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Israel’s Iran Attack Carefully Calibrated After Internal Splits, US Pressure

Iranians attend an anti-Israel rally in Tehran, Iran, April 19, 2024. Photo: Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS

Israel‘s apparent strike on Iran was small and appeared calibrated to dial back risks of a major war, even if the sheer fact it happened at all shattered a taboo of direct attacks that Tehran broke days earlier.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s war cabinet had initially approved plans for a strike on Monday night inside Iranian territory to respond forcefully to last Saturday’s missile and drone salvo from Iran, but held back at the last-minute, three sources with knowledge of the situation said.

By then, the sources said, the three voting members of the war cabinet had already ruled out the most drastic response — a strike on strategic sites including Iran’s nuclear facilities whose destruction would almost certainly provoke a wider regional conflict.

Facing cabinet divisions and strong warnings from partners including the United States and in the Gulf not to escalate, and aware of the need to keep international opinion on Israel‘s side, the plans to hit back were then postponed twice, the sources said. Two war cabinet meetings were also delayed twice, government officials said.

Netanyahu’s office did not respond to requests for comment for this story. Before the attack, a spokesperson for the government’s National Public Diplomacy Directorate cited Netanyahu as saying Israel would defend itself in whatever way it judged appropriate.

Reuters spoke to a dozen sources in Israel, Iran, and in the Gulf region, as well as the United States, who described six frantic days of efforts in the Gulf, the US, and among some of Israel‘s war planners to limit the response to Iran’s first ever direct attack on its arch rival after decades of shadow war.

Most of the sources asked not to be named to speak about sensitive matters.

The eventual strike on Friday appeared to target an Iranian Air Force base near the city of Isfahan, deep inside the country and close enough to nuclear facilities to send a message of Israel‘s reach but without using airplanes, ballistic missiles, striking any strategic sites, or causing major damage.

Iran said its defense systems shot down three drones over a base near Isfahan early on Friday. Israel said nothing about the incident. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said the United States had not been involved in any offensive operations.

An Iranian official told Reuters there were signs the drones were launched from within Iran by “infiltrators,” which could obviate the need for retaliation.

A source familiar with Western intelligence assessments of the incident also said initial evidence suggested Israel launched drones from inside Iranian territory. Iran’s foreign ministry did not respond to a request for comment.

Israel tried to calibrate between the need to respond and a desire not to enter into a cycle of action and counter reaction that would just escalate endlessly,” said Itamar Rabinovich, a former Israeli ambassador to Washington.

He described the situation as a dance, with both parties signaling to each other their intentions and next steps.

“There is huge relief across the Gulf region. It looks like the attack was limited and proportionate and caused limited damage. I see it as a de-escalation,” veteran Saudi analyst Abdelrahman al-Rashed told Reuters.

BIDEN CALL

The decision to hold back from broader and immediate action this week underlined the competing pressures on Netanyahu’s government in the aftermath of the more than 300 drones and ballistic and cruise missiles fired by Iran on Saturday night.

As Iran’s barrage unfolded, two members of the war cabinet, Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot, both former armed forces commanders, wanted to respond straight away before agreeing to hold off following a call with US President Joe Biden and in the face of differing views from other ministers, two Israeli officials with knowledge of the situation said.

A spokesman for Gantz, a centrist who joined Netanyahu’s emergency government following the Hamas-led attack on Israel last October, did not respond to a request for comment.

The US State Department declined to comment on questions about Israel‘s decision-making. Washington was working to de-escalate tensions, Blinken said on Friday. The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Aryeh Deri, the head of one of the ultra-Orthodox parties in Netanyahu’s coalition, who has observer status in the war cabinet and who has generally been wary of drastic moves, was firmly opposed to an immediate strike against Iran, which he believed could endanger the people of Israel given the risk of escalation, a spokesperson for his party said.

“We should also be listening to our partners, to our friends in the world. I say this clearly: I see no shame or weakness in doing so,” Deri told the Haderech newspaper.

