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Iran Is Destabilizing the Red Sea; the World Must Act
FILE PHOTO: Houthi military helicopter flies over the Galaxy Leader cargo ship in the Red Sea in this photo released November 20, 2023. Photo: Houthi Military Media/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
In the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East, the Red Sea has emerged as a critical arena of strategic competition, with Iran’s actions at the center of regional tensions. Tehran’s involvement, mainly through its backing of the Houthi rebels in Yemen, has raised significant concerns about regional stability and security.
Iran’s strategic maneuvering in the Red Sea, a critical maritime corridor, reflects its broader ambition to assert dominance in the Middle East and challenge key regional players, notably Israel and the United States. This ambition is further bolstered by Iran’s alliance with Russia, creating a complex geopolitical landscape. Central to Iran’s strategy is the protection and expansion of its transnational terrorist network, facilitated by the Revolutionary Guards Corps’ Quds Force. This force, known for its covert operations, plays a pivotal role in extending Iran’s influence across the region, and poses a multifaceted threat to regional stability and security.
Iran’s engagement in the Red Sea serves multiple strategic objectives. Primarily, it allows Iran to project power far beyond its borders, challenging its regional rivals, especially Saudi Arabia and Egypt, in their backyard. By supporting the Houthis in Yemen, Iran gains a foothold along a critical maritime chokepoint, the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, through which a significant portion of the world’s maritime trade, including oil shipments, passes. This positioning enables Iran to exert influence over a vital artery of global trade, thereby enhancing its regional and international leverage.
Iran’s support for the Houthi movement in Yemen is a critical element of its strategy in the Red Sea. This support has evolved from ideological and political backing to military and logistical assistance. Iran is believed to provide the Houthis with sophisticated weaponry, including ballistic missiles and drones, which have been used to target Saudi Arabia and threaten maritime security in the Red Sea. This proxy warfare approach allows Iran to confront its regional adversaries indirectly, thus minimizing the risks and costs of direct engagement.
The Red Sea is a vital artery for global trade, with significant volumes of oil and commercial goods transiting through it daily. Iran’s activities, particularly the Houthi attacks on shipping lanes, pose a direct threat to the safety and security of this critical waterway. Such actions can disrupt global trade flows, leading to significant economic repercussions worldwide. Moreover, they raise the risk of a broader regional conflict that could have far-reaching implications for global energy markets and international security.
Iran’s maneuvers in the Red Sea have elicited strong responses from regional powers. Saudi Arabia, directly affected by the Houthi insurgency, has led a military coalition against the rebels in Yemen, seeking to counter Iranian influence and restore stability in its southern neighbor. Egypt, another key regional actor, views the security of the Red Sea as a national priority, given its economic dependence on the Suez Canal. Cairo has thus been wary of Tehran’s growing presence in the area and has taken steps to bolster its military capabilities in the region.
The strategic importance of the Red Sea extends beyond the Middle East, drawing the attention of global powers such as the United States, Russia, and China. The US, with its longstanding commitment to ensuring freedom of navigation in international waterways, has been particularly concerned about Iran’s actions. Washington’s response has included naval deployments to the region and support for Saudi Arabia’s efforts against the Houthis. Meanwhile, Russia and China, seeking to expand their influence in the Middle East, closely monitor the situation, balancing their strategic interests with their respective relationships with Iran and the Arab states.
Israel’s security concerns are deeply intertwined with the situation in the Red Sea. Iran’s support for the Houthis and its attempts to establish a foothold in Yemen are perceived by Israel as direct threats to its security. Tel Aviv is particularly concerned about the possibility of Iran opening a new front against it in the Red Sea, complementing its existing threats from Lebanon and Syria. Israel’s strategy in response has involved strengthening its naval capabilities and seeking closer cooperation with Sunni Arab states, particularly those concerned about Iran’s regional ambitions.
Israel, acutely aware of the strategic implications of Iran’s expanding influence in the Red Sea, perceives these maneuvers as an extension of existing threats from Lebanon and Syria. The involvement of the IRGC Quds Force, a unit specializing in extraterritorial operations, signals a potential opening of a new front against Israel. This development is particularly concerning for Israeli security, given the proximity of the Red Sea to its southern borders and the critical maritime routes essential for its trade and military logistics. Israel’s response to these challenges is multifaceted, involving heightened security measures and strategic collaborations with regional allies, underlining the gravity of the threat posed by Iran’s actions in the Red Sea.
