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Lebanon Faces Crunch Point on Hezbollah Arms

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, and members of the Lebanese cabinet meet to discuss efforts to bring all weapons in the country under the control of the state, at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Lebanon, Aug. 5, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Emilie Madi

Lebanon‘s government is set to discuss a plan on Friday for disarming Hezbollah, a critical juncture in a standoff between the Iran-backed terrorist group which is refusing to give up its weapons and rivals who want it to disarm in line with US demands.

Calls for Hezbollah‘s disarmament have taken center stage in Lebanon since last year’s devastating war with Israel, which upended a power balance long dominated by the Shi’ite Muslim group.

Despite mounting pressure, Hezbollah has rejected any move to dismantle its arsenal, leaving a deep divide between the group and its Shi’ite ally Amal on the one hand, and other Lebanese, among them leading Christian and Sunni politicians.

Friday’s cabinet session takes place against a backdrop of an escalation in Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon, which killed four people on Wednesday, adding to fears in Lebanon of further attacks if Hezbollah does not disarm. The Israeli military said it targeted a site where Hezbollah stored engineering tools being used for “the organization’s recovery.”

Longstanding tensions in Lebanon over Hezbollah‘s arms have sharpened since the administration led by President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam tasked the US-backed army on Aug. 5 with devising a plan to establish a state monopoly on arms by the end of the year.

It is not yet clear how Friday’s session will pan out. With the army keen to avoid confrontation with Hezbollah, the plan could avoid any disarmament timeline, a diplomat and a Lebanese source said.

Any cabinet decision opposed by Hezbollah is likely to prompt a walk-out by Shi’ite ministers loyal to the group and Amal, stripping the government of sectarian consensus. One possibility could be to delay a vote on the plan.

The army, drawn from Lebanon‘s mosaic of religious groups, split along sectarian lines at the start of the 1975-90 civil war, and has been widely regarded as the guarantor of civil peace since being rebuilt after that conflict.

Israel last week signaled it would scale back its military presence in southern Lebanon if the army took action to disarm Hezbollah.

But Hezbollah has ruled out disarming, saying its weapons protect Lebanon from Israeli attack. Senior Iranian official Ali Akbar Velayati last month criticized Beirut’s moves on disarmament.

Hezbollah politician Mohammed Raad said on Wednesday it was “imperative” for Lebanese authorities to refrain from agreeing on any plans regarding Hezbollah‘s arms.

A US proposal discussed by Beirut last month foresaw Hezbollah‘s disarmament by the end of the year, along with Israel’s withdrawal and an end to its military operations in Lebanon. It also held out the prospect of economic support.

A source close to Hezbollah said Lebanon faced mounting US and Saudi pressure to implement the proposal, but that the group continued to communicate, including to the army, that it would neither hand in its arms nor allow anyone to take them.

‘BALL OF FIRE’

Amal leader and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri had been insisting that any discussion happen without a deadline, the source said.

Berri, in an August 31 speech, indicated that the Shi’ite parties were ready to discuss the fate of Hezbollah‘s arms, but “within the framework of a calm and consensual dialogue.”

He said it was “nationally unacceptable to throw the ball of fire into the lap of the Lebanese army” by requiring it to tackle the long taboo issue of Hezbollah arms too abruptly.

A US-backed ceasefire agreed in November 2024 required Hezbollah‘s disarmament, beginning in areas south of the Litani River, the area adjacent to Israel.

Hezbollah says the deal only applies to that region and that it has handed over weapons to Lebanese troops in that area. Israeli forces continue to occupy five hilltops in the south and to carry out airstrikes on Hezbollah fighters and arms depots.

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The Ultimate Victory: A Six-Year-Old Oct. 7 Victim’s Answer to Terror

An aerial view shows the bodies of victims of an attack following a mass infiltration by Hamas gunmen from the Gaza Strip lying on the ground in Kibbutz Kfar Aza, in southern Israel, Oct. 10, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Ilan Rosenberg

When we hear the word victory, certain images come to mind. The FIFA World Cup Trophy lifted high in front of billions of viewers. An Olympic gold medal hung around the champion’s neck. The Wimbledon Trophy raised triumphantly on Centre Court as spectators leap to their feet. We imagine champions like Messi, Michael Jordan, Federer, and Phelps — figures so legendary that they need no introduction.