Israel‘s options ranged from strikes on strategic Iranian facilities, including nuclear sites or Revolutionary Guards bases, to covert operations, targeted assassinations, and cyber attacks on strategic industrial plants and nuclear facilities, analysts and former officials in Israel have said.

Gulf countries had been increasingly worried the situation would spill into “a grave regional conflagration which might be beyond anyone’s control or ability to contain,” said Abdelaziz al-Sagher, head of the Saudi-based Gulf Research Center.

Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates had publicly called for maximum “self-restraint” to spare the region from a wider war.

Sagher said Gulf countries had warned the United States of the risk of escalation, arguing Israel should conduct only a limited attack without casualties or significant damage that could provoke a major reprisal.

This messaging “was relayed forcefully” in the last few days by the Jordanians, Saudis, and Qataris through direct security and diplomatic channels, one senior regional intelligence source said.

By Thursday, four diplomatic and government sources in the region were expressing confidence that the response would be limited and proportionate.

Ahead of the overnight Israeli strike, one regional source, who had been briefed on Israel‘s thinking, said the response would aim to minimize or completely avoid casualties and was likely to target a military base.

Flying F-35 fighter jets from Israel to Iran, or launching missiles from Israel, would almost certainly violate the airspace of neighboring countries, angering Arab states who Netanyahu has long sought to cultivate as strategic allies, said a Gulf government source with knowledge of the issues.

He couldn’t “just fly F-35 fighter jets across the region and bomb Iran or its nuclear sites,” the source said.

Iranian officials had warned a major Israeli attack would trigger immediate retaliation.

Iran’s options to respond included shutting down the Strait of Hormuz through which about a fifth of the world’s oil passes, urging proxies to hit Israeli or US interests, and deploying previously unused missiles, a senior Iranian official said.

While satisfying Israel‘s moderates at home, its neighbors and international partners, the measured strike, when it came, was met with dismay from hardliners in Netanyahu’s cabinet.

National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, whose ultranationalist party is a key prop in Netanyahu’s coalition, posted a single word on X: “Feeble.”

The post Israel’s Iran Attack Carefully Calibrated After Internal Splits, US Pressure first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Palestinian Cameramen Exposed in New Footage Documenting Oct. 7 Atrocities Side by Side with Terrorists

Ofri Bibas Levy, whose brother Yarden (34) was taken hostage with his wife Shiri (32) and 2 children Kfir (10 months) and Ariel (4), holds with her friend Tal Ulus pictures of them during an interview with Reuters, as the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas continues, in Geneva, Switzerland, Nov. 13, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Denis Balibouse

Harrowing footage released on Wednesday, shows Palestinian cameramen filming the violent abduction of Yarden Bibas into Gaza on October 7.

While the identity of the Palestinian journalists remains unclear, their presence amid a blood-thirsty mob of terrorists proves a disturbing truth: Gaza-based journalists covering Hamas atrocities that day did not bravely risk their lives, as declared by institutions that recently granted them awards, but operated easily without any objections from the perpetrators.

“Innocent Palestinian civilians” brutally kidnapping Yarden Bibas on October 7
https://t.co/Tf1KWFO1gH

— Dr. Eli David (@DrEliDavid) April 17, 2024

In the video, a professional camera hovering over a Palestinian mob can be seen as its operator nonchalantly tries to focus on the terrified Bibas, who is tightly held on a motorbike in the middle of the chaotic scene.

34-year-old Bibas — whose wife Shiri and two young sons Ariel and Kfir had been abducted in a separate incident — is seen surrounded by armed men, bloodied, beaten, abused, and yelled at.

But the cameraman — as well as whoever films the video footage and others who hold up their phones — care only about capturing Bibas’s suffering, most likely in order to sell the footage to local and international news outlets.

As Yarden Bibas was kidnapped by a mob of Gazan terrorists, Palestinian photojournalists and cameramen working for foreign press agencies took footage and photos at the scene.