The Red Sea region’s strategic significance cannot be overstated, serving as a nexus where regional rivalries intersect with global power dynamics. The competition between Iran and its regional adversaries in the Red Sea is part of a larger struggle for dominance in the Middle East involving sectarian, political, and strategic dimensions. This rivalry is further complicated by the interests and actions of global powers, each vying for influence in a region critical to global energy supplies and trade.
In conclusion, Iran’s actions in the Red Sea represent a significant challenge to regional stability and global maritime security. The strategic importance of this vital waterway, coupled with Iran’s support for the Houthi rebels and its broader regional ambitions, creates a complex geopolitical puzzle. The involvement of regional powers, each with their strategic interests and the interest of global actors, adds layers to this complexity. It is imperative for the international community to closely monitor and address the multifaceted challenges posed by Iran in the Red Sea, as the repercussions of these activities extend far beyond the region, impacting international trade routes and global security dynamics. Resolving these tensions requires a nuanced, collaborative approach that balances regional aspirations with global security needs.
Erfan Fard is a counterterrorism analyst and Middle East Studies researcher based in Washington, DC. Twitter@EQFARD
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New Poll: Majority of NYC Voters ‘Less Likely’ to Support Mamdani Over His Refusal to Condemn ‘Globalize the Intifada’

Zohran Mamdani. Photo: Ron Adar / SOPA Images via Reuters Connect
In a warning sign for the campaign of Democratic nominee for mayor of New York Zohran Mamdani, a majority of city voters in a new poll say the candidate’s hardline anti-Israel stance makes them less likely to vote for him.
In the survey of likely city voters conducted by American Pulse, 52.5 percent said Mamdani’s refusal to condemn the slogan “globalize the intifada” coupled with his backing of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement made them less likely to vote for him in November. Just 31% of city voters polled were more likely to support him because of these positions.
At the same time, a significant share of young New York City voters support Mamdani’s anti-Israel positioning, a striking sign of shifting generational views on Israel and the Palestinian cause.
Nearly half of voters aged 18 to 44 (46 percent) said the State Assembly member’s backing for BDS and “refusal to condemn the phrase ‘globalize the intifada’” made them more likely to support him.
Mamdani, a democratic socialist from Queens, has been under fire for defending “globalize the intifada,” a slogan many Jewish groups associate with incitement to violence against Israel and Jews. While critics argue it glorifies terrorism, supporters claim it’s a call for international solidarity with oppressed peoples, especially Palestinians. Mamdani has also voiced support for BDS, a movement widely condemned by mainstream Jewish organizations as antisemitic for singling out Israel.
The generational divide exposed by the poll comes amid a broader political realignment. Younger progressives across the country are increasingly critical of Israeli policies, especially in the wake of the Gaza war, and more receptive to Palestinian activism. But to many Jewish leaders, Mamdani’s rising support is alarming.
Rabbi David Wolpe, visiting scholar at Harvard University, condemned the phrase with a sarcastic analogy.
“‘Globalize the intifada’ is just a political slogan,” he said. “Like ‘The cockroaches must be exterminated’ was just a housing authority slogan in Rwanda.”
Jewish organizations have reported a surge in antisemitic incidents in New York and across the U.S. since the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war last fall. The blending of anti-Zionist slogans with calls for “intifada,” historically linked to violent uprisings, has deepened fears among Jewish communities that traditional red lines are being crossed.
Whether this emerging coalition reshapes New York politics remains to be seen. However, the poll indicates that among younger voters, views that were once considered fringe are quickly moving into the mainstream.
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Report: Jews Targeted at June’s Pride Month Events

A Jewish gay pride flag. Photo: Twitter.
The research division of the Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM) released a report on Wednesday detailing incidents of hate against Jews which took place last month during demonstrations in celebration of LGBTQ rights and identity.
Incidents reported by the group include:
- At a Pride march in Wales, the activists Cymru Queers for Palestine chose to block the path and show a sign that said “Profiting from genocide,” an attempt to link the event’s sponsors — such as Amazon — to the war in Gaza.
- A Dublin Pride march saw the participation of the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign, which labeled Israel a “genocidal entity.”
- In Toronto at a late June Pride march, demonstrators again attacked organizers with a sign declaring, “Pride partners with genocide.”
