the riots in another village.
“In Huwara, in the face of the horrific murder of two wonderful brothers, I said to the lawbreakers, we will not tolerate a situation in which ‘every man does that which is right in his own eyes,’” Netanyahu said, quoting a biblical passage. “And I say it again to the lawbreakers who crossed red lines in Tel Aviv today, we will not tolerate a situation in which ‘every man does that which is right in his own eyes.’”
Netanyahu added, “We cannot accept violence, we cannot accept attacks on police officers, we cannot accept blocking roads, we cannot accept threats toward public figures and their family members, something that is happening at this very moment in the heart of Tel Aviv.”
Later in the speech, he added, “If you erase the red lines on one side, they will be erased on the other, and the path to chaos is very quick,” he said.
Benny Gantz, one of the opposition leaders, called for talks under the aegis of President Isaac Herzog, who has offered to mediate, as did four influential Knesset members. Netanyahu did not mention those appeals in his speech.
Leaders of Israel’s parliamentary opposition came out in support of the protests — and some also called on protesters to let Sara Netanyahu leave the salon. Labor Party leader Meirav Michaeli, a Netanyahu opponent, also noted that police arrested more protesters in Tel Aviv than rioters in Huwara.
“Huwara was a terrorists’ pogrom,” Opposition Leader Yair Lapid, the head of the Yesh Atid Party, tweeted after Netanyahu’s speech. “How can Netanyahu compare that to members of [Israeli commando unit] Sayeret Matkal, to Apache pilots, to army reservists, to doctors and students, to people that came out today to the street? These are the best people in the country.”
For weeks, protesters have been turning out in the streets in the hundreds of thousands in a bid to stop the advance of legislation that would gut the courts of their independence. Pieces of that legislation were approved in a committee vote on Wednesday, moving one step closer to passage. The proposed overhaul would enable a majority of Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, to override Supreme Court decisions, and would give the government full control over appointments to the court.
Most of the protests are coordinated with the police, and there have been minimal arrests until Wednesday.
In his speech, Netanyahu also favorably compared protests by right-wing activists in 2005, when a centrist government evacuated settlements from the Gaza Strip, to today’s demonstrations. “That struggle did not cross red lines,” he said. “We did not see then what we see today. Those protesters did not attack police officers, did not call for civilian uprising, did not call for refusal [of military service], nor to take their money out of the country. They did not slander Israel in the world.”
In fact, around the time of the Gaza withdrawal, there were attacks on policemen, protests that blocked roads and calls on soldiers to refuse orders to evacuate settlements.
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Gaza ‘Board of Peace’ to Convene at WH on Feb. 19, One Day After Trump’s Meeting with Netanyahu
US President Donald Trump speaks to the media during the 56th annual World Economic Forum (WEF) meeting in Davos, Switzerland, January 22, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Denis Balibouse/File Photo
i24 News – A senior official from one of the member states confirms to i24NEWS that an invitation has been received for a gathering of President Trump’s Board of Peace at the White House on February 19, just one day after the president’s planned meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
The meeting comes amid efforts to advance the implementation of the second phase of the Gaza ceasefire, following the limited reopening of the Rafah crossing, the expected announcement on the composition and mandate of the International Stabilization Force, and anticipation of a Trump declaration setting a deadline for Hamas to disarm.
In Israel officials assess that the announcement is expected very soon but has been delayed in part due to ongoing talks with the Americans over Israel’s demands for the demilitarization of the Gaza Strip. Trump reiterated on Thursday his promise that Hamas will indeed be disarmed.
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If US Attacks, Iran Says It Will Strike US Bases in the Region
FILE PHOTO: Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi meets with Omani Foreign Minister Sayyid Badr Albusaidi in Muscat, Oman, February 6, 2026. Photo: Omani Ministry of Foreign Affairs/ Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
Iran will strike US bases in the Middle East if it is attacked by US forces that have massed in the region, its foreign minister said on Saturday, insisting that this should not be seen as an attack on the countries hosting them.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi spoke to Qatari Al Jazeera TV a day after Tehran and Washington pledged to continue indirect nuclear talks following what both sides described as positive discussions on Friday in Oman.
While Araqchi said no date had yet been set for the next round of negotiations, US President Donald Trump said they could take place early next week. “We and Washington believe it should be held soon,” Araqchi said.
Trump has threatened to strike Iran after a US naval buildup in the region, demanding that it renounce uranium enrichment, a possible pathway to nuclear bombs, as well as stopping ballistic missile development and support for armed groups around the region. Tehran has long denied any intent to weaponize nuclear fuel production.