This is what the mainstream media considered to be “bravely risking their lives.” https://t.co/VkTk0SqcOs pic.twitter.com/22Zg06qgOs

— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) April 17, 2024

That they could operate freely amidst the barbarity suggests that they were present with — at the very least — tacit approval from the mob. In fact, including journalists as part of the invading force was always part of Hamas’ plan.

Gaza-based journalists were there not just to document, but to exploit. HonestReporting exposed this connection in November 2023, revealing that Gaza-based photojournalists had infiltrated into Israel with Hamas on October 7.

Subsequently, CNN and the AP cut ties with one of them — Hassan Eslaiah — who had been photographed with none other than Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar.

But in general, media outlets failed to acknowledge these ethical violations. Not only do they still offer for sale pictures showing the lynching of an Israeli soldier or the abductions of civilians into Gaza. They showcase them in their selective war footage galleries, and win prestigious awards with them.

This is not journalism.

As revealed last month by Israel’s Channel 12 news magazine Uvda, the documentation and distribution of the October 7 atrocities was part of Hamas’ vicious plan. And as an Islamic Jihad spokesperson recently admitted, international media reporters in Gaza have been willingly dancing to Hamas’ tune.

So if we put two and two together, it’s clear that the video that captured media workers filming Bibas’ abduction shows only one example out of many.

As Hamas slaughtered more than 1,200 people in Israel and kidnapped 250 others, Gaza-based journalists were there to document it all.

Others celebrated the massacre on social media, like Motaz Azaiza, who — just this week — has been shamelessly declared one of TIME Magazine’s most influential people of 2024.

It is stunningly irresponsible for @Time to allow Motaz Azaiza to rewrite history and to declare him one of the most influential people of 2024. On October 7, he celebrated the start of the war he’s now “raising awareness” for the world to stop. https://t.co/e1uKX8lqHu https://t.co/0cQmAvlV8I

— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) April 17, 2024

But any profit or recognition gained by such “journalists” or their organizations is tainted, because it has all been achieved thanks to Hamas’ passive or active approval, on the back of innocent people like Yarden Bibas.

HonestReporting is a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

The post Palestinian Cameramen Exposed in New Footage Documenting Oct. 7 Atrocities Side by Side with Terrorists first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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US Money to Convicted Terrorists; US Training to Aspiring Terrorists

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (C) alongside Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas (L) and Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, July 26, 2023. Photo: Reuters/Palestinian Presidents’ Office

After Palestinian Media Watch exposed in the US Congress in 2011 that the Palestinian Authority (PA) pays salaries to terrorists, most Western countries eventually cut off funding of the PA’s general budget and instead gave money for specific projects, such as education. However, one Palestinian framework has remained a recipient of Western money and was also excluded from the limitations of the Taylor Force Act, which prohibits American funding of the PA. That framework is the PA Security Forces.

The US State Department said that in 2002, it provided $45 million to the PA security sector:

The U.S. government plans to provide an additional $75 million in economic assistance to the Palestinian people this year. Additionally, the United States is also providing $45 million for programs to support the security sector including important improvements to the rule of law.

[U.S. Department of State website, March 26, 2022]

Now the PA reports that the Western-funded General Intelligence Service of the PA Security Forces gave a special grant to precisely those terrorists whom the West is trying not to fund — the convicted Palestinian terrorists and dead terrorists. Worse still, the recipients are terrorists who are members of the PA General Intelligence Service who used their training and weapons from the US to perpetrate terror against Israel. The decision to give the grants to terrorists was made by the head of the PA General Intelligence Service, Majed Faraj, who is presented internationally as a “moderate” who cooperates with Israel in fighting Palestinian terror. Yet instead of punishing those members of the PA Security Forces who turned to terror, Faraj decided to give them an extra reward:

The [PA] General Intelligence Service in Jenin provided a grant to the families of the Martyrs and the prisoners [i.e., terrorists] from the service’s ranks in the district …

