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Dave Chappelle isn’t the first to suggest that Jews run Hollywood. Here are the origins of the trope.

(JTA) – On “Saturday Night Live” last weekend, Dave Chappelle really wanted his audience to know there are a lot of Jews in Hollywood.

“I’ve been to Hollywood, this is just what I saw,” he said during his widely dissected monologue. “It’s a lot of Jews. Like, a lot.”

While suggesting that it might not be fair to say Jews run the industry, the comedian said that coming to that conclusion is “not a crazy thing to think.” Chappelle’s “SNL” episode drew a season-high 4.8 million viewers when it aired on NBC (eclipsing Jewish comedian Amy Schumer’s own hosting stint the week before), and his monologue had more than 8.1 million views on YouTube as of Wednesday.

The Anti-Defamation League was quick to denounce Chappelle’s act, calling it antisemitic. Other prominent Jews have followed suit. 

“I was very disturbed to see him speaking, to millions of people, a lot of antisemitic tropes,” Pamela Nadell, a professor at American University who researches antisemitism, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

But Chappelle, who was himself riffing on recent antisemitism controversies involving Kanye West and Kyrie Irving, wasn’t exactly breaking new ground by insinuating that Jews run Hollywood. The trope has been a part of show business since its earliest days — when, in a literal sense, Jews did run Hollywood. Or the studios, anyway.

Nearly every major movie studio was founded in the early 20th century by a group of first-generation secular Jews who immigrated to the United States from Eastern Europe. Carl Laemmle (Universal), Adolph Zukor (Paramount), William Fox (Fox), Louis B. Mayer (MGM), and Benjamin Warner (Warner) were all Jewish silver-screen pioneers, laying the groundwork for the size and scale of the industry to follow.

But the industry has diversified greatly in the century since, with studios largely swallowed up by corporate behemoths. And while individual Jews may be overrepresented in an industry that has long welcomed and rewarded them, the rhetorical danger, Nadell said, comes in conflating a large Jewish presence in an industry with ownership and control of that industry. 

“Jews remain active in Hollywood in a variety of roles, but it would be impossible to say that they run Hollywood, that they own Hollywood,” she said.

“Whenever the Jews enter into any kind of position where they might have influence over people who are not Jewish, then all of a sudden it’s seen as some kind of conspiracy.”

Conspiracy theories dogged Jews in Hollywood from the industry’s beginning. Because so many Jews were in control in Hollywood in its early years, Joseph Breen, who for decades ran the industry’s Production Code office and tried to make movies palatable to Catholic morality groups, blamed “the Jews” for sneaking sex, violence and moral depravity into the movies.

But their rise to the top of the still-young motion picture industry wasn’t because they were a part of some secretive cabal; it’s because, historians say, Hollywood provided a low barrier to entry for enterprising businessmen, and was lacking the antisemitic guardrails of more established industries.

“There were no social barriers in a business as new and faintly disreputable as the movies were in the early years of [the 20th] century,” historian Neal Gabler writes in his landmark 1988 book “An Empire Of Their Own: How The Jews Invented Hollywood.”

In the book, Gabler notes that the movie business, which evolved out of other professions like vaudeville and the garment industry where Jews had already found a toehold, lacked “the impediments imposed by loftier professions and more firmly entrenched businesses to keep Jews and other undesirables out.”

As such, Jews (particularly recent immigrants) were able to thrive in show business in a way they couldn’t in most other industries. Once they were in, family ties or the general phenomenon of affinity groups often led to them elevating other Jews in the industry: For example, prolific Jewish producer David O. Selznick, whose credits include “Gone With The Wind,” “Rebecca” and a huge string of other hits in the 1930s and ’40s, spent many years at MGM, run by his father-in-law, Louis B. Mayer.

Areas like the film, garment and publishing industries were attractive to Jews, Nadell said, “because there were so many other sectors of the economy where they were barred from.”

But in exchange, Hollywood’s prominent Jews had to effectively extinguish their Jewishness. 

Yearning to assimilate into American society, the Jews who ran these studios were beset on all sides by antisemitic invective — first from Christian groups like the Legion of Decency, then by anti-Communist groups, both of whom accused Hollywood’s Jews of conspiring to undermine American society with their loose morals. 

As such, the Jewish studio heads largely refrained from making any movies about Jewish themes, or snuffing out antisemitic content even within their own films, or otherwise exerting their influence in any obviously Jewish way, even as many of the Golden Era of Hollywood’s most acclaimed writers and directors (Herman Mankiewicz, Ernst Lubitsch, George Cukor, Billy Wilder) were also Jewish. “Gentleman’s Agreement,” the landmark 1947 film about antisemitism, didn’t have any Jewish producers, directors or major stars (though some of its credited writers were Jewish).

