Uncategorized
As day school educators gather, focus is on investing in leadership and creativity
When Rabbi Adam Englander arrived at a recent national gathering in Denver of Jewish day school and yeshiva educators, he had a good sense of what conference sessions he wanted to attend and whom he wanted to meet.
But it turns out that one of the most valuable benefits Englander experienced at the Prizmah educators conference were the serendipitous encounters he had with colleagues and the new opportunities for collaboration and creativity they presented.
As head of school at the Hebrew Academy of Long Beach, or HALB, in Woodmere, New York, Englander’s main focus usually is what’s happening at his school, not elsewhere. But at the conference he met with two colleagues with whom he shares a leadership coach, they created a WhatsApp group chat for sharing ideas, and Englander soon walked away with a new idea for a dynamic workshop to run with his leadership team this summer.
“Already just from this group I have an amazing idea,” Englander said. “That kind of good stuff can happen where you might meet someone who is like, ‘Oh, yeah. I have the same problem as you.’ Now you are connecting with some principal from San Francisco whom you’d never have met in a million years.”
He added, “Day school leaders really need to take the time and energy to invest in themselves, and their own growth.”
“Creative Spirit” was the theme of the conference in January organized by Prizmah: Center for Jewish Day Schools, the national network organization that was created several years ago through a merger of five different day school organizations. The conference in Denver drew more than 1,000 professional and lay leaders from over 200 Jewish day schools and yeshivas across North America. It was the third-ever iteration of Prizmah’s national conference.
With tens of thousands of students spread out over hundreds of schools across the continent, day schools have become laboratories of creativity: for learning, for Jewish action, even for tackling societal challenges.
“Jewish day schools are inherently creative places,” said Prizmah CEO Paul Bernstein. “The exceptional level of shared optimism and imagination around the bright future of Jewish day schools was palpable at the conference. Day school leaders clearly share a belief and innovative determination in the opportunity to grow enrollment in the next decade — by promulgating the value proposition of Jewish day school, ensuring a pipeline of excellent educators and addressing the challenge of affordability.”
A salient example of creativity in action is how day schools adapted to the Covid-19 pandemic, not just adjusting to remote learning and figuring out how to return to classrooms safely, but in reconfiguring teaching approaches to suit different kinds of learning.
“Because of schools’ creativity, and because of the way that different stakeholders in schools — from administrators to teachers to parents to students — were able to work together, they solved these brand new problems we hadn’t seen before,” Bernstein observed.
Another area of tremendous creativity is how Jewish schools are managing the challenges of affordability: Day schools are almost entirely privately funded, tuition is a barrier for many families, and yet tuition fees alone are insufficient to cover costs. In recent years, some schools have adapted innovative and flexible fee models, from setting tuition based on a fixed percentage of a family’s income to using Jewish community grant funding to cap tuition for new families.
Much of the conference was devoted to ideas for the future of Jewish day school education, covering everything from curricula to leadership to finances. One main area of focus is recruiting and retaining quality educators and school leaders.
Debra Skolnick-Einhorn, head of school at the Milton Gottesman Jewish Day School in Washington, D.C., who spoke on a conference panel about professional development, said she believes the key to better educator retention is improving compensation and benefits, providing more opportunities for professional growth, and expressing more gratitude toward staff.
Tal Ben-Shahar, an American-Israeli bestselling author who teaches about the psychology of leadership, spoke at the conference about the importance of investing in leaders.
“It’s important to focus on self-care for the teachers, invest in people in the field,” Ben-Shahar said. “It’s critical to treat teachers well, keep them involved, treat them as professionals, and value their opinions.”
“Jewish day schools are inherently creative places,” said Prizmah CEO Paul Bernstein at the organization’s biennial conference in Denver, January 2023. (Courtesy of Prizmah)
John D’Auria, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania and author of four books on leadership, spoke about how great leaders focus on mutual learning — getting colleagues to share and learn from one another — rather than top-down leadership. It’s an approach embodied by many day school curricula, which focus on collaborative and experiential learning.
At the conference, Lisa Kay Solomon, Louie Montoya, and Ariel Raz from Stanford University’s d.school K12 Futures team offered an art project dubbed Hall of Descendants where participants could create a portrait and message for future children and educators.