But this week, I was struck by a very different image of victory. One that puts all the other medals, trophies, and records to shame.

It was a photograph of a six-year-old girl getting on the bus for her first day of school.

Abigail Edan gets on the school bus – Credit Zuli Mor Instagram https://www.instagram.com/p/DODNPczERtr/

Her name is Abigail Edan. A dual Israel-Amerian citizen, Abigail’s home was invaded by Hamas terrorists on October 7, 2023 — and they murdered her parents in front of her eyes.

She survived by hiding under her mother’s body, only to be taken into Gaza and held hostage for 50 days. Freed that November, Abigail was later adopted by two October 7 survivors, Zoli and Leron Mor.

Nearly two years later, she is stepping onto a yellow school bus with her ponytail bouncing, backpack slung over her shoulders. No fanfare. No roaring crowd. Just a quiet everyday moment captured on camera.

But why do I consider this moment such a profound victory?

The timeless wisdom of the Torah offers an answer.

In this week’s portion, Ki Teitzeh, when describing the laws of war, the Torah uses the following words: “Ki Teitze L’Milchama Al Oyvecha.” (Deut. 21:10). Most English translations say “When you go out to war against your enemies.” But the Hebrew words “Al Oyvecha“ literally translate to “over” or “above” your enemies.

The Lubavitcher Rebbe explained the reasoning behind this curious word choice. In a battle, when two sides are on the same level, the fight is endless and no side wins. Only when one side rises “above” the other, particularly in the realms of strength, spirit, and conviction, can victory be secured.

The same applies in our internal conflicts. When we struggle with our negative inclination (the Yetzer Hara), unless the positive inclination has an overwhelming advantage, it’s easy to succumb to our negative impulses. It’s only when we tap into the infinite power of our soul, described in Hasidic texts as “an actual part of G-d” — that we draw on a power that is transcendent and unstoppable, ensuring victory.

Abigail’s story represents this triumph of spirit. On October 7, Israel’s enemies sought to destroy the Jewish people. Yet here is a child who persevered: alive, smiling, carrying a lunchbox, living her life to the fullest. Not just for herself, but indeed for her murdered parents. For this little girl, each act of normalcy is a greater accomplishment than any world record.

Ultimately, true victory isn’t an athlete hoisting up a trophy or winning a championship. It’s in the tiny moments when a 6-year old gets on the bus, ready to start a new school year. It lies in continuing to strive when all hope seems lost, in maintaining dignity when the world tries to strip it away, in the quiet refusal to be broken and beaten.

According to New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, the key to Israel’s strength is in its ability to bounce back from tragedy. He noted that immediately following a terror attack, within just an hour, workers have already begun cleaning up the streets, repainting the sidewalks, and repairing the broken buildings. Throughout our people’s long history of persecution, after each attempt a nation made to expel or eradicate us, we proudly and joyfully bounced back, rising like a lion in full splendor.

As we approach Rosh Hashanah, may we recognize that true victory lies with each of us, in our indomitable resolve to pick ourselves each time we get knocked over. Victory lies in our commitment to try again this year, despite the previous year’s shortcomings.

This is our secret to survival, and we continue to stay strong for many years until the coming of Moshiach.

Rabbi Areyah Kaltmann is the executive director of Chabad Columbus and the Lori Schottenstein Chabad Center.

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$30 and You Can Become a Genocide Scholar

People demonstrate in the city of Santander, Spain, under the motto ‘Let’s stop the genocide in Gaza,’ on Jan. 20, 2024. Photo: Joaquin Gomez Sastre/NurPhoto via Reuters Connect

“Israel committing genocide in Gaza, world’s leading experts say,” blared a BBC headline and similar others in the international media.

Damning stuff. After all, who should know more about genocide than the “world’s leading experts” on the subject?

But, like most of the anti-Israel news appearing daily, it’s bogus. It turns out that, as HonestReporting board member Salo Aizenberg discovered, all you need to be a genocide scholar is to own a credit card.

For a minimum of only 30 dollars, you can become one of the “world’s leading experts.”

Aizenberg (and many other interested people) paid (as little as $30 for a year) to become a member of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, which describes itself as a “global, interdisciplinary, non-partisan organization that seeks to further research and teaching about the nature, causes, and consequences of genocide, and advance policy studies on genocide prevention.”

“Non-partisan,” it certainly isn’t. Only a few days ago, the organization passed a resolution declaring that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza.

Who were these experts passing judgment on Israel’s actions against Hamas terrorists in Gaza?

As Aizenberg discovered upon joining, the membership isn’t exclusively academics, historians, librarians, or even recognized experts on genocide.

Indeed, it became clear that the IAGS wasn’t checking who joins.

Shortly after pro-Israel activists started joining the IAGS to expose its failings, the organization appeared to take action, shutting down its membership page and removing its membership list from public view.

The organization’s social media also appeared to be offline as new applicants were marked as “inactive,” including genuine and legitimate genocide scholars who happen to be pro-Israel like Elliot Malin.

Spinning a “Majority Vote”

As for the vote itself, the IAGS’s president, Mary O’Brien, proudly proclaimed that her organization’s genocide resolution was passed by an overwhelming majority, a claim amplified by some media outlets that failed to check the actual numbers and do the math.

At the time of the vote, the IAGS had some 500 members eligible to vote. Only 28% of the full membership bothered. So when some media or the IAGS’s staff claimed an overwhelming majority of the members — some 86% — voted in favor, they were not being transparent.

Subverting the Organization

Even without getting into the substance of the resolution, it’s clear that the IAGS has been taken over by activists less concerned with actual genocide scholarship and more interested in anti-Israel activism.

Organization member Dr. Sara E. Brown noted:

We were promised a town hall, which is a common practice for controversial resolutions, but the president of the association reversed that. The association has also refused to disclose who were the authors of the resolution.

Perhaps the five Mahmood family members from Iraq, whom Aizenberg identified as fellow genocide experts, were responsible?

As the considerable media coverage proved, the inference of credibility that an organization like the IAGS possesses is a powerful weapon in the hands of anti-Israel activists posing as renowned experts in their field.

Too many organizations, including media, unions, trade associations, and others, have been hijacked by people hell bent on subverting everything to the Palestinian cause. And they’ll stop at nothing to blacken Israel’s name.

The author is the Editorial Director of HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

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Why Israel Matters: A Question Every Jewish Educator Should Be Asking This Year

Illustrative photo of a university classroom. Photo: Public domain.

Disorderly classrooms, tarps, and paint buckets gave the school that unmistakable neglected look of summer. While the building itself lay dormant, I was there to train a group of educators who were fully awake: animated, thoughtful, and already immersed in planning for the coming year.

Their minds weren’t just on class schedules or supplies. They were wrestling with something far more complex: how their work will intersect with the painful social and cultural realities unfolding both inside and outside the walls of their institutions, and how to navigate the responsibility of mediating between those forces and the needs of their learners. Among the most urgent of those questions was how — or even whether — to talk about Israel.

It happened that this particular training session took place in Jerusalem, but it has become clear to me that Israeli educators are asking the same questions as their Diaspora colleagues in schools, youth groups, synagogues, and college campuses around the world:  

How do we help our learners grapple with the challenges unfolding in and around Israel? 

How much should we allow the outside world to shape the internal curriculum of our institutions? 

What if we say the wrong thing? 

What if we’re not even sure what we believe anymore?

As Jewish educators, we know how charged these questions have become. In today’s polarized climate, it often feels easier to say nothing than to risk saying something that could be seen as divisive or controversial. But that silence comes at a cost. For our learners, who are navigating their own swirling questions about identity, belonging, and what Israel means to them, our avoidance doesn’t feel neutral. It feels like confusion — or worse, fear.

The problem is that in a time of war, division, and rising fear, it is neither possible nor sustainable to ignore the realities of our current moment. That’s why I believe this is exactly the moment for us, as Jewish educators, to start talking — openly and personally — about what Israel means to us. I am not talking about analyzing geopolitics, or giving a learned exposition of the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict, or knowing the ins and outs of what all sides in the conflict are claiming.

Rather, I am talking about exploring and articulating our own personal relationships with Israel — however uncertain or evolving they may be, so that we can model passion, embrace multiple voices, and demonstrate commitment for our learners. Only then can we help them engage with their own questions, build understanding, and develop a meaningful, lasting connection of their own.

This process starts with answering a deceptively simple question: Why does Israel matter to me? What was the emotional memory, the inherited connection, or the Israel story that stirred something in you — even if it was pain, anger or despair?

For some of us, the answer comes easily. For others, it’s tangled, unclear, or still taking shape. Sometimes, the answer is simply, “I don’t know yet.” But asking the question — honestly and without judgment — is the first step toward clarity. And that clarity is what gives educators the grounding we need to support our learners through their own journeys.

I recently saw this approach in action at a conference attended by prominent, deeply experienced Jewish educators and communal leaders. One session brought together five thoughtful, diverse, and inspiring voices — each offering a unique perspective on why Israel matters to them.

One spoke about how her connection to Israel was rooted in the power of family; another reflected on the way his dual identity — as an Israeli and an American — has shaped his understanding of responsibility and power. A third described seeing Judaism and Israel as irrevocably intertwined. Then his colleague shared a powerful story about visiting Israel as a Black Jew by choice, with children who speak fluent Hebrew.

The final panelist shared the story of her Israel activism, which has taken her on a long journey both to and from Israel. Each story was powerful in itself, and — when heard together — they modeled how Israel can actually be a vessel that brings us together in understanding and human empathy, rather than driving us apart through polarization and alienation. 

One educator in the audience, Ariele Mortkowitz from Washington, D.C., and the founder of Svivah, a diverse, grass-roots community of Jewish women, reflected on how listening to all of these voices could serve as a powerful tool in her own teaching.

She learned how receiving something authentic and emotional, even when it feels risky, can open up a different kind of environment for connection. “The personal space allows people to listen better — with more curiosity and empathy — when it’s a story filled with emotion,” she said, adding: “Even if our politics differ, the mutual caring about Israel creates a place of sharing and makes it possible to find similarity.”

When educators go through this kind of process — when we explore what Israel means to us, in our own words and on our own terms — we create a foundation strong enough to hold others. We become role models for how to stay in the conversation, even when it’s uncomfortable.

For example, Yakir Englander, one of the presenters, and an expert in Jewish philosophy who focuses on leadership development for the Israeli American Council, described how the exercise pushed him to confront his own truth.

“There was something about the time pressure that forced me to be honest and authentic with myself — asking what I dare to say in wartime, and what is inappropriate to say,” he explained. “But knowing that beside me were speakers who are each beloved members of the community — people who know how to speak from love — was critical.” 

This process isn’t about reaching consensus or arriving at neat conclusions. It’s about creating the conditions for honest, values-based engagement — first within ourselves, and then within our classrooms and communities. The point isn’t to agree on language or politics, but to practice showing up and expressing ourselves and listening to others with integrity, curiosity, and care.

That’s what allows us to support our learners as they begin their own journeys of questioning and connection. Once we better understand our own convictions — even if those convictions are evolving — we’re better equipped to hold space for others.

This coming year will not be an easy one. Jewish students will continue to face scrutiny, pressure, and painful questions about who they are and what they believe — from themselves, fellow Jews, and non-Jews. Our job as educators is not to hand them answers, but to model what it looks like as we search for our own truths with courage and humility.

So let’s start by asking ourselves: Why does Israel matter to me? Let’s make space for the answers that arise — and get prepared to share them.

Clare Goldwater is the Chief Strategy Officer of M²: The Institute for Experiential Jewish Education.

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