While both sides have indicated readiness to revive diplomacy over Tehran’s long-running nuclear dispute with the West, Araqchi balked at widening the talks out.
“Any dialogue requires refraining from threats and pressure. (Tehran) only discusses its nuclear issue … We do not discuss any other issue with the US,” he said.
Last June, the US bombed Iranian nuclear facilities, joining in the final stages of a 12-day Israeli bombing campaign. Tehran has since said it has halted uranium enrichment activity.
Its response at the time included a missile attack on a US base in Qatar, which maintains good relations with both Tehran and Washington.
In the event of a new US attack, Araqchi said the consequences could be similar.
“It would not be possible to attack American soil, but we will target their bases in the region,” he said.
“We will not attack neighboring countries; rather, we will target US bases stationed in them. There is a big difference between the two.”
Iran says it wants recognition of its right to enrich uranium, and that putting its missile program on the negotiating table would leave it vulnerable to Israeli attacks.
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My university wants me to sign a loyalty oath — am I in America or Vichy France?
As a historian of modern France, I have rarely seen a connection between my everyday life in my adopted state of Texas and my work on my adopted specialization: the period we call Vichy France. Apart from the Texan boast that the Lone Star Republic is bigger than the French Republic, and the small town of Paris, Texas, which boasts its own Eiffel Tower, I had no reason to compare the two places where I have spent more than half of my life.
Until now.
Last week, professors and instructors at the University of Houston received an unsettling memo from the administration, which asked us to sign a statement that we teach rather than “indoctrinate” our students.
Though the administration did not define “indoctrinate,” it hardly takes a PhD in English to read between the lines. Indoctrination is precisely what our state government has already forbidden us from doing in our classes. There must not be the slightest sign in our courses and curricula of references to diversity, identity and inclusion. The catch-all word used is “ideology,” a term Governor Greg Abbott recently invoked when he warned that “Texas is targeting professors who are more focused on pushing leftist ideologies rather than preparing students to lead our nation. We must end indoctrination.”
This is not the first time in the past several months that I have been reminded of what occurred in France during the four years that it was ruled by its German occupiers and Vichy collaborators.
Very briefly, with Germany’s rapid and complete defeat of France in 1940, an authoritarian, antisemitic and collaborationist regime assumed power. Among its first acts was to purge French Jews from all the professions, including high school and university faculties, and to impose an “oath of loyalty” to the person of Marshal Philippe Pétain, the elderly but ramrod straight and clear-headed hero of World War I.
The purpose of the oath was simple and straightforward: By demanding the fealty of all state employees to the person of Pétain, it also demanded their hostility to the secular and democratic values of the French republican tradition. Nevertheless, an overwhelming majority of teachers signed the oath —even the novelist and feminist Simone de Beauvoir, who needed her salary as a lycée teacher, as did the writer Jean Guéhenno, a visceral anti-Pétainist who continued to teach at the prestigious Paris lycée Henri IV until he was fired in 1943.
Vichy’s ministers of education understood the vital importance that schools and universities played in shaping citizens. Determined to replace the revolutionary values of liberty, equality and fraternity with the reactionary goals of family, work and homeland, they sought to eliminate “godless schools” and instill a “moral order” based on submission to state and church authorities. This radical experiment, powered by a reactionary ideology, to return France to the golden age of kings, cardinals and social castes came to an inglorious end with the Allied liberation of the country and collapse of Vichy scarcely four years after it had begun.
The French Jewish historian Marc Bloch — who joined the Resistance and sacrificed his life on behalf of a very different ideology we can call humanism — always insisted on the importance of comparative history. But comparison was important not because it identified similarities but because it illuminated differences. Clearly, the situation of professors at UH is very different from that of their French peers in Vichy France. We are not risking our jobs, much less our lives, by resisting this ham-handed effort to demand our loyalty to an anti-indoctrination memo.
But the two situations are not entirely dissimilar, either. Historians of fascism like Robert Paxton remind us that such movements begin slowly, then suddenly assume terrifying proportions. This was certainly the case in interwar France, where highly polarized politics, frequent political violence and a long history of antisemitism and anti-republicanism prepared the ground for Vichy. In France, Paxton writes, this slow, then sudden transformation “changed the practice of citizenship from the enjoyment of constitutional rights and duties to participation in mass ceremonies of affirmation and conformity.”
As an historian of France, I always thought its lurch into authoritarianism was shocking, but not surprising. After all, many of the elements for this change had existed well before 1940. But as a citizen of America, I am not just shocked, but also surprised by official demands for affirmation and conformity. One day I will find the time to think hard about my naiveté. But the time is now to think about how we should respond to these demands.
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