“While we can’t predict the future, we know it’s going to be filled with a lot of uncertainty, complexity and tensions that we can’t solve,” Solomon said. “The hall creates a relatability to that distant time travel and a sense of responsibility about what we might do today to serve that future descendant.”
Brad Phillipson, head of school for the Jewish Community Day School of Greater New Orleans, said he found the Hall “a powerful exercise in prioritizing the values with which I most closely identify, personally and professionally, and in contemplating the world I want to pass along to future generations — through our students, through my child, and, indirectly, through what my students, and my daughter, will teach their children.”
Tal Grinfas-David, who led a session at the conference on creative leadership and Israel, said it’s important for leaders to take risks. More often than not, she noted, leaders can be “risk averse to placate, to take safe pathways.”
Grinfas-David, who is vice president of outreach and pre-collegiate school management initiatives at the Atlanta-based Center for Israel Education, turned to Israeli history for examples of leadership that educators could emulate.
“What I wanted them to see was examples of courageous leadership and risk taking and where that could lead,” Grinfas-David said. “Hopefully, they see that leaders of Israel have had to strengthen the future of the state regardless of the circumstances, just as the school leaders need to leave behind a legacy of a stronger institution.”
Bernstein, Prizmah’s CEO, said that the recent gathering underscored how important collaboration is to Jewish education — and that regardless of location or denomination, colleagues have a lot to learn from each other.
“What we are seeing is that when Jewish day school leaders come together, whether you are Orthodox, Reform, Conservative, pluralistic, or nondenominational, whether you are from the Southwest or the Northeast, from the U.S. or Canada and beyond — there is so much more that unites than divides,” Bernstein said.
Prizmah’s next conference will be held in the winter of 2024.
—
The post As day school educators gather, focus is on investing in leadership and creativity appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
Uncategorized
The Nazis would have embraced these elite Germans — nevertheless, they resisted
The Traitors Circle : The True Story of a Secret Resistance Network in Nazi Germany—and the Spy Who Betrayed Them
By Jonathan Freedland
Harper, 480 pages, $26
Sometimes resistance is just mindfully walking around the streets of Berlin with shopping bags in both hands so that you have a reason not to give the Heil Hitler salute. As Jonathan Freedland told the audience at a live taping of John Heileman’s Impolitic podcast, that was the practice of Countess Lagi von Ballestrem — one of the two countesses in the “Traitors Circle” that gives his new book its title. Though members of the circle were involved in more significant opposition to the Nazi regime, this small, practical, personal act of defiance sings to us at our own moment of mounting authoritarianism.
Following on from his 2022 book, The Escape Artist, which traced the story of the first and only Jewish prisoners to escape from Auschwitz through their pre-War lives, capture and imprisonment, flight and depressingly unsuccessful attempts to convince Jewish and wartime governments to take action, Freedland turns his attention to a tea party. At roughly the same time as the events of his other book, these upper-class non-Jews in Berlin met regularly for companionship, dissent and mild subversion. It’s an entirely different form of resistance from Rudolf Vrba’s heroic escape, but one that speaks more directly to our time.
Freedland and his researcher Jonathan Cummings, were tipped off to the existence of this previously little-known coterie of “traitors” by the transcript of a speech from Heinrich Himmler to high-ranking Nazis in August 1944. He was referring to these regular anti-Nazi social gatherings hosted by widow of the late German Imperial Foreign Minister Wilhelm Solf. Just after Operation Valkyrie’s attempt to assassinate Adolf Hitler had failed. Himmler — head of the SS, architect of the Shoah, and Hitler’s number two — reassured attendees that the SS was in full control and had also foiled a “traitors circle” from the “reactionary cabal” who were “prattling over tea” at the home of the Widow Solf.
As its subtitle suggests, The Traitors’ Circle tells the story of a small group of German men and women — aristocrats, army officers, diplomats, teachers — who saw what their government had become and decided to fight it from within. From the countesses like von Bellestrem and Maria von Maltzan, to wealthy mandarins like Arthur Zarden, to protestant nobility like Elisabeth von Thadden, they were German insiders, not romantic rebels or racially suspect. They, mostly, came from the right families, wore the right uniforms, spoke with the right accents, and moved in the right circles. Yet, even a decade into the Nazi takeover of Germany, they resisted.
