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New York Times Tackles ‘The Plight of the Palestinian Scientist’
The New York Times building in New York City. Photo: Wikimedia Commons
An astounding feature of anti-Israel bias in the New York Times is the way it infects nearly every corner of the news organization—not only front-page foreign coverage or the opinion pages, but even the movie reviews, the food section, the dance criticism in the arts section. The latest department of the newspaper to join the anti-Israel chorus is the Times‘ Science section.
That section of the Times is usually a mixture of two main things. There’s rare-animal and outer-space photography destined for middle-school science class bulletin boards. And there’s exercise and wellness tips aimed at prolonging the longevity of, and subscription revenue from, the Times‘ aging readers.
Yet under the online headline “The Plight of the Palestinian Scientist,” a recent Times science section featured profiles of “four Palestinian researchers” who “describe how conflict in Gaza and the West Bank has hindered their careers in science and medicine.”
This is a fine example of how instead of writing a straight-down-the-middle, evenhanded article describing how the conflict has adversely affected both Israeli and Palestinian scientists, the Times is instead emphasizing articles that are designed to be clicked on and shared on social media by sympathizers to one side of the conflict or the other. The Times may argue that altogether its coverage presents a balanced and complete picture of the costs on both sides of the war. But because many people consume the coverage “off platform” — going directly to an individual story via social media or email sharing, rather than reading all Times coverage on a topic — the decision to highlight four Palestinians instead of, say, two Palestinian scientists and two Israeli scientists, gives readers only part of the story.
Israeli scientists, too, after all, have had their work disrupted by military obligations, by incoming rocket, drone, and missile attacks, by having students and family members kidnapped and killed in battle and called up for military service. The Times article mentions none of that, focusing only on the problems of the Palestinians.
For people whose careers have supposedly been “hindered,” some of the Times-interviewed scientists seem to be doing fairly well for themselves. One is a surgeon who the Times says studied and researched at Oxford and Harvard. Maybe without all the hindering he could have made it to train at some more genuinely impressive institution, like Yeshiva University?
The Times coverage is remarkably naive, and seems to think Times readers are, too. The paper writes that “experimental tools can be difficult to import into the West Bank and Gaza, because some equipment needed for research can also be used for military purposes. Israel classifies such goods as ‘dual use’ and requires special permission for civilians in the Palestinian territories to procure them.”
It’s not only Israel, though, that classifies goods as dual use. The United Kingdom, European Union, and United States all have similar systems. The Times doesn’t inform its readers of that, instead making it sound like Israel is uniquely cruel. And the Israeli concern is not merely theoretical, abstract, or imaginary. Israel has been attacked in deadly fashion and in recent years with rockets and through tunnels made from metal and concrete diverted from civilian purposes to military use.
The Times features a 50-year-old organic chemist at the Islamic University of Gaza complaining he’s had a hard time obtaining “chemicals with which to conduct sophisticated experiments.”
The Times does report that “last year, the Islamic University of Gaza, accused by the Israel Defense Forces of being a training camp for Hamas, was destroyed by Israeli airstrikes. Dr. Morjan’s teaching and research have since come to a halt.” The Times has the scientist discuss how “the lack of resources in Gaza has limited his research output,” but it doesn’t ask him to discuss whether Hamas was indeed putting his university at risk by using it as a training camp, or whether one reason for the “lack of resources” is that Hamas has devoted so many of Gaza’s resources to waging terrorist warfare against Israel.
Can the Israelis really be reasonably faulted for restricting the flow of chemicals to the Islamic University of Gaza, in light of the real risks that they might be diverted and used to develop chemical or biological weapons for use against Israel? The Times sure tries, but it is quite a stretch.
There are lots of good reasons to pray for an Israeli complete victory followed by peace in the Middle East. Somewhere low down on the list, but nonetheless there, is the hope that the Times science section can revert to its prewar practices of covering pandas and planets, penicillin and prostates, rather than accusing Israel of causing Palestinians pain.