Famously, Hollywood’s Jews also went out of their way to avoid offending Hitler during the Nazi era, continuing to do business with Germany and largely avoiding featuring Nazis as villains in the prewar years. 

Director Steven Spielberg speaks at the Academy Awards in Hollywood, Feb. 9, 2020. (Kevin Winter/Getty Images)

With the demise of the studio system in the 1960s, Jewish creatives ranging from Mel Brooks to Steven Spielberg to Natalie Portman no longer had to hide their identity from audiences, but instead made it an essential part of their public personas. Earlier this week, in a New York Times interview, Spielberg acknowledged that Hollywood was a welcoming place for Jews when he arrived as a young filmmaker. 

Being Jewish in America is not the same as being Jewish in Hollywood,” he said while promoting “The Fabelmans,” a loose retelling of his own Jewish upbringing. “Being Jewish in Hollywood is like wanting to be in the popular circle and immediately being accepted as I have been in that circle, by a lot of diversity but also by a lot of people who in fact are Jewish.” 

Still, such ethnic affinity has often been deemed conspiratorial. “Hollywood is run by Jews” and “owned by Jews,” Marlon Brando declared in a 1996 interview with Larry King, further claiming that Jewish studio executives prevented antisemitic stereotypes from being depicted on screen while allowing stereotypes of every other minority group “because that’s where you circle the wagons around.”

(Despite this outburst, which prompted intense backlash from Jewish groups, Brando was known for having close relationships with Jews and demonstrating a strong understanding of Jewish theology and culture throughout his life, and apparently spoke Yiddish quite well.)

This general air of suspicion around Jews in show business has continued into the modern day, as evidenced by Chappelle and West’s comments. In the tweets that precipitated the collapse of his businesses, West singled out Jewish producers and managers in the entertainment industry he had affiliations with, echoing how believers in antisemitic conspiracy theories about Jewish control tend to fixate on Jews in leadership positions outside of the public eye. 

Attorney Allen Grubman, left, and rocker John Mellencamp speak onstage during the 37th Annual Rock & Roll Hall of Fame Induction Ceremony in Los Angeles, Nov. 5, 2022. (Amy Sussman/WireImage)

Ignoring the many industry leaders who are not Jewish, such conspiracy theorists tend to focus on the successful managers and lawyers in Hollywood who are, including Jeremy Zimmer, Ari Emanuel, Allen Grubman — and Harvey Weinstein, whose decades of sexual abuse, scorched-earth targeting of his accusers and eventual downfall are the subject of the new movie “She Said.”

And in a similar fashion to Brando, Chappelle suggested that there is a double standard in talking about ethnic groups, with jokes about Jews being seen as taboo in a way that jokes about Black people and other groups are not: “If they’re Black, then it’s a gang. If they’re Italian, it’s a mob. If they’re Jewish, it’s a coincidence and you should never speak about it.”

At the same time as Jews in and out of the industry are fighting such perceptions, they are also pushing for greater visibility. The unveiling of the new Academy Museum of Motion Pictures in Los Angeles last year almost entirely omitted Jews from Hollywood’s founding narrative, leading to backlash from Jews in the industry and, ultimately, the guarantee of a new permanent exhibition space focusing on Jews.

And there was one other way in which the Chappelle episode hearkened back to the age-old dynamics of the relationship between Jews and Hollywood: “Saturday Night Live” executive producer Lorne Michaels, who presumably allowed the monologue on the air, is Jewish.


The post Dave Chappelle isn’t the first to suggest that Jews run Hollywood. Here are the origins of the trope. appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Hezbollah Leader Leaves Open Possibility of New War With Israel

Lebanon’s Hezbollah Chief Naim Qassem gives a televised speech from an unknown location, July 30, 2025, in this screen grab from video. Photo: Al Manar TV/REUTERS TV/via REUTERS

The head of Lebanese terrorist group Hezbollah said on Friday it retained the right to respond to Israel‘s killing days ago of its top military commander and left open the possibility of a new conflict with Israel.

Naim Qassem spoke in a televised address as fears grew in Lebanon that Israel could escalate its bombardment of the country to compel Iran-backed Hezbollah to relinquish its arsenal across the country, which the group has repeatedly rejected.

Israel‘s killing of Hezbollah’s top military commander Haytham Ali Tabtabai in a strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs on Nov. 23 sharpened those worries.

Qassem said the group would “set the timing” for any retaliation, and said threats of a broader air campaign had no impact on the group – but that renewed war was possible.