In a breathless prose that he developed in his side hustle as thriller writer Sam Bourne, Freedland dashes through the histories and stories of the seven or eight main characters. The cadence can sometimes be a little repetitive and annoying, but for the most part, it shuttles through the nearly 400 pages of the story in entertaining, if horrifying, fashion. As is the case with the The Escape Artist, though, the events are entirely true. The hardback stretches to more than 450 pages because, to reinforce its facticity, it contains 30 character summaries, maps, more than 45 pages of endnotes and almost the same number of pages listing sources.
The book mainly centers on the time between the Solf-group celebrating Anza von Thadden’s birthday and surviving interrogation at Ravensbrück concentration camp. In sections, though, it extends well before that time to establish the backstories of the resisters, their betrayer, and some of the Nazi elite that prosecuted them. These backstories are crucial to understand not only what they did – hide Jews, sabotage the army, encourage army intelligence to desert – but what gave them the perspective and the moral compass to stand up against a state that would have happily embraced them.
Freedland has noted that, though 3 million Germans were arrested and imprisoned for their anti-Nazi activities, they represent only 5% of the German population. Even before the Nazis had fully consolidated their power over the country, the vast preponderance of people and corporations went along with the vicious lies that legitimized the Reich. Education, empathy, experience of other countries and cultures, true patriotism unfounded in personality cults, and a religious moral upbringing are some of the traits that impelled them to oppose the inhumanity of the regime.
Sadly, corporations like BMW, Porsche, and IG Farben were also deeply complicit in the Nazi takeover. Indeed, Freedland notes that Siemens drew slave labor from the prison population at Ravensbrück, where the Solf-group was held. During the Nazi era, corporations willingly took money and economic control in exchange for loyalty.
Today, corporations are massive but equally tractable. Advances in technology mean that their control of capital and information dwarfs even the great corporations of the past like the East India Trading Company or U.S. Steel. Furthermore, economic logic dictates that they must maximize profit so, especially when faced with egregious retaliation from an ideologically-driven regulatory power, they toe the line. Indeed, corporations throughout modern history have mostly acted as a lever of ideological power not as a bulwark.
From Pharaonic atrocities in antiquity, through capitalist colonial processes like the African Slave Trade to the murder of millions in the Russian and Chinese Revolutions, humans have been cruel and inhuman to other humans for millennia. As Kafka and Orwell recognized, though, the truly frightening potential of the 20th century – being realized in the 21st — is when the networks and system of the modern state are mobilized to identify, delegitimize, isolate and destroy individuals or groups it designates as undesirable.
Every act of resistance teaches the system what it cannot understand. That’s as true of dissenting Germans in 1943 as it is of whistleblowers and protesters today. Freedland’s conspirators exposed the blind spots of totalitarian logic: that obedience cannot erase morality, that even the most efficient machine depends on the fragile cooperation of individuals.
Their story reads as both a historical thriller and a moral syllabus. Resistance is not a fixed ideology; it’s a form of literacy. You learn how to read the shapes of power and to write between its lines.
In his theoretical discussion of the concept of “resistance” in “Resistances to Psychoanalysis,” Jacques Derrida talks about the emotional pull of the term. He begins nostalgically, thinking about the resonance of the French Resistance “blowing up trains, tanks, and headquarters between 1940 and 1945,” but spends the rest of the book backing away from that macro, material definition. For his part, Freedland shows that resistance is not simply heroic, even violent, self-assertion but rather can be deliberate, pre-planned or responsive, acts of mindfulness. It teaches us to see how ordinary habits — bureaucratic procedures, polite greetings, professional codes — become instruments of control, and how they can also be reclaimed as tools of subversion.
Indeed, in a world of misinformation overload where so many of the platforms that feed us our news and opinions are corrupt — by state interests (TikTok), laissez faire enrichment (Meta), or billionaire racism (X/Twitter) — copious, accessible notes and references are Freedland’s full shopping bags. Presenting the truth is sadly a mark of resistance in a decade marked by lies, propaganda, and deliberate attempts to rewrite the historical record.
The post The Nazis would have embraced these elite Germans — nevertheless, they resisted appeared first on The Forward.
Uncategorized
Marjorie Taylor Greene is feuding with Donald Trump. Could she win over Jewish Democrats?