A delegation from the service provided the grant to 25 families from among the Martyrs’ families and 11 families from among the prisoners’ families from the General Intelligence ranks.
[PA General Intelligence] Service Director in Jenin Adnan Abu Aisheh said that the message of the service, under the instructions of its leader [Head of PA General Intelligence] Majed Faraj, is to emphasize what President Mahmoud Abbas has said again and again — that if we are left with one penny, it will be paid to the families of the Martyrs and the prisoners. [emphasis added]

[WAFA, official PA news agency, April 4, 2024; official PA daily Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, April 5, 2024]

Official PA TV also reported on the special grants to the members of the PA Security Forces-turned-terrorists’ families:

News flash on screen: “The [PA] General Intelligence [Service] gives a grant to the families of the Martyrs and the prisoners from its members in the Jenin district.”

[Official PA TV, April 5, 2024]

In addition to these direct payments from the US-funded budget to terrorists, new recruits to the PA security forces train “at a U.S.-funded training center” [Washington Post, March 5, 2024].

Palestinian Media Watch recently exposed that in addition to those receiving special grants, the PA forces in general are profoundly involved in terrorism, as admitted by a PA official:

More than roughly 63-65% of the number of Martyrs in the West Bank, in the daily confrontations, are members of the Fatah Movement. And most of them are members of the [PA] Security Forces or their sons … The ones who are being pursued in the streets, arrested, and imprisoned are the Palestinian Security Forces officers. [emphasis added]

[Official PA TV, Topic of the Day, June 14, 2023]

Fatah also corroborated the PA TV report:

More than two-thirds of the Martyrs in the West Bank over [the last] year-and-a-half belong to the Fatah Movement and the PA … More than 355 of our Palestinian people’s prisoners inside the prisons are from the Palestinian [PA] Security Forces — in other words, the PA’s soldiers.

[Fatah Commission of Information and Culture, Facebook page, May 27, 2023]

To sum up, the US-funded PA General Intelligence Service is giving grants to convicted terrorists from among the General Intelligence, and new recruits to the PA Security Forces are being trained in US-built facilities. In other words, it appears that money is going directly to convicted terrorists while the US is training aspiring terrorists.

The authors are the founder and senior analyst at Palestinian Media Watch, where a version of this article was originally published.

The post US Money to Convicted Terrorists; US Training to Aspiring Terrorists first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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This Passover, Combine Respect for Tradition with the Courage to Innovate

A Passover Seder table. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Henry Kissinger once famously said, “Whenever you have two alternatives, the first thing you have to do is to look for the third that you didn’t think about, that doesn’t exist.”

With Kissinger’s recent passing at the advanced age of 100, much has been written about the legacy of the 20th century’s greatest statesman, and particularly how he mastered the art of thinking outside the box, while respecting the box itself as the foundational framework of diplomacy.

In the early 1970s, amid a sharply divided Cold War world, Kissinger — then National Security Advisor in President Nixon’s administration — orchestrated a groundbreaking diplomatic maneuver that would reshape global politics: the opening of relations between the United States and the People’s Republic of China.

Kissinger’s approach was innovative yet deeply grounded in existing diplomatic structures. His secret 1971 trip to Beijing, facilitated through discreet communications and intermediaries, exemplified his belief in the power of traditional diplomacy, creatively applied. By leveraging established channels in unconventional ways, Kissinger not only bridged a vast ideological divide but also set the stage for a new era in international relations.

This bold initiative showed that although the “box” — namely: the existing structures of international diplomacy — provides necessary stability and continuity, stepping just beyond its traditional bounds can lead to transformative outcomes. Kissinger’s diplomatic accomplishment showed the value of maintaining a delicate balance between innovation and tradition, a lesson that remains pertinent as we navigate today’s complex global landscape.