Ira Stoll was managing editor of The Forward and North American editor of The Jerusalem Post. His media critique, a regular Algemeiner feature, can be found here.
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US Immigration Judge Rules Palestinian Columbia Student Khalil Can Be Deported
Mahmoud Khalil speaks to members of media about the Revolt for Rafah encampment at Columbia University during the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza, in New York City, US, June 1, 2024. Photo: Jeenah Moon via Reuters Connect
A US immigration judge ruled on Friday that Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil can be deported, allowing President Donald Trump’s administration to proceed with its effort to remove the Columbia University student from the United States a month after his arrest in New York City.
The ruling by Judge Jamee Comans of the LaSalle Immigration Court in Louisiana was not a final determination of Khalil’s fate. But it represented a significant victory for the Republican president in his efforts to deport foreign pro-Palestinian students who are in the United States legally and, like Khalil, have not been charged with any crime.
Citing the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, Trump-appointed US Secretary of State Marco Rubio determined last month that Khalil could harm American foreign policy interests and should be deported for his “otherwise lawful” speech and activism.
Comans said that she did not have the authority to overrule a secretary of state. The judge denied a motion by Khalil’s lawyers to subpoena Rubio and question him about the “reasonable grounds” he had for his determination under the 1952 law.
The judge’s decision came after a combative 90-minute hearing held in a court located inside a jail complex for immigrants surrounded by double-fenced razor wire run by private government contractors in rural Louisiana.
Khalil, a prominent figure in the anti-Israel student protest movement that has roiled Columbia’s New York City campus, was born in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria, holds Algerian citizenship and became a US lawful permanent resident last year. Khalil’s wife is a US citizen.
For now, Khalil remains in the Louisiana jail where federal authorities transferred him after his March 8 arrest at his Columbia University apartment building some 1,200 miles (1,930 km) away. Comans gave Khalil’s lawyers until April 23 to apply for relief before she considers whether to issue a deportation order. An immigration judge can rule that a migrant cannot be deported because of possible persecution in a home country, among other limited grounds.
In a separate case in New Jersey, US District Judge Michael Farbiarz has blocked deportation while he considers Khalil’s claim that his arrest was made in violation of the US Constitution’s First Amendment protections for freedom of speech.
KHALIL ADDRESSES THE JUDGE
As Comans adjourned, Khalil leaned forward, asking to address the court. Comans hesitated, then agreed.
Khalil quoted her remarks at his hearing on Tuesday that nothing was more important to the court than “due process rights and fundamental fairness.”
“Clearly what we witnessed today, neither of these principles were present today or in this whole process,” Khalil said. “This is exactly why the Trump administration has sent me to this court, a thousand miles away from my family.”
The judge said her ruling turned on an undated, two-page letter signed by Rubio and submitted to the court and to Khalil’s counsel.
Khalil’s lawyers, appearing via a video link, complained they were given less than 48 hours to review Rubio’s letter and evidence submitted by the Trump administration to Comans this week. Marc Van Der Hout, Khalil’s lead immigration attorney, repeatedly asked for the hearing to be delayed. Comans reprimanded him for what the judge said was straying from the hearing’s purpose, twice saying he had “an agenda.”
Comans said that the 1952 immigration law gave the secretary of state “unilateral judgment” to make his determination about Khalil.
Khalil should be removed, Rubio wrote, for his role in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”
Rubio’s letter did not accuse Khalil of breaking any laws, but said the State Department can revoke the legal status of immigrants who could harm US foreign policy interests even when their beliefs, associations or statements are “otherwise lawful.”
After Comans ended the hearing, several of Khalil’s supporters wept as they left the courtroom. Khalil stood and smiled at them, making a heart shape with his hands.
Khalil has said criticism of the US government’s support of Israel is being wrongly conflated with antisemitism. His lawyers told the court they were submitting into evidence Khalil’s interviews last year with CNN and other news outlets in which he denounces antisemitism and other prejudice.