(JTA) — As the U.S. House prepared this week to take a pivotal vote to force the release of the Jeffrey Epstein files, one leading Jewish Democrat had words of praise for a prominent MAGA diehard who helped make the vote possible.
“This is a party that’s got room for Marjorie Taylor Greene, if she wants to come over,” Rep. Jamie Raskin told a group of Florida Democrats on Monday. “We got room for anybody who wants to stand up for the Constitution and for the Bill of Rights today.”
Raskin wasn’t the only influential Jewish Democrat to have recently offered praise for Greene, the far-right Georgia congresswoman with a history of conspiratorial remarks about Jews, Israel and antisemitism.
Last month California Sen. Adam Schiff, who had called Greene part of the “lunatic fringe” when she first entered Congress in 2021, released a short video titled “I agree with… MTG?” The issue they agreed on, Schiff said, was rising healthcare costs, which Jewish Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer also said Greene was “absolutely right” about. Such Democratic praise came as a growing number of Jewish Republicans, including Florida Rep. Randy Fine, have taken the opposite tack and more forcefully denounced Greene as an antisemite.
Such praise for Greene from unexpected corners comes as she is generating positive press for her recent public break with President Donald Trump, which helped spur all but one Republican to ultimately vote on Tuesday to release the Epstein files.
Trump formally withdrew his support for Greene last week, calling her a “RINO,” or Republican in name only, and saying he is willing to support a primary challenge against her.
In recent days Greene, amid her escalating split from the president she once fervently supported, has made the media rounds. She told CNN she was “committed to ending the toxic politics” and told Bill Maher that “I didn’t even know the Rothschilds were Jewish” when she made a now-infamous 2018 Facebook post blaming California wildfires on a space laser she said was funded by the Jewish banking family. Joy Behar of “The View,” like Raskin, urged her to become a Democrat, to wild audience applause.
Yet some Jewish groups are still urging caution when it comes to dealing with the onetime QAnon adherent.
“Marjorie Taylor Greene’s repudiation of Donald Trump – whether on the Epstein files or healthcare subsidies – isn’t something Democrats had on our 2025 bingo card. Her separation from MAGA, however, doesn’t erase her years of political extremism and dangerous lies about Jewish Americans,” Hailie Soifer, head of the Jewish Democratic Council for America, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in a statement.
Soifer continued, “If Marjorie Taylor Greene wants to truly distinguish herself from the toxic and divisive politics of Donald Trump, she needs to take meaningful action to repudiate the antisemitic conspiracy theories that she’s previously espoused.”
The head of Democratic Majority for Israel, a pro-Israel group focused on shoring up the left side of the aisle, also expressed hesitation about Greene’s transformation.
“Marjorie Taylor Greene’s sudden and supposed change of heart regarding President Trump does not erase her long record of antisemitic rhetoric, her affinity for spreading dangerous conspiracy theories and her clear anti-Israel actions, which have continued through yesterday,” the group’s CEO, Brian Romick, told JTA in a statement on Tuesday. “She is a key part of the troubling trend and embrace of antisemitism coursing through the GOP.”
Romick specifically pointed out the congresswoman’s record on Israel.
“Greene has consistently voted and spoken out against providing critical support and resources for Israel to defend itself,” Romick said. “There should be no room for antisemitism, her dangerous views on Israel, or reckless conspiracy theories in either political party.”
The discussion around Greene has renewed speculation about the political future for an outspoken member of Congress who still believes disproven theories that the 2020 election was stolen and is the rare Republican to publicly accuse Israel of genocide in Gaza.
The Anti-Defamation League had, in years past, been one of the Jewish groups most loudly sounding the alarm on Greene. A spokesperson for the ADL declined to comment on Greene for this story.
In 2021, as Greene was being stripped of committee assignments over her promulgation of conspiracy theories, including antisemitic ones, ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt said that Greene “literally is breaking new ground in antisemitism, stringing together so many crazy ideas it’s hard to keep track.” The following year he also called her remarks comparing then-President Joe Biden to Hitler “disgraceful”.
On her rehabilitation tour, Greene has made no effort to signal any change in her thinking on Israel or antisemitism. Even the issue that Greene has taken up as her main breaking point with Trump — Epstein — has in her hands become fodder for more conspiracy theories about Israel.