“Do you expect a war later? It’s possible sometime. Yes, this possibility is there, and the possibility of no war is also there,” Qassem said.

Qassem did not explicitly say what the group’s position would be in a new war but said Lebanon should prepare a plan to confront Israel that relies on “its army and its people.”

Qassem also said he hoped Pope Leo’s upcoming visit to Lebanon “will play a role in bringing about peace and ending the [Israeli] aggression.”

Lebanon is under growing pressure from both Israel and the United States to more swiftly disarm Hezbollah and other militant groups across the country.

Moments after Qassem’s speech ended, Israeli military spokesperson Avichay Adraee said the Lebanese army’s efforts to seize Hezbollah weapons in the country’s south were “inadequate.”

“Hezbollah continues to manipulate them and work covertly to maintain its arsenal,” Adraee said in a post on X.

But Hezbollah has said it is unwilling to let go of its arms as long as Israel continues its strikes on Lebanese territory and its occupation of five points in the country’s south.

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Supermajority of US Jews See Mamdani as Anti-Israel and Antisemitic, Poll Finds

New York City mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani attends a press conference at the Unisphere in the Queens borough of New York City, US, Nov. 5, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Kylie Cooper

A strong majority of American Jews perceive New York City Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani as both anti-Israel and antisemitic, according to a new poll from the Jewish People Policy Institute.

The “Voice of the Jewish People Index for November” reveals a stark and alarming divide between the incoming Mamdani administration and a significant portion of the Jewish population. According to the poll, a substantial two-thirds, 64 percent, of US Jews now perceive him as both anti-Israel and antisemitic, marking the highest percentage recorded for this metric since tracking began earlier this year. Only 9 percent of Jews perceive him as neither anti-Israel nor antisemitic.

Anxieties over Mamdani transcend political lines, with strong majorities of Jews across all but the “strong liberal” cohort believing he holds antisemitic and anti-Israel views. Mamdani’s victory has elicited a strong emotional response, with the dominant post-election sentiment reported being “concern” at 56 percent. In contrast, only 13 percent indicated feeling “hope” after his victory. 

The survey of US Jewry paints a picture of a community increasingly on edge over anti-Israel hostility being legitimized in high-profile political office, with the Mamdani election serving as a critical tipping point. Crucially, this apprehension translates directly into fears for physical safety. An overwhelming 67 percent of respondents believe Mamdani’s elevation to office will lead to a direct decline in the security of New York’s Jewish residents, according to the poll.

The results come after Mamdani faced intense criticism from Jewish leaders and pro-Israel advocates for issuing a statement that appeared to legitimize a gathering of demonstrators who called for violence against Jews outside a prominent New York City synagogue last week. The protesters were harassing those attending an event being held by Nefesh B’nefesh, a Zionist organization that helps Jews immigrate to Israel, at Park East Synagogue in Manhattan.

The mayor-elect issued a statement that “discouraged” the extreme rhetoric used by the protesters but did not unequivocally condemn the harassment of Jews outside their own house of worship. Mamdani’s office notably also criticized the synagogue, with his team describing the event inside as a “violation of international law,” an allegation apparently referencing Israel’s settlement policies in the West Bank.

The Jewish People Policy Institute’s poll also reveals that a commanding 70 percent of US Jews self-identify as Zionist, reinforcing that support for Israel is a central, non-negotiable pillar of their identity. Conversely, only 3 percent of respondents identify as anti-Zionist, undercutting the notion that support for the Jewish state is not popular among the vast majority of the Jewish community. Furthermore, a decisive majority of 72 percent indicated that anti-Zionism is antisemitism, while a mere 11 percent indicated that anti-Zionism and antisemitism represent two separate belief systems. 

On the broader security landscape, concern over rising antisemitism is nearly universal. While a majority (62 percent) expressed concern about antisemitism emanating from both the political right and left, the breakdown confirms a distinct partisan fear. Staunchly liberal Jews are more worried about the right, while staunchly conservative Jews are more worried about the left, though the anxiety itself is broad and deep.

In recent months, popular conservative pundits such as Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens have gone viral by launching antisemitic tirades and participating in Holocaust denialism, underscoring concern that anti-Jewish opinions are becoming mainstreamed among the American right. Likewise, anti-Israel protests have ravaged American universities in the two years following the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, slaughters in Israel, highlighting the pervasiveness of anti-Jewish sentiment in left-leaning spaces such as academia. 

The Big Apple has been ravaged by a surge in antisemitic incidents since Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel. According to police data, Jews were targeted in the majority of hate crimes perpetrated in New York City last year. Meanwhile, pro-Hamas activists have held raucous — and sometimes violent — protests on the city’s college campuses, oftentimes causing Jewish students to fear for their safety.