CAM also identified a recurring narrative deployed against Israel by some far-left activists: so-called “pinkwashing,” a term which the Boycott, Divest, Sanctions (BDS) movement calls “an Israeli government propaganda strategy that cynically exploits LGBTQIA+ rights to project a progressive image while concealing Israel’s occupation and apartheid policies oppressing Palestinians.”
The report notes that at a Washington DC Pride event in early June Medea Benjamin, cofounder of activist group Code Pink and a regular of anti-war protests, wore a pair of goofy, oversized sunglasses and a shirt in her signature pink with the phrase “you can’t pinkwash genocide.”
Other incidents CAM recorded showed the injection of anti-Israel sentiment into Pride events.
A musical group canceled a performance at an interfaith service in Brooklyn, claiming the hosting synagogue had a “public alignment with pro-Israel political positions.” In San Francisco before the yearly Trans March, a Palestine group said in its announcement of its participation, “Stop the war on Iran and the genocide of Palestine, stop the war on immigrants and attacks on trans people.”
CAM notes that this “queers for Palestine” sentiment is not new, pointing to a 2017 event wherein “organizers of the Chicago Dyke March infamously removed participants who were waving a Pride flag adorned with a Star of David on the grounds that the symbol ‘made people feel unsafe.’”
In February, the Israel Defense Forces shared with the New York Post documents it had recovered demonstrating that Hamas had tortured and executed members it suspected of homosexuality and other moral offenses in conflict with Islamist ideology.
Amit Benjamin, who is gay and a first sergeant major in the IDF, said during a visit to New York City for Pride month that “All the ‘queers for Gaza’ need to open their eyes. Hamas kills gays … kills lesbians … queers cannot exist in Gaza.”
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IAEA pulls inspectors from Iran as standoff over access drags on

IAEA chief Rafael Grossi at the agency’s headquarters in Vienna, Austria, June 23, 2025. REUTERS/Elisabeth Mandl/File Photo
The UN nuclear watchdog said on Friday it had pulled its last remaining inspectors from Iran as a standoff over their return to the country’s nuclear facilities bombed by the United States and Israel deepens.
Israel launched its first military strikes on Iran’s nuclear sites in a 12-day war with the Islamic Republic three weeks ago. The International Atomic Energy Agency’s inspectors have not been able to inspect Iran’s facilities since then, even though IAEA chief Rafael Grossi has said that is his top priority.
Iran’s parliament has now passed a law to suspend cooperation with the IAEA until the safety of its nuclear facilities can be guaranteed. While the IAEA says Iran has not yet formally informed it of any suspension, it is unclear when the agency’s inspectors will be able to return to Iran.
“An IAEA team of inspectors today safely departed from Iran to return to the Agency headquarters in Vienna, after staying in Tehran throughout the recent military conflict,” the IAEA said on X.
Diplomats said the number of IAEA inspectors in Iran was reduced to a handful after the June 13 start of the war. Some have also expressed concern about the inspectors’ safety since the end of the conflict, given fierce criticism of the agency by Iranian officials and Iranian media.
Iran has accused the agency of effectively paving the way for the bombings by issuing a damning report on May 31 that led to a resolution by the IAEA’s 35-nation Board of Governors declaring Iran in breach of its non-proliferation obligations.
IAEA chief Rafael Grossi has said he stands by the report. He has denied it provided diplomatic cover for military action.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi said on Thursday Iran remained committed to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
“[Grossi] reiterated the crucial importance of the IAEA discussing with Iran modalities for resuming its indispensable monitoring and verification activities in Iran as soon as possible,” the IAEA said.
The US and Israeli military strikes either destroyed or badly damaged Iran’s three uranium enrichment sites. But it was less clear what has happened to much of Iran’s nine tonnes of enriched uranium, especially the more than 400 kg enriched to up to 60% purity, a short step from weapons grade.
That is enough, if enriched further, for nine nuclear weapons, according to an IAEA yardstick. Iran says its aims are entirely peaceful, but Western powers say there is no civil justification for enriching to such a high level, and the IAEA says no country has done so without developing the atom bomb.
As a party to the NPT, Iran must account for its enriched uranium, which normally is closely monitored by the IAEA, the body that enforces the NPT and verifies countries’ declarations. But the bombing of Iran’s facilities has now muddied the waters.
“We cannot afford that … the inspection regime is interrupted,” Grossi told a press conference in Vienna last week.
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