“It really makes you wonder what is in those files and who and what country is putting so much pressure on him?” Greene wrote about Trump on X last week as she pushed for the Epstein files release. She attached a screenshot of a donations page from the pro-Israel lobbying giant AIPAC.
When asked about the tweet later on CNN, Greene was even more explicit about what she was saying.
“We saw Jeffrey Epstein with ties to Ehud Barak,” she said, referring to documented links between the sex trafficker and the former Israeli prime minister, who visited Epstein’s townhouse on multiple occasions. “We saw him making business deals with them. Also, business deals that involved the Israeli government and seems to have led into their intel agencies. And I think the right question to ask is, was Jeffrey Epstein working for Israel?”
Greene again asserted that Trump was acting on behalf of a foreign power during a press conference with Epstein survivors Tuesday morning, before the House vote.
“He called me a traitor for standing with these women and refusing to take my name off the discharge petition,” Greene said about Trump while flanked by survivors. “Let me tell you what a traitor is. A traitor is an American who serves foreign countries and themselves.”
Greene also isn’t trying to bury her past association with Nick Fuentes, the antisemitic podcaster whose recent interview with Tucker Carlson has spurred broader fears about his “groyper” movement’s hold on the GOP.
In the same CNN interview with Jewish anchor Dana Bash, Greene declined to condemn Carlson’s decision to interview Fuentes. “I don’t believe in canceling people,” Greene said, also reminding viewers that she herself had spoken at a Fuentes-organized conference in 2022.
Greene is close with Carlson, appearing on his show the week before Fuentes and backing recent insinuations promoted by Carlson and Candace Owens that Israel may have played a role in the murder of conservative activist Charlie Kirk. And she has offered some Israel-centric conspiracy theories of her own.
In May Greene suggested that the Mossad, Israel’s intelligence services, may have played a role in John F. Kennedy’s assassination. And in an August interview with conservative personality Megyn Kelly, Greene further stated, “Israel is the only country I know of that has some sort of incredible influence and control over nearly every single one of my colleagues. And I don’t know how to explain it.”
Greene has also advanced talking points circulated by far-right Christians. Last year she opposed a House bill to define antisemitism on the grounds that it “could convict Christians of antisemitism for believing the Gospel that says Jesus was handed over to Herod to be crucified by the Jews.”
At least one Democratic lawmaker embracing Greene publicly says he is still treading carefully.
In a statement to JTA, Raskin — whose remarks in Florida seemingly welcoming Greene were met with some boos — outlined more specifically what he would need to see from her in order to bring her into the fold.
“Before I would welcome Rep. Greene or any other leaders who might flee from Trump’s autocratic personality cult,” he told JTA, “I would of course want to see them repudiate all the forms of authoritarianism, antisemitism, racism, transphobia and bigotry that they have promoted as Republicans and that have become so intertwined with the MAGA Republican brand under Trump.”
Raskin added, “I have real hope that a whole lot of my colleagues will continue to evolve away from the dangerous and divisive swamps of MAGA politics.”
The post Marjorie Taylor Greene is feuding with Donald Trump. Could she win over Jewish Democrats? appeared first on The Forward.
Uncategorized
Cameron Kasky, Jewish Parkland shooting survivor, is running for Congress on platform to ‘stop funding genocide’
(JTA) — Cameron Kasky, the 25-year-old Jewish activist and school shooting survivor, has entered the race to represent one of the United States’ most Jewish congressional districts — on a platform that includes stopping Israel’s “genocide” in Gaza.
“We need leaders who aren’t going to coddle their billionaire donors, who won’t support a genocide and who aren’t going to settle for flaccid incrementalism,” Kasky said in the launch video posted on Tuesday for his campaign to represent New York City’s 12th Congressional District.
The video’s caption includes the three main points of his campaign: “Medicare for all. Stop funding genocide. Abolish ICE.”
While Kasky’s anti-Trump positions are likely to go over well with the district’s largely liberal populace, his stance that Israel is committing a genocide — and the apparent centrality of that stance to his campaign — could be an issue for constituents. The district includes the Upper West and East Sides of Manhattan, where many voters sided with the pro-Israel Andrew Cuomo over Zohran Mamdani in the city’s recent mayoral election, as well as Midtown Manhattan.