Mamdani, a far-left democratic socialist and anti-Zionist, is an avid supporter of boycotting all Israeli-tied entities who has been widely accused of promoting antisemitic rhetoric. He has repeatedly accused Israel of “apartheid” and “genocide”; refused to recognize the country’s right to exist as a Jewish state; and refused to explicitly condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada,” which has been associated with calls for violence against Jews and Israelis worldwide.

Leading members of the Jewish community in New York have expressed alarm about Mamdani’s victory, fearing what may come in a city already experiencing a surge in antisemitic hate crimes.

A Sienna Research Institute released in early November poll revealed that a whopping 72 percent of Jewish New Yorkers believe that Mamdani will be “bad” for the city. A mere 18 percent hold a favorable view of Mamdani. Conversely, 67 percent view him unfavorably.

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Somaliland Partnership Could Be a ‘Game Changer’ for Israel in Countering Houthis, Experts Say

Smoke billows following an Israeli air strike in Sanaa, Yemen, Sept. 10, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah

Israel’s potential partnership with Somaliland could be a “game changer,” boosting the Jewish state’s ability to counter the Yemen-based Houthi terrorist group while offering strategic and geographic advantages amid shifting regional power dynamics, experts assessed.

The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), a prominent Israeli think tank, released a new report arguing that Somaliland’s strategic position along the Red Sea, its closeness to Houthi-controlled areas in Yemen, and its willingness to work with pro-Western states could make it a key ally for Israel, benefiting both nations amid rising regional volatility.

Somaliland is an unrecognized state in the Horn of Africa, situated on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden and bordered by Djibouti to the northwest, Ethiopia to the south and west, and Somalia to the east. 

Unlike most other states in the region, Somaliland has relative security, regular elections, and a degree of political stability — qualities that could make it a valuable partner for international allies and a key player in regional cooperation.

“Somaliland’s significance lies in its geostrategic location and in its willingness — as a stable, moderate, and reliable state in a volatile region — to work closely with Western countries,” the INSS report said. 

“Somaliland’s territory could serve as a forward base for multiple missions: intelligence monitoring of the Houthis and their armament efforts; logistical support for Yemen’s legitimate government in its war against them; and a platform for direct operations against the Houthis,” it continued.

The Iran-backed terrorist group has been waging an insurgency in Yemen for the past two decades in a bid to overthrow the Yemeni government. 

Since 2014, the Houthis have controlled a significant portion of the country’s northern territory and areas along the Red Sea, which they captured in the midst of a civil war.

The Yemeni terrorist group began severely disrupting global trade with attacks on shipping in the Red Sea corridor following the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct.7, 2023, arguing their aggression was a show of support for Palestinians in Gaza.

Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, Houthi terrorists in Yemen have regularly launched missiles and drone attacks targeting the Jewish state. However, the Iran-backed group has stopped firing in recent weeks, amid the current ceasefire in Gaza.

The Houthi rebels — whose slogan is “death to America, death to Israel, curse the Jews, and victory to Islam” — said they would target all ships heading to Israeli ports, even if they did not pass through the Red Sea.

According to the newly released study, Israel could gain multiple advantages from formal recognition of Somaliland, including a pro-Western partner with substantial mineral resources and a rare foothold of stability along the Red Sea.

Beyond targeting Israel, the Houthis have threatened — and in some cases attacked — US and British ships, prompting both Western allies to carry out multiple retaliatory strikes against Houthi targets in Yemen. The US and the Houthis reached a ceasefire in May that did not include Israel.

“Since the Gulf states, the United States, and Israel have all fought the Houthis in recent years without achieving a decisive outcome, Somaliland’s location — and the possibility of operating from its territory — could be a game changer,” the study noted. 

In the wake of the Oct. 7 atrocities, the Houthis — designated as a terrorist organization by several countries including the US, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and Israel — have launched over 200 missiles and 170 attack drones in repeated attacks against the Jewish state.

“Beyond its valuable location, no less important is the fact that Somaliland’s government is eager for broad cooperation with pro-Western states — a combination of willingness and capability,” the report said. 

“Messages from Somaliland indicate that [the country] is prepared to maintain broad security relations with the US, including hosting an American base, and even with Israel,” it continued.

Amid rising tensions in the Red Sea and shifting regional dynamics, the report noted that informal contacts already exist between senior officials of the two states, paving the way for potentially significant formal relations.

At a time when Israel is facing a hostile campaign from some Western and regional actors, Somaliland’s largely pro-Israel public discourse suggests it could serve as a reliable and supportive partner in the region, according to INSS.

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