And considering Kissinger’s Orthodox Jewish roots, perhaps it is not such a surprise that he intuitively understood this concept. After all, he grew up with Pesach and Seder night. The idea of thinking outside the box while respecting the box itself was deeply embedded in his Jewish DNA.

Just as Kissinger navigated the complexities of international diplomacy, so too does the Pesach Seder navigate the balance between rigid structure and the necessity for creative engagement. Each year, as families worldwide prepare for Pesach, they revisit the ancient traditions and rituals that define this pivotal Jewish holiday.

Central to the festival’s observance is the Seder, a ceremonial dinner on the first night of the festival, and outside Israel, on the second night as well. The theme of the Seder is retelling the story of the Exodus from Egypt. However, despite the ritual’s deeply structured nature, the Seder is ripe for incorporating spontaneity and creativity.

2017 study from the University of Toronto’s Rotman School of Management highlights a paradox that transcends cultural and religious boundaries: structure, while simplifying comprehension and organization of our surroundings, can significantly stifle creativity. The research, which was led by doctoral candidate Yeun Joon Kim and Professor Chen-Bo Zhong, drew on several experiments, including one involving LEGO bricks.

It turned out that participants asked to assemble a model from LEGO bricks sorted by color and shape exhibited noticeably less creativity than those who were given a box of randomly assorted bricks. The findings, published in the journal Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, suggest that over-structuring and over-planning can dampen the innovative spirit.

The Seder is intricately designed with a series of rituals and readings from the Haggadah — the text that guides the evening’s proceedings. Steeped in structure — indeed, the Hebrew word “Seder” means “order — at first glance, it would appear that this deliberate organization is critical, ensuring that the multifaceted story of the Exodus is presented in a comprehensive and accurate manner, allowing each participant to follow the chronological progression from slavery to freedom in a well-honed and immutable framework.

But this first impression is wrong. Despite its structure, the Seder is uniquely conducive to creativity and personal expression. The readings from the Haggadah, while fixed, are not just about droning on about a passive version of ancient events. Instead, the Haggadah’s readings serve as a springboard for discussion, questioning, and exploration.

The narrative is crafted not just to be told, but to be engaged with; it calls for each participant to delve into the meanings, themes, and moral questions inherent in the ancient story. This engagement is vital to the educational mission of the Seder, which aims not only to transmit historical knowledge but to instill a deeper understanding and personal connection to the events of the Exodus.

Besides, although the Haggadah provides a set script, it is replete with obvious cues for personal input and interpretive freedom. It incorporates various symbols and rituals — like the eating of bitter herbs or the spilling of wine — which are designed to evoke sensory responses and emotional reactions that transcend mere verbal storytelling. These elements are invitations for participants to reflect on the harshness of slavery and the sweetness of liberation, integrating their own narratives with the ancient text.

The Seder’s structure also includes several built-in moments specifically intended to provoke discussion and participation, such as the asking of the Four Questions. Traditionally posed by the youngest at the table, these questions about why this night differs from all other nights shouldn’t just prompt answers, but a lively exchange of ideas and interpretations — and, more importantly: even more questions. The Seder is not a monolith; it values the insights and curiosities of all its participants, regardless of age or scholarly background.

In essence, the Seder exemplifies a dynamic interplay between tradition and innovation, much like Henry Kissinger’s approach to diplomacy. While it adheres to a predetermined order that ensures the story of the Exodus is told with fidelity and depth, it simultaneously encourages a creative engagement that makes each Seder a unique and deeply personal experience.

This blend of structure and spontaneity not only enriches the ritual itself but also reinforces its enduring relevance, inviting each generation to find its own meaning and message in the ancient tale of liberation. In remembering Kissinger’s legacy, we are reminded of the power of balancing respect for tradition with the courage to innovate — a principle that continues to resonate both at the Seder table and, hopefully, in the broader world. This principle reminds us that in the interstices of rigid structures lie the opportunities for transformative creativity and enduring change.

The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.

The post This Passover, Combine Respect for Tradition with the Courage to Innovate first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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