Kasky’s messaging may, however, speak more to young voters in the district. A New York Times/Siena poll from September found that 66% of New York City voters ages 18 to 29 found that Mamdani, an anti-Zionist, “best addressed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict” among the mayoral candidates.
A democratic socialist, Kasky was a vocal supporter of Mamdani throughout the mayoral election — and an aggressive critic of fellow Democrats who objected to the mayoral candidate’s anti-Israel stances.
“‘Vote blue no matter who unless it’s a Muslim who criticizes Israel’s extremist far right nationalist government’ is not ‘vote blue no matter who,’” he wrote in one tweet.
In another, he wrote that Democrats who refused to endorse him after the primary should “go get a consulting gig and stop disrespecting your own voter base.”
Kasky had teased entering the crowded race for months, ever since Rep. Jerry Nadler, Congress’ most senior Jewish member, announced he would not be running for reelection.
In that time, Kasky has also weighed in on the viability of Micah Lasher, the Jewish state Assembly member and former Nadler aide who launched his own campaign for the seat earlier in the fall.
Lasher is unable to “fight fascism” because of his “genocide denial and free speech attacks on students,” Kasky wrote, with a screenshot of a Lasher tweet from Oct. 28, 2023, that criticized what Lasher called the “awful use of the word ‘genocide’ by some westerners to describe Israel’s actions.” (As the war in Gaza neared its two-year mark this summer, a poll found that half of Americans believed Israel had committed genocide, a claim that Israel and the United States both reject.)
Kasky also reposted a poll according to which Brad Lander, Mamdani’s most prominent Jewish ally, would beat the moderate congressman Dan Goldman, who is Jewish and withheld an endorsement due to “some of the rhetoric coming from Mamdani.”
“Needless to say, I am looking forward to working with Brad Lander,” Kasky wrote.
Kasky is the co-host of the “For You Podcast” with Tim Miller, which attempts to “break down the politics of the TikTok generation,” for The Bulwark, a center-right, anti-Trump media company.
One of Kasky’s podcast guests over the summer is now his opponent: Jack Schlossberg.
Schlossberg, who is the grandson of President John F. Kennedy and has said he is “at least 100% half Jewish,” announced his own candidacy for the 12th Congressional District last week.
Kasky remarked on their podcast that many women in his life have crushes on Schlossberg — and Schlossberg replied that the two men have a similar appeal.
“I always say, when you go unhinged politics Jew, it’s hard to go back,” Kasky said.
Kasky was thrust into the national spotlight as a survivor of the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting in Parkland, Florida, in 2018. Together with other survivors, he led a march in Washington and spurred a national movement that is seen as crucial to the 2022 passage of the most significant federal gun control legislation in decades.
Kasky, a junior at the time of the shooting, is credited with having selecting the name and hashtag #NeverAgain — which has long been linked to Holocaust commemoration — for the student-led gun control campaign. (Another co-founder of Never Again MSD is David Hogg, who recently stepped down as the youngest-ever vice chair of the Democratic National Committee.)
Before the shooting, Kasky said he played Motel in a school production of “Fiddler on the Roof.” The quality of his performance was proof, he joked, that he was not a paid actor in the protests, as some conspiracy theorists accused.
Kasky attended Hebrew school growing up, which he referenced when speaking on MSNBC about the “No Kings” protests against Trump.
“This kind of reminded me of my education growing up — when you go to Hebrew school, you learn about fascism a little bit younger than the other kids,” he said. “And you find yourself asking, in the face of authoritarianism, in the face of seeing a genocide happen before the entire world, what would I do? How would I react?”
He moved to New York City to attend Columbia University, where he later dropped out, and lives in the 12th Congressional District that’s been described as a “crown jewel” of New York politics.
Now, Kasky is running on a progressive agenda that emphasizes fighting Trump and stopping U.S. military aid for Israel, referring to the country’s actions in Gaza in no uncertain terms as a “genocide” — a response which he says has been informed in part by his Jewish identity.
“I am always surprised when people ask me why I focus so much on Palestine,” he wrote. “Beyond my Jewish identity making me strongly opposed to genocide, I’m a school shooting survivor-turned-activist. I started my adult life demanding an end to American-made weapons slaughtering children.”
The post Cameron Kasky, Jewish Parkland shooting survivor, is running for Congress on platform to ‘stop funding genocide’ appeared first on The Forward.