His lawyers have said the Trump administration was targeting him for protected speech including the right to criticize American foreign policy.
“Mahmoud was subject to a charade of due process, a flagrant violation of his right to a fair hearing and a weaponization of immigration law to suppress dissent,” Van Der Hout said in a statement after the hearing.
The American immigration court system is run and its judges are appointed by the US Justice Department, separate from the government’s judicial branch.
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Hamas Releases Video of Israeli-American Hostage Held in Gaza
FILE PHOTO: Yael, Adi and Mika Alexander, the family of Edan Alexander, the American-Israeli and Israel Defense Forces soldier taken hostage during the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas, pose for a photograph during an interview with Reuters at the Alexander’s home in Tenafly, New Jersey, U.S., December 14, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Stephani Spindel/File Photo
Hamas on Saturday released a video purportedly of Israeli-American hostage Edan Alexander, who has been held in Gaza since he was captured by Palestinian terrorists on October 7, 2023.
In the undated video, the man who introduces himself as Edan Alexander states he has been held in Gaza for 551 days. The man questions why he is still being held and pleads for his release.
Alexander is a soldier serving in the Israeli military.
The edited video was released as Jews began to mark Passover, a weeklong holiday that celebrates freedom. Alexander’s family released a statement acknowledging the video that said the holiday would not be one of freedom as long as Edan and the 58 other hostages in Gaza remained in captivity.
Hamas has released several videos over the course of the war of hostages begging to be released. Israeli officials have dismissed past videos as propaganda that is designed to put pressure on the government. The war is in its eighteenth month.
Hamas released 38 hostages under a ceasefire that began on January 19. In March, Israel’s military resumed its ground and aerial campaign on Gaza, abandoning the ceasefire after Hamas rejected proposals to extend the truce without ending the war.
Israeli officials say that campaign will continue until the remaining 59 hostages are freed and Gaza is demilitarized. Hamas insists it will free hostages only as part of a deal to end the war and has rejected demands to lay down its arms.
The US, Qatar and Egypt are mediating between Hamas and Israel.
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Some Progress in Hostage Talks But Major Issues Remain, Source tells i24NEWS
Demonstrators hold signs and pictures of hostages, as relatives and supporters of Israeli hostages kidnapped during the Oct. 7, 2023 attack by Hamas protest demanding the release of all hostages in Tel Aviv, Israel, Feb. 13, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Itai Ron
i24 News – A source familiar with the ongoing negotiations for a hostage deal confirmed to i24NEWS on Friday that some progress has been made in talks, currently taking place with Egypt, including the exchange of draft proposals. However, it remains unclear whether Hamas will ultimately accept the emerging framework. According to the source, discussions are presently focused on reaching a cohesive outline with Cairo.
A delegation of senior Hamas officials is expected to arrive in Cairo tomorrow. While there is still no finalized draft, even Arab sources acknowledge revisions to Egypt’s original proposal, reportedly including a degree of flexibility in the number of hostages Hamas is willing to release.
The source noted that Hamas’ latest proposal to release five living hostages is unacceptable to Israel, which continues to adhere to the “Witkoff framework.” At the core of this framework is the release of a significant number of hostages, alongside a prolonged ceasefire period—Israel insists on 40 days, while Hamas is demanding more. The plan avoids intermittent pauses or distractions, aiming instead for uninterrupted discussions on post-war arrangements.
As previously reported, Israel is also demanding comprehensive medical and nutritional reports on all living hostages as an early condition of the deal.
“For now,” the source told i24NEWS, “Hamas is still putting up obstacles. We are not at the point of a done deal.” Israeli officials emphasize that sustained military and logistical pressure on Hamas is yielding results, pointing to Hamas’ shift from offering one hostage to five in its most recent agreement.
Negotiators also assert that Israel’s demands are fully backed by the United States. Ultimately, Israeli officials are adamant: no negotiations on the “day after” will take place until the hostage issue is resolved—a message directed not only at Hamas, but also at